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Around 1520, at the court of Henry VIII of England, a new meal type emerged. Called the ‘banquet’, this took place after the main meal, in a distinct space, and consisted of sweet foods, spiced wine, and sculptural sugarwork. Originally developing at court, the sweet banquet was quickly embraced by the nobility and gentry. This article investigates the adoption of this dining practice in the wealthy country houses of early modern England and the reasons for its popularity in this specific context. It draws on state papers, published works, and household accounts to establish the ways in which the banquet was utilized and understood by early modern elites. This evidence makes it clear that a high-status person would have expected to be entertained with a sweet banquet at any important social occasion involving their peers. An examination of the visual and material cultures associated with the banquet establishes that it was a highly effective means by which to express class status at a time of anxiety regarding social mobility. As an appropriation of the ancient symposium, it provided opportunities to engage with the intellectual and visual cultures of the classical world and the Renaissance.

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1 Anonymous, , The honourable entertainment gieuen to the Queenes Maiestie in progresse at Eluetham in Hampshire, by the right honorable the earle of Hertford (London, 1591), sigs. D3v–D4v.

2 Works which do deal with the sweet banquet include Wilson, C. Anne, ed., Banquetting stuffe: the fare and social background of the Tudor and Stuart banquet (Edinburgh, 1991); Fumerton, Patricia, Cultural aesthetics: Renaissance literature and the practice of social ornament (Chicago, IL, 1991), pp. 111–67; Meads, Chris, Banquets set forth: banqueting in English Renaissance drama (Manchester, 2001); Tracy Thong, ‘Appropriations of the early modern banquet course and informal meals in the plays of Shakespeare and his contemporaries’ (Ph.D. thesis, Loughborough, 2008); Louise Stewart, ‘The sweet banquet in early modern England’ (Ph.D. thesis, Nottingham, 2016); also see Day, Ivan, Royal sugar sculpture: 600 years of splendour (Durham, 2002).

3 The growth of interest in food history and increasing recognition of its status as a valid area of academic enquiry is exemplified in the 2012 publication by Bloomsbury of the six volume Cultural history of food. The most relevant volumes here are Albala, Ken, ed., A cultural history of food in the Renaissance (London and New York, NY, 2012); Kümin, Beat, ed., A cultural history of food in the early modern age (London and New York, NY, 2012).

4 Jeanneret, Michel, A feast of words: banquets and table talk in the Renaissance, trans. Whitelay, Jeremy and Hughes, Emma (Chicago, IL, 1991); Bertelli, Sergio, The king's body: sacred rituals of power in medieval and early modern Europe, trans. Litchfield, R. Burr (Pennsylvania, PA, 2001), pp. 191213; Albala, Ken, Food in early modern Europe (Westport, CT, 2003); Albala, Ken, The banquet: dining in the great courts of Renaissance Europe (Chicago, IL, 2007); Goldstein, David B., Eating and ethics in Shakespeare's England (Cambridge, 2013).

5 Heal, Felicity, Hospitality in early modern England (Oxford, 1990); Heal, Felicity, ‘Food gifts, the household and the politics of exchange in early modern England’, Past and Present, 199 (2008), pp. 4170; Heal, Felicity, The power of gifts: gift exchange in early modern England (Oxford, 2014).

6 Mennell, Stephen, All manners of food: eating and taste in England and France from the middle ages to the present (Chicago, IL, 1996); Mason, Laura, ed., Food and the rites of passage (Totnes, 2002); Appelbaum, Robert, Aguecheek's beef, belch's hiccup, and other gastronomic interjections: literature, culture, and food among the early moderns (Chicago, IL, 2006); Thirsk, Joan, Food in early modern England: phases, fads, fashions, 1500–1760 (London and New York, NY, 2007); Fitzpatrick, Joan, ed., Renaissance food from Rabelais to Shakespeare: culinary readings and culinary histories (Aldershot, 2010).

