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New approaches to British imperial history and the rise of Atlantic history have had a strong influence on historians specializing in the history of the British-colonized Caribbean during the era of slavery. Caribbean scholars have always stressed the importance of transatlantic and colonial connections, but these new perspectives have encouraged historians to rethink the ways that Caribbean colonies and the imperial metropole shaped one another and to reconsider the place of the Caribbean region within wider Atlantic and global contexts. Attention to transatlantic links has become especially important in new work on abolition and emancipation. Scholars have also focused more of their attention on white colonizing elites, looking in particular at colonial identities and at strategies of control. Meanwhile, recent calls for pan-Caribbean approaches to the history of the region are congruent with pleas for more detailed and nuanced understandings of the development of slave and post-slave societies, focusing on specifically Caribbean themes while setting these in their wider imperial, Atlantic, and global contexts.

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1 The categorization, ‘British-colonized Caribbean’, strikes me as the most appropriate for those parts of the Caribbean under British rule. It is somewhat unwieldy, however, and I have tended to use British Caribbean as serviceable shorthand.

2 Mintz Sidney W., ‘Enduring substances, trying theories: the Caribbean region as oikoumenê’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 2 (1996), pp. 289311, at p. 292.

3 Mintz Sidney W., Three ancient colonies: Caribbean themes and variations (Cambridge, MA, 2010), p. 6.

4 See Mintz, ‘Enduring substances’; Juanita De Barros, Audra Diptee, and David V. Trotman, ‘Introduction’, in Juanita De Barros, Audra Diptee, and David V. Trotman, eds., Beyond fragmentation: perspectives on Caribbean history (Princeton, NJ, 2006), pp. xi–xxiv, at pp. xi–iii.

5 Mulcahy Matthew, Hurricanes and society in the British Greater Caribbean (Baltimore, MD, 2006); McNeill J. R., Mosquito empires: ecology and war in the Greater Caribbean, 1620–1914 (Cambridge, 2010).

6 Burnard Trevor and Morgan Kenneth, ‘The dynamics of the slave market and slave purchasing patterns in Jamaica, 1655–1788’, William and Mary Quarterly, 58 (2001), pp. 205–28, at p. 207.

7 J. R. Ward, ‘The British West Indies in the age of abolition, 1748–1815’, in P. J. Marshall, ed., The Oxford history of the British empire: the eighteenth century (Oxford, 1998), pp. 415–39, at p. 433; Draper Nicholas, The price of emancipation: slave-ownership, compensation and British society at the end of slavery (Cambridge, 2009), p. 139. There was variation in population structure across the region. For example, in 1815 in Barbados, enslaved people were about 70 per cent of the population. The corresponding figure for Jamaica was 85 per cent, for Demerara it was 93 per cent. The Emancipation Bill, passed by the British parliament in 1833, dictated that enslaved people would remain in the service of their former masters as part of a system of ‘apprenticeship’, which was lifted in 1838.

8 See Gilroy Paul, The black Atlantic: modernity and double consciousness (Cambridge, MA, 1993); Dubois Laurent and Scott Julius S., eds., Origins of the black Atlantic (London, 2010). See also Lauren Benton, ‘The British Atlantic in global context’, in David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick, eds., The British Atlantic world (Basingstoke, 2009; 1st edn 2002), pp. 271–89.

9 Higman B. W., Writing West Indian histories (London and Basingstoke, 1999). See also Higman B. W., ed., General history of the Caribbean, vi: methodology and historiography of the Caribbean (London and Oxford, 1999).

10 For some examples of British imperial histories of the Caribbean see Burn W. L., Emancipation and apprenticeship in the British West Indies (London, 1937); Pares Richard, A West India fortune (London, 1950). Significant American publications include Pitman Frank Wesley, The development of the British West Indies, 1700–1763 (New Haven, CT, 1917); Ragatz Lowell Joseph, The fall of the planter class in the British Caribbean, 1763–1833 (New York, NY, 1928).

11 Burn, Emancipation and apprenticeship, p. 9.

12 See Curtin Philip D., The Atlantic slave trade: a census (Madison, WI, 1969). For a recent collection drawing together significant contributions to the historiography on slavery since the 1960s, see Heuman Gad and Walvin James, eds., The slavery reader (London, 2003).

13 See James C. L. R., The black Jacobins (London, 2001; first edn 1938); Williams Eric, Capitalism and slavery (London, 1964; 1st edn 1944).

14 Ibid.

15 David Eltis, Stanley Engerman, and David Richardson offered stern critiques of the argument that wealth generated in the British slave system financed the Industrial Revolution, arguing that profits derived directly from the Atlantic slave trade and Caribbean slavery were not large enough to have made a big difference in financing industrialization. See Engerman Stanley L., ‘The slave trade and British capital formation in the eighteenth century: a comment on the Williams thesis’, Business History Review, 46 (1972), pp. 430–43; David Richardson, ‘The British Empire and the Atlantic slave trade, 1660–1807’, in Marshall, ed., Oxford history of the British empire, pp. 440–64, at p. 461; Eltis David and Engerman Stanley L., ‘The importance of slavery and the slave trade to industrializing Britain’, Journal of Economic History, 60 (2000), pp. 123–44. Roger Anstey and Seymour Drescher have attacked the idea that falling plantation profits allowed new types of capitalist to administer the coup de grâce to the slave system, proposing that the plantations remained profitable before the end of the slave trade and that economics played little role in the debates over abolition. See Anstey Roger, ‘Capitalism and slavery: a critique’, Economic History Review, 21 (1968), pp. 307–20; Drescher Seymour, Econocide: British slavery in the era of abolition (Chapel Hill, NC, 2010; 1st edn 1977).

16 Such new approaches to British history intersect with the genesis of Atlantic approaches discussed below. For influential efforts by outward looking historians to recast the study of the British Isles in a wider Atlantic context, see Pocock J. G. A., ‘British history: a plea for a new subject’, Journal of Modern History, 47 (1975), pp. 601–21; Pocock J. G. A., Three British revolutions: 1641, 1688, 1776 (Princeton, NJ, 1980); Armitage David, The ideological origins of the British empire (Cambridge, 2000).

17 Wilson Kathleen, The island race: Englishness, empire and gender in the eighteenth century (London, 2003), pp. 5, 16.

18 See Wilson Kathleen, ed., A new imperial history: culture, identity and modernity in Britain and the empire, 1660–1840 (Cambridge, 2004); Hall Catherine and Rose Sonya O., eds., At home with the empire: metropolitan culture and the imperial world (Cambridge, 2006). For a critique of this position, see Porter Bernard, The absent-minded imperialists: empire, society, and culture in Britain (Cambridge, 2004).

19 Hall Catherine, Civilising subjects: metropole and colony in the English imagination, 1830–1867 (Cambridge, 2002), p. 9.

20 Ibid. Covering some of the same ground as Holt Thomas, The problem of freedom: race, labor, and politics in Jamaica and Britain, 1832–1938 (Baltimore, MD, 1992), Hall places far greater emphasis on British metropolitan discussions about empire and identity. See also Andrew Sartori's critique of Hall's culturalist approach and praise for Holt in ‘The British empire and its liberal mission’, Journal of Modern History, 78 (2006), pp. 623–42, at pp. 635–6.

21 Amussen Susan Dwyer, Caribbean exchanges: slavery and the transformation of English society, 1640–1700 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2007), quote at p. 9.

22 Amussen, Caribbean exchanges, pp. 227–36, quote at p. 230.

23 Smith S. D., Slavery, family and gentry capitalism in the British Atlantic: the world of the Lascelles, 1648–1834 (Cambridge, 2006).

24 Draper, Price of emancipation, quote at p. 278.

25 Draper's work provides a riposte to claims by W. D. Rubinstein that few large nineteenth-century British fortunes had their foundations in slavery. See Draper, Price of emancipation, p. 12.