7 Pennell, Sara, ‘The material culture of food in early modern England, 1650–1750’, in Tarlow, S. and West, S., eds., The familiar past? Archaeologies of later historical Britain (London and New York, NY, 1999), pp. 3550; Hazard, Mary E., Elizabethan silent language (Lincoln, NB, and London, 2000); Dennis, Flora, ‘Scattered knives and dismembered song: cutlery, music and the rituals of dining’, Renaissance Studies, 24 (2010), pp. 156–84; Kennedy, Kirstin, ‘Sharing and status: the design and function of a sixteenth-century Spanish spice stand in the Victoria and Albert Museum’, Renaissance Studies, 24 (2010), pp. 124–55; Wall, Wendy, ‘Household “writing” or the joys of carving’, in Bach, Rebecca Ann and Kennedy, Gwynne, eds., Feminisms and early modern texts: essays for Phyllis Rankin (Selsingrove, PA, 2010), pp. 2542; Pennell, Sara, ‘Getting down from the table: early modern foodways and material culture’, in Richardson, Catherine, Hamling, Tara, and Gaimster, Richard, eds., The Routledge handbook of material culture in early modern Europe (London and New York, NY, 2017), pp. 185–95.

8 On the void, see Glanville, Philippa, Silver in Tudor and early Stuart England: a social history and catalogue of the national collection (London, 1990), p. 217; C. Anne Wilson, ‘The evolution of the banquet course: some medicinal, culinary and social aspects’, in Wilson, ed. Banquetting stuffe, pp. 10–11.

9 Day, Royal sugar sculpture, p. 17; Ross, L. B., ‘Beyond eating: political and personal significance of the entremets at the banquets of the Burgundian court’, in Tomasik, Timothy J. and Vitullo, Julian M., eds., At the table: metaphorical and material cultures of food in medieval and early modern Europe (Turnhout, 2007), pp. 145–66; Normore, Christina, A feast for the eyes: art, performance and the late medieval banquet (Chicago, IL, and London, 2015), p. 50.

10 Janse, A. and Van Winter, J. M., ‘Ein bruilhoftsmaal aan het Hollandse hof in 1369’, Jaarboek voor middeleeuwse geschiedenis, 3 (2000), pp. 162–95.

11 Flandarin, Jean-Louis, Arranging the meal, trans. Johnson, Julie E. with Sylvie and Roder, Antonio (Los Angeles, CA, and London, 2007), pp. 50, 55–6; van Winter, Johanna Maria, ‘The medieval banquet’, Petit propos culinaries, 100 (2014), pp. 6370.

12 Day, Royal sugar sculpture, p. 23; McIver, Katherine, Cooking and eating in Renaissance Italy: from kitchen to table (Washington, DC, 2014), pp. 73–4.

13 Benporat, Claudio, Feste e banchetti: convivialita Italiana fra tre e quattrocento (Florence, 2001), p. 154.

14 Wilson, ‘The evolution of the banquet course’, p. 11.

15 For clarity, I have used the more frequently occurring ‘banquet’ where possible.

16 Wilson, ‘The evolution of the banquet course’, pp. 9–10.

17 Giustinian, Sebastian, Four years at the court of Henry VIII (2 vols., London, 1854), ii, p. 225.

18 Philo-Patriae, Eugenius, A succinct description of France (London, 1700), p. 39.

19 Brewer, J. S., ed., Letters and papers, foreign and domestic, of the reign of Henry VIII, iii (London, 1867), p. 281.

20 Gairdner, James and Brodie, R. H., eds., Letters and papers, foreign and domestic, of the reign of Henry VIII, xiv (London, 1894), p. 199.