26 Inikori J. E., Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: a study in international trade and development (Cambridge, 2002), quote at p. 479.

27 Pomeranz Kenneth, The great divergence: China, Europe, and the making of the modern world economy (Princeton, NJ, 2000), quote at p. 296; Mintz Sidney W., Sweetness and power: the place of sugar in modern history (New York, NY, 1986). See also Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution, p. 481.

28 Richard Drayton, ‘The collaboration of labour: slaves, empires, and globalizations in the Atlantic world, c. 1600–1850’, in A. G. Hopkins, ed., Globalization in world history (London, 2002), pp. 98–114, quotes at pp. 100, 102.

29 Hall, Civilising subjects, p. 107.

30 Williams, Capitalism and slavery, p. 120.

31 Drescher, Econocide. See also Ward J. R., ‘The profitability of sugar planting in the British West Indies, 1650–1834’, Economic History Review, 31 (1978), pp. 197213; John McCusker, ‘The economy of the British West Indies, 1763–1790’, in John McCusker, Essays in the economic history of the Atlantic world (London, 1997), pp. 310–30.

32 Drescher, Econocide, p. xxv.

33 Leslie Brown Christopher: Moral capital: foundations of British abolitionism (Chapel Hill, NC, 2006), especially pp. 451–62. See also O'Shaughnessy Andrew Jackson, An empire divided: the American Revolution and the British Caribbean (Philadelphia, PA, 2000), pp. 238–48.

34 Colley Linda, Britons: forging the nation, 1707–1837 (London, 2003; 1st edn 1993), pp. 350–60; Bayly C. A., Imperial meridian: the British empire and the world, 1780–1830 (London, 1989); Bickham Troy, Making headlines: the American Revolution as seen through the British press (DeKalb, IL, 2009), p. 253; Conway Stephen, The British Isles and the War of American Independence (Oxford, 2000), p. 354; Wahrman Dror, The making of the modern self: identity and culture in eighteenth-century England (New Haven, CT, and London, 2004).

35 Ryden David Beck, West Indian slavery and British abolition, 1783–1807 (Cambridge, 2009).

36 Drescher, Econocide, pp. xxiii–xxiv; Drescher Seymour, ‘Review of Ryden, West Indian slavery and British abolition’, Slavery and Abolition, 31 (2010), pp. 285–7.

37 Williams, Capitalism and slavery, p. 211.

38 Ryden, West Indian slavery, pp. 40–82 and passim; O'Shaughnessy Andrew J., ‘The formation of a commercial lobby: the West India Interest, British colonial policy and the American Revolution’, Historical Journal, 40 (1997), pp. 7195.

39 Draper, Price of emancipation, pp. 75–113; Petley Christer, Slaveholders in Jamaica: colonial society and culture during the era of abolition (London, 2009).

40 Lambert David, White creole culture, politics and identity during the age of abolition (Cambridge, 2005), p. 2.

41 Ibid., pp. 40, 61–72. See also Petley Christer, ‘“Home” and “this country”: Britishness and creole identity in the letters of a transatlantic slaveholder’, Atlantic Studies, 6 (2009), pp. 4361.

42 Altink Henrice, Representations of slave women in discourses on slavery and abolition, 1780–1838 (London, 2007); See also Paton Diana, ‘Decency, dependence and the lash: gender and the British debate over slave emancipation, 1830–1834’, Slavery and Abolition, 17 (1996), pp. 163–84.

43 Fergus Claudius, ‘“Dread of insurrection”: abolitionism, security, and labor in Britain's West Indian colonies, 1760–1823’, William and Mary Quarterly, 66 (2009), pp. 757–80.

44 Matthews Gelien, Caribbean slave revolts and the British abolition movement (Baton Rouge, LA, 2006); Williams, Capitalism and slavery, p. 208. See also, Petley, Slaveholders in Jamaica, pp. 103–50.