21 It has long been recognized that the terms ‘dinner’ and ‘supper’ had very specific meanings. Dinner was the main meal, usually served between midday and 2pm, while supper was a lighter meal, eaten later, usually between 5pm and 6pm. The term ‘feast’ also had specific connotations, being used to refer to meals served on saints’ days and other religious holidays, as well as the holidays themselves. Albala, Food in early modern Europe, p. 231; Alison A. Smith, ‘Family and domesticity’, in Albala, ed., A cultural history of food in the Renaissance, p. 143; Woolgar, C. M., The culture of food in England 1200–1500 (New Haven, CT, and London, 2016), pp. 1215.

22 Letters and papers foreign and domestic of the reign of Henry VIII, various editors (28 vols., London, 1864–1920),, accessed 9 Dec. 2015.

23 Lemon, Robert and Everett, Mary Anne, eds., Calendar of state papers, domestic: Edward, Mary and Elizabeth (8 vols., London, 1856–72),, accessed 11 Aug. 2016; and Calendar of the Cecil papers in Hatfield House (24 vols., London, 1883–1976),, accessed 11 Aug. 2016. The apparent decline of the term ‘banquet’ in the Elizabethan state papers does not reflect the relatively higher number of banquets taking place during progresses and beyond the court in the later sixteenth century.

24 Everett, Mary Anne, ed., Calendar of state papers, domestic: James I (4 vols., London, 1853–9),, accessed 9 Dec. 2015; Calendar of state papers domestic: Charles I, various editors (23 vols., London, 1858–97),, accessed 9 Dec. 2015.

25 Calendar of state papers domestic: Charles II, various editors (28 vols., London, 1860–1939),, accessed 9 Dec. 2015; Timings, E. K., ed., Calendar of state papers domestic: James II (3 vols., London, 1960–72),, accessed 9 Dec. 2015.

27 On this, see Stewart, ‘The sweet banquet’, pp. 45–7, 237–9.

28 Bennit, William, God only exalted in his own work (London, 1664), pp. 1011.

29 Stewart, ‘The sweet banquet’, pp. 42–4

30 On banqueting houses, see Girouard, Mark, Life in the English country house: a social and architectural history (New Haven, CT, and London, 1978), p. 106; Woodfield, Paul, ‘Early buildings in gardens in England’, in Brown, A. E., ed., Garden archaeology (London, 1991), p. 124; Henderson, Paula, ‘The architecture of the Tudor garden’, Garden History, 27 (1999), p. 60; Girouard, Mark, Elizabethan architecture: its rise and fall, 1540–1640 (New Haven, CT, and London, 2009), pp. 105, 251–2. For a table of surviving and documented banqueting houses, see Stewart, ‘The sweet banquet’, appendix 2.

31 Durant, David N. and Riden, Philip, eds., The building of Hardwick Hall, Part 2: The New Hall, 1591–1598 (Chesterfield, 1984), pp. 232, 261.

32 Chatsworth, Hardwick MS 23, fos. 180, 29, 42, 97, 142; 10a, fo. 32.

33 Ibid. MS 23, fo. 136v.

34 The exact date(s) of these buildings are unclear; however, recent archaeological work by English Heritage has suggested that they were built in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth centuries. See Newsome, Sarah et al. , Ashby de la Zouch Castle, Leicestershire: a multidisciplinary investigation of the castle garden, English Heritage Research Department Report Series no. 52 (Portsmouth, 2008). Paula Henderson has identified two of these garden buildings as banqueting houses in The Tudor house and garden: architecture and landscape in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (New Haven, CT, and London, 2005), p. 160.

35 Bickley, Francis, ed., Report on the manuscripts of the late Reginald Rawdon Hastings esq. of the manor house, Ashby de la Zouche (4 vols., London, 1928), i, p. 376.

36 Ibid., p. 404. The Ashby manuscripts were sold to the Huntington Library in California in the early twentieth century and have yet to be fully catalogued. The report provides transcriptions of only a small number of the 100,000 or so documents which make up this archive, so the information provided here can only provide a snapshot of consumption at Ashby.

37 Carrington, W. A., ‘Selections from the Stewards' accounts preserved at Haddon Hall for the years 1549 and 1594’, Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, 16 (1894), p. 69. At this date sugar was included in the category of spice.

38 University of Nottingham Middleton MS MiA 69, fo. 41v.

39 Ibid., fos. 8v, 12r.

40 For the price and availability of sugar in England, see Deerr, Noel, The history of sugar (2 vols., London, 1949), ii, pp. 528–9; Woolgar, The culture of food in England, pp. 95–9.

41 Carew, Richard, Carew's survey of Cornwall (London and Plymouth, 1811 (first published 1602)), pp. 253–4.

42 Howard, Maurice, The early Tudor country house: architecture and politics, 1490–1550 (London, 1987), pp. 72–3; Heal, Hospitality in early modern England, pp. 29–32; Friedman, Alice T., ‘Architecture, authority, and the female gaze: planning and representation in the early modern country house’, Assemblage, 18 (1992), pp. 43–4; Hills, Helen, ‘Theorizing the relationships between architecture and gender in early modern Europe’, in Hills, Helen, ed., Architecture and the politics of gender in early modern Europe (Aldershot and Burlington, VT, 2003), pp. 322.

43 Fumerton, Cultural aesthetics, p. 124.

44 Pinto, Edward H., Treen and other wooden bygones: an encyclopaedia and social history (London, 1969), pp. 7981; Forsyth, Hazel, ‘Trenchers and porringers’, in Glanville, Philippa and Young, Hillary, eds., Elegant eating: four hundred years of dining in style (London, 2002), pp. 42–3.

45 Smith, ‘Family and domesticity’, pp. 146–7; Woolgar, The culture of food in England, p. 189.

46 Steel fork with agate handle and engraved silver mounts, inscribed ‘DEMOREES 1599’, English, 1599, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, WA1947.191.267.

47 A 1542 inventory of Whitehall palace lists ‘nyne spice plates of grene and blewe glassw … iii of them being partly gilt’ and the 1547 inventory of Henry VIII's goods lists numerous spice plates made of precious metals and glass, and several gilded forks: The inventory of King Henry VIII: Society of Antiquaries MS 129 and British Library MS Harley 1419. The transcript, ed. Starkey, David et al. (2 vols., London, 1998), i, pp. 3940, 428–9. Accounts from the Field of the Cloth of Gold include a payment for ‘16 glasses for soteilties’, Brewer, ed., Letters and papers, iii, p. 336. A banquet which accompanied a mummery at court in 1520 was served on gold and silver plate. Ibid., pp. 239–40. An account of the royal Jewel House of 1532–3 lists eighty-one spice plates of silver and silver gilt. The National Archives (TNA) E36/85, fo. 34v. On the serving of spice, also see Glanville, Silver in Tudor and early Stuart England, pp. 110, 214–17; Kennedy, ‘Sharing and status’.

48 For examples of spice boxes in inventories, see Nichols, John G., ed., The Unton inventories: relating to Wadley and Faringdon, co. Berks., in the years 1596 and 1620, from the originals in the possession of Earl Ferrers. With a memoir of the family of Unton (Berkshire, 1841), pp. 26, 27; Inventory of the goods of the countess of Leicester, made in 1634–5, from the original roll on vellum’, in Halliwell, James Orchard, ed., Ancient inventories of furniture, pictures, tapestry, plate &c. illustrative of the domestic manners of the English in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (London, 1854), p. 8; Chute, Chaloner W., A history of the Vyne in Hampshire (London, 1888), p. 54.

49 As is suggested in the catalogue entry available at, accessed 29 Mar. 2015.

50 Wiltshire and Swindon History Centre, Lacock MS (2664) box 8: Anne Talbot's book of sugarwork and preserves (uncatalogued), recipe 62: To Make a Marchpane.

51 Taylor, Valerie, ‘Banquet plate and Renaissance culture: a day in the life’, Renaissance Studies, 19 (1995), pp. 621–33; Smith, ‘Family and domesticity’, pp. 148–9.