45 Seymour Drescher, ‘The limits of example’, in David P. Geggus, ed., The impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic world (Columbia, SC, 2001), pp. 10–14; The term ‘propaganda war’ is from Hall, Civilising subjects, p. 107.

46 Menard Russell R., ‘Reckoning with Williams: Capitalism and slavery and the reconstruction of early American history’, Callaloo, 20 (1997), pp. 791–9.

47 See Armitage and Braddick, eds., The British Atlantic world; Bailyn Bernard, Atlantic history: concept and contours (Cambridge, MA, 2005); Greene Jack P. and Morgan Philip D., eds., Atlantic history: a critical appraisal (Oxford, 2009).

48 Hornsby Stephen J., British Atlantic, American frontier: spaces of power in early modern British America (Hanover and London, 2005), p. 1.

49 Trevor Burnard, ‘The British Atlantic’, in Greene and Morgan, eds., Atlantic history, pp. 111–36, at p. 123.

50 Burnard Trevor, ‘“Prodigious riches”: the wealth of Jamaica before the American Revolution’, Economic History Review, 54 (2001), pp. 506–24; Burnard Trevor, ‘European migration to Jamaica, 1655–1780’, William and Mary Quarterly, 53 (1996), pp. 769–96; O'Shaughnessy, An empire divided.

51 Dunn Richard S., Sugar and slaves: the rise of the planter class in the English West Indies, 1624–1723 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1972); Greene Jack P., ‘The Jamaica privilege controversy, 1764–1766: an episode in the process of constitutional definition’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 22 (1994), pp. 1653; Greene Jack P., ‘Liberty, slavery, and the transformation of British identity in the eighteenth-century West Indies’, Slavery and Abolition, 21 (2000), pp. 131; Jack P. Greene,‘Liberty and slavery: the transfer of British liberty to the West Indies, 1627–1865’, in Jack P. Greene, ed., Exclusionary empire: English liberty overseas, 1600–1900 (Cambridge, 2009), pp. 50–76; Zacek Natalie, Settler society in the English Leeward Islands, 1670–1776 (Cambridge, 2010).

52 O'Shaughnessy, An empire divided. On demographic failure and its consequences, see Burnard Trevor, ‘A failed settler society: marriage and demographic failure in early Jamaica’, Journal of Social History, 28 (1994), pp. 6382; Burnard Trevor, ‘ “The countrie continues sicklie”: white mortality in Jamaica, 1655–1780’, Social History of Medicine, 12 (1999), pp. 4572; Burnard Trevor, ‘“Rioting in goatish embraces”: marriage and improvement in early British Jamaica’, History of the Family, 11 (2006), pp. 185–97.

53 See Bailyn Bernard, ‘The idea of Atlantic history’, Itinerario, 20 (1996), pp. 1944; Philip D. Morgan and Jack P. Greene, ‘Introduction: the present state of Atlantic history’, in Greene and Morgan, eds., Atlantic history, pp. 3–33.

54 See Curtin Philip D., The rise and fall of the plantation complex: essays in Atlantic history (Cambridge, 1990); Shepherd Verene A. and Beckles Hilary McD., eds., Caribbean slavery in the Atlantic world (Oxford, Princeton, NJ, and Kingston, 2000).

55 See O'Reilly William, ‘Genealogies of Atlantic history’, Atlantic Studies, 1 (2004), pp. 6684, at p. 81.

56 See Lovejoy Paul E., ed., Identity in the shadow of slavery (New York, NY, 2000); Lovejoy Paul E. and Trotman David V., eds., Transatlantic dimension of ethnicity in the African diaspora (New York, NY, 2003); Paul E. Lovejoy and David V. Trotman, ‘Enslaved Africans and their expectations of slave life in the Americas: towards a reconsideration of models of “creolisation”’, in Verene A. Shepherd and Glen L. Richards, eds., Questioning creole: creolisation discourses in Caribbean culture (Kingston, 2002), pp. 67–9; Hall Gwendolyn Midlo, Slavery and African ethnicities in the Americas: restoring the links (Chapel Hill, NC, 2005).