52 The classic study of this process is Norbert Elias, The civilizing process: the history of manners, trans. Jephcott, Edmund (New York, NY, 1978). For more recent work dealing with these developments, see Bryson, Anna, From courtesy ot civility: changing codes of conduct in early modern England (Oxford, 1998); Withington, Phil, Society in early modern England: the vernacular origins of some powerful ideas (Cambridge, 2010), pp. 186–92.

53 Erasmus's De civilitate monum puerilium was translated into English as A lytell booke of good manners for children by Robert Whittington in 1532, and the same author published a translation of Cicero's De officis in 1534. Thomas Hoby's translation of Castiglione's Book of the courtier was published in 1561, and translations of Della Casa's Treaties of the manners and behaviours and Stefan Guazzo's The civil conversation appeared in 1578 and 1571 respectively.

54 Dennis, ‘Scattered knives and dismembered song’.

55 Goldthwaite, Richard A., ‘The economic and social world of italian Renaissance maiolica’, Renaissance Quarterly, 42 (1989), pp. 23–6; Dennis, ‘Scattered knives and dismembered song’, p. 176.

56 Ibid.

57 Salter, T. A mirrhor mete for all mothers, matrones and maidens (London, 1578), p. 25.

58 As outlined in the catalogue entry, available at, accessed 25 May 2015.

59 Watson, G. and Willison, I. R., The new Cambridge bibliography of English literature (5 vols., Cambridge, 1969–77), ii, p. 1354.

60 The verses are printed in full in Davies, John, The complete poems of Sir John Davies (2 vols., London, 1876), ii, pp. 6571.

61 In this introduction, Elyot also draws a clear distinction between ‘dinner’, ‘supper’, and the banquet. Elyot, Thomas, The banket of sapience gathered oute of dyuers and many godlye authoures (London, 1539), sig. A2r–v.

62 On the availability of these sources at the time, see Shackford, Martha Hale, Plutarch in Renaissance England (Wellesley, 1929), pp. 22–4; Jayne, Sears, Plato in Renaissance England (Dordecht, 1995), pp. 85–8; Schurink, Fred, ‘Print, patronage and occasion: translations of Plutarch's “Moralia” in Tudor England’, The Yearbook of English Studies, 38 (2008), pp. 86101. Although Plutarch's Moralia were not translated into English in full until 1603, Schurink presents evidence for their circulation in manuscript form before this date. Elyot would have known Xenophon's Symposium in Greek, although it was translated into Latin by Janua Cornarius in 1548, in a work which makes explicit comparisons between ancient and early modern convivia. De conviviorum (Basel, 1548). Plato's Symposium was available in Latin from 1484.

63 For secondary literature on ancient symposia and convivia, see Rösler, Wolfgang, ‘Wine and truth in the ancient Greek symposium’, in Murray, O. and Tucusan, M., eds., In vino veritas (London, 1995), pp. 106–12; Konstan, D., Friendship in the classical world (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 44–7; Dunbabin, Katherine M., The Roman banquet: images of conviviality (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 45. On the Renaissance appropriation of the symposium, see Jeanneret, A feast of words, esp. pp. 16–48; Quiviger, François, ‘A Spartan academic banquet in Siena’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 54 (1991), pp. 206–25; Goldstein, Claudia, Pieter Brueghel and the culture of the early modern dinner party (Burlington, VT, and Farnham, 2013), pp. 1314. Goldstein also demonstrates that Thomas More attended humanist dinner parties in Antwerp. Although the sweet banquet as a recreation of the symposium has not been studied before, it has been recognized that societies connected with the Inns of Court, universities, and London taverns were concerned with reviving classical cultures of revelry and used Xenophon and Plutarch as sources. See O'Callaghan, Michelle, The English wits: literature and sociability in early modern England (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 5, 60.

64 This number of participants is suggested by the size of surviving banqueting houses and the fact that banqueting trenchers are usually found in sets of twelve.