57 Diptee Audra, From Africa to Jamaica: the making of an Atlantic slave society, 1775–1807 (Gainesville, FL, 2010).

58 Rediker Marcus and Linebaugh Peter, The many-headed hydra: the hidden history of the revolutionary Atlantic (Boston, MA, 2000). See also Julius S. Scott, ‘ “Negroes in foreign bottoms”: sailors, slaves, and communication’, in Dubois and Scott, eds., Origins of the black Atlantic, pp. 69–98.

59 Lambert David, ‘The counter-revolutionary Atlantic: white West Indian petitions and pro-slavery networks’, Social and Cultural Geography, 6 (2005), pp. 405–20.

60 McNeill, Mosquito empires. See also Drayton Richard, Nature's government: science, imperial Britain, and the ‘improvement’ of the world (Yale, CT, 2000); Schiebinger Londa, Plants and empire: colonial bioprospecting in the Atlantic world (Cambridge, MA, 2004); Brown Vincent, The reaper's garden: death and power in the world of Atlantic slavery (Cambridge, MA, 2008).

61 Diana Paton and Pamela Scully, ‘Introduction: gender and slave emancipation in comparative perspective’, in Pamela Scully and Diana Paton, eds., Gender and slave emancipation in the Atlantic world (Durham, NC, and London, 2005), pp. 1–34, at p. 4. For important recent studies of Atlantic families and the Scottish-Atlantic world, see Pearsall Sarah, Atlantic families: lives and letters in the later eighteenth century (Oxford, 2008); Hamilton Douglas J., Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic world, 1750–1820 (Manchester, 2005).

62 Brown, Reaper's garden, pp. 5, 23, 144–56.

63 Ibid., quotes at pp. 255, 259.

64 Ibid., p. 260.

65 Knight Franklin W., The Caribbean: the genesis of a fragmented nationalism (Oxford, 1990; 1st edn 1978), p. xv.

66 Brown, Reaper's garden, p. 12; Burnard Trevor, ‘Jamaica as America, America as Jamaica: hauntings from the past in Vincent Brown's The Reaper's Garden, Small Axe, 14 (2010), pp. 200–11.

67 Goveia Elsa V., Slave society in the British Leeward Islands at the end of the eighteenth century (New Haven, CT, 1965); Patterson Orlando, The sociology of slavery: an analysis of the origins, development, and structure of negro slavery in Jamaica (London, 1967), quote at p. 9; Brathwaite Kamau, The development of creole society in Jamaica, 1770–1820 (Kingston, 2005; 1st edn 1971), quotes at pp. 212, 311; Williams, Capitalism and slavery, p. 201.

68 See Beckles Hilary McD., ‘Caribbean anti-slavery: the self-liberation ethos of enslaved blacks’, Journal of Caribbean History, 22 (1988), pp. 119; Beckles Hilary McD., Natural rebels: a social history of enslaved black women in Barbados (New Brunswick, NJ, 1989); Hilary McD. Beckles, ‘Black female slaves and white households in Barbados’, in David Barry Gaspar and Darlene Clark Hine, eds., More than chattel: black women and slavery in the Americas (Bloomington and Indianapolis, IN, 1996), pp. 111–25.

69 Higman, Writing West Indian Histories, pp. 208–15; Verene A. Shepherd, ‘ “Petticoat rebellion”? the black woman's body and voice in the struggles for freedom in colonial Jamaica’, in Alvin O. Thompson, ed., In the shadow of the plantation: Caribbean history and legacy (Kingston, 2002), pp. 17–38, at p. 34.

70 Burnard Trevor, Mastery, tyranny, and desire: Thomas Thistlewood and his slaves in the Anglo-Jamaican world (Chapel Hill, NC, 2004), quotes at pp. 7, 195. On Thistlewood, see also Hall Douglas, In miserable slavery: Thomas Thistlewood in Jamaica, 1750–1786 (London, 1989); Walvin James, The trader, the owner, the slave: parallel lives in the age of slavery (London, 2007).

71 Burnard, Mastery, tyranny, and desire, pp. 10, 264. For a similarly sombre interpretation of slavery in the US, see Dusinberre William, Them dark days: slavery in the American rice swamps (New York, NY, and Oxford, 1996).

72 Scott David, ‘Modernity that predated the modern: Sidney Mintz's Caribbean’, History Workshop Journal, 58 (2004), pp. 191210, at p. 199. See also Scott's work on the replacement of romantic historical narratives of slave liberations with bleaker, tragic narratives in Conscripts of modernity: the tragedy of colonial enlightenment (Durham, NC, 2004).

73 Diana Paton's observation that the fact that all people living in Jamaica were creoles ‘does not mean that all Jamaicans shared a culture’ seems appropriate to this case-study. Paton Diana, No bond but the law: punishment, race, and gender in Jamaican state formation, 1780–1870 (Durham, NC, and London, 2004), pp. 189–90. See also Trevor Burnard, ‘Thomas Thistlewood becomes a creole’, in Bruce Clayton and John A. Salmond, eds., Varieties of Southern history: new essays on a region and its people (Westport, CT, 1996), pp. 99–118. In some respects, these analyses bear common features with the idea of the West Indies as ‘plural society’, divided along racial lines, a model that Brathwaite criticized. See Smith M. G., The plural society in the British West Indies (Berkeley, CA, 1965); Brathwaite, The development of creole society, p. 310.

74 The British Caribbean lacks the sort of scholarly panoptic survey of the development of slave culture that is offered by Phlip D. Morgan's study Slave counterpoint: black culture in the Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill, NC, 1998), which charts the development of the tobacco areas of the Chesapeake and rice plantations of the Lowcountry from ‘infant’ to ‘mature’ slave societies.

75 Besson Jean, Matha Brae's two histories: European expansion and Caribbean culture-building in Jamaica (Chapel Hill, NC, 2004), quote at p. 319.

76 Mintz, Three ancient colonies, p. 199.

77 Paton, No bond but the law, quote at p. 5. For examples of other recent studies that seek to explore continuities between slavery and freedom, see Sheller Mimi, Democracy after slavery: black publics and peasant radicalism in Haiti and Jamaica (Gainesville, FL, 2000); Eudell Demitrius, The political languages of emancipation in the British Caribbean and the US South (Chapel Hill, NC, 2002); Hall, Civilising subjects; Newton Melanie, The children of Africa in the colonies: free people of color in Barbados in the age of emancipation (Baton Rouge, LA, 2008).

78 Paton, No bond but the law, p. 28.

79 Ibid. On free villages, see also Besson, Martha Brae; Hall, Civilising subjects, pp. 120–39.

80 Paton, No bond but the law, pp. 191–200.

81 See Shepherd Verene A., ed., Slavery without sugar: diversity in Caribbean economy and society since the seventeenth century (Gainesville, FL, 2002); Cateau Heather and Pemberton Rita, eds., Beyond tradition: reinterpreting the Caribbean historical experience (Kingston, 2006).

82 Verene A. Shepherd, ‘Land, labour and social status: non-sugar producers in Jamaica in slavery and freedom’, in Verene A. Shepherd, ed., Working slavery, pricing freedom: perspectives from the Caribbean, Africa and the African diaspora (Kingston, 2002), pp. 153–78; Venere A. Shepherd, ‘Questioning creole: domestic producers in Jamaica's plantation economy’, in Shepherd and Richards, eds., Questioning creole, pp. 167–80; Shepherd Verene A., Livestock, sugar and slavery: contested terrain in colonial Jamaica (Kingston, 2009).

83 Kathleen E. A. Monteith, ‘The labour regimen on Jamaican coffee plantations during slavery’, in Kathleen E. A. Monteith and Glen Richards, eds., Jamaica in slavery and freedom: history, heritage and culture (Kingston, 2002), pp. 259–73; Smith Simon D., ‘Coffee and the “poorer sort of people” in Jamaica during the period of slavery’, Plantation Society in the Americas, 2 (1998), pp. 227–53; Heather Cateau, ‘The new “negro” business: hiring in the British West Indies, 1750–1810’, in Thompson, ed., In the shadow of the plantation, pp. 100–20; Higman B. W., Plantation Jamaica, 1750–1850: capital and control in a colonial economy (Kingston, 2005).

84 Newton, The children of Africa in the colonies.

85 See Heuman Gad J., Between black and white: race, politics, and the free coloreds in Jamaica, 1792–1865 (Westport, CT, 1981); Handler Jerome S., The unappropriated people: freedmen in the slave society of Barbados (Baltimore, MD, 1974); Petley Christer, ‘“Legitimacy” and social boundaries: free people of colour and the social order in Jamaican slave society’, Social History, 30 (2005), pp. 481–98.

86 Newton, The children of Africa in the colonies, quote at p. 222.

87 For example, Mimi Sheller has explored ‘subaltern masculinities’ and gendered power dynamics within communities of former slaves, concluding that ‘freedmen in Jamaica strategically articulated their rights of citizenship in relation not only to white men, but also to other subaltern groups such as black women and indentured foreigners’. Mimi Sheller, ‘Acting as free men: subaltern masculinities and citizenship in postslavery Jamaica’, in Scully and Paton, eds., Gender and slave emancipation, pp. 79–98, quote at p. 80. See also Diana Paton, ‘The flight from the fields reconsidered: gender ideologies and women's labor after slavery in Jamaica’, in Gilbert M. Joseph, ed., Reclaiming the political in Latin American history: essays from the north (Durham, NC, 2001), pp. 175–204.

88 Newton, The children of Africa in the colonies, quotes at pp. 9–10.

89 Trevor Burnard, ‘ “The grand mart of the island”: the economic function of Kingston, Jamaica in the eighteenth century’, in Monteith and Richards, eds., Jamaica in slavery and freedom, pp. 225–41; Burnard and Morgan, ‘Dynamics of the slave market’.

90 Welch Pedro V., Slave society in the city: Bridgetown, Barbados, 1680–1834 (Kingston, 2003); Robertson James, Gone is the ancient glory: Spanish Town, Jamaica, 1534–2000 (Kingston, 2005).

91 De Barros, Diptee, and Trotman, ‘Introduction’, quote at p. xiii; see also Mintz, ‘Enduring substances’.

92 Knight, The Caribbean; Sidney W. Mintz, Caribbean transformations (Chicago, IL, 1974); Mintz, Three ancient colonies. For some examples of edited collections and work on the Haitian Revolution, see Gaspar David Barry and Geggus David Patrick, eds., A turbulent time: the French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean (Bloomington, IN, 1997); Heuman Gad and Trotman David V., eds., Contesting freedom: control and resistance in the post-emancipation Caribbean (Oxford, 2005); Fischer Sibylle, Modernity disavowed: Haiti and the cultures of slavery in the age of revolution (Durham, NC, 2004); Scott, ‘ “Negroes in foreign bottoms”’.

93 Juan Giusti-Cordero, ‘Beyond sugar revolutions: rethinking the Spanish Caribbean in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, in George Baca, Aisha Khan, and Stephen Palmié, eds., Empirical futures: anthropologists and historians engage the work of Sidney W. Mintz (Chapel Hill, NC, 2009), pp. 58–83, at p. 70.

94 Sheller Mimi, Consuming the Caribbean: from Arawaks to zombies (London and New York, NY, 2003), pp. 12.

95 The term ‘ghost acres’ is used by Pomeranz in The great divergence, pp. 275–6.

96 Scott, ‘Modernity that predated the modern’, p. 202.

97 Brown, Reaper's garden, p. 9.

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