65 Jeanneret, A feast of words, pp. 1–2.

66 Elyot, The banket of sapience, sig. A2v.

67 Platt, Hugh, Delights for ladies to adorn their persons, tables closets and distillatories (London, 1594), recipe 18; Ruthven, Thomas, The ladies cabinet enlarged and opened (London, 1655), p. 21. These authors do not describe the ways in which these items may have been used, so any speculation with regard to this is necessarily conjectural.

68 Murrel, John, A daily exercise for ladies and gentlewomen (London, 1617), recipe 89. Roman letter forms would also have been easier to sculpt than other contemporary scripts.

69 The closet for ladies and gentlewomen (London, 1608), p. 33.

70 Accession number AN2009.6.

71 Sir Kinnaston, Francis, Corona Minervae: or a masque presented before Prince Charles His Highnesse, the duke of Yorke his brother, and the Lady Mary his sister, the 27th of February at the colledge of the Museum Minervae (London, 1635), sigs. C3r, C4v.

72 Florio, John, Queen Anna's new world of words or dictionarie of the Italian and English tongues (London, 1611), p. 288; Unknown Artist, Story of Pha ë ton, c. 1605, Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool, WAG 6221.

73 Henderson, Paula, ‘The loggia in Tudor and early Stuart England: the adaptation and function of classical form’, in Gent, Lucy, ed., Albion's classicism: the visual arts in Britain, 1550–1660 (New Haven, CT, and London, 1995), p. 134.

74 On banqueting at Lacock, see Stewart ‘The sweet banquet’, pp. 124–9.

75 Evett, D., Literature and the visual arts in Tudor England (Athens, GA, 1990), p. 53; Howarth, David, Images of rule: art and politics in the English Renaissance, 1485–1649 (Berkeley, CA, and Los Angeles, CA, 1997), pp. 21–2.

76 Aubrey, John, Aubrey's brief lives, ed. Dick, Oliver Lawson (London, 1949), p. 15.

77 Kurtz, Donna, ‘The concept of the classical past in Tudor and early Stuart England’, Journal of the History of Collections, 20 (2008), p. 192.

78 TNA E317/Herts., no. 26, fo. 36.

79 Husselby, Jill, ‘The politics of pleasure: William Cecil and Burghley House’, in Croft, Pauline, ed., Patronage, culture and power: the early Cecils (New Haven, CT, and London, 2002), p. 41.

80 Cooper, Nicholas, Houses of the gentry, 1480–1680 (New Haven, CT, and London, 1999), pp. 20–1.

81 Clark, Richard, ‘Knight, William (1475/6–1547)’, Oxford dictionary of national biography (Oxford, 2004; online edn, May 2005),, accessed 18 May 2015.

82 Nichols, John, The progresses and public processions of Queen Elizabeth (3 vols., London, 1823), ii, p. 59.

83 Claxton, Juliet, ‘The countess of Arundel's Dutch pranketing room: “An inventory of all the parcells or purselin, glasses and other goods now remayning in the pranketing roome at Tart Hall, 8th Sept 1641”’, Journal of the History of Collections, 22 (2010), p. 187, appendix p. 32. Claxton considers the word ‘pranketing’ to be a hybridization of ‘banquet’ and ‘pranking’ and notes that the space has many of the characteristics of the banqueting house, ibid., p. 188.

84 Ibid.

85 British Museum 1870,0514.1179–1870,0514.1190,, accessed 23 Dec. 2015.

86 Green, P. I., Humanism and Protestantism in early modern English education (Aldershot, 2009), p. 163.

87 Jardine, Lisa and Grafton, Anthony, ‘“Studied for action”: how Gabriel Harvey read his Livy’, Past and Present, 129 (1990), pp. 3078.

88 Goldstein, Pieter Brueghel and the culture of the early modern dinner party, p. 14.

89 The Godly feast’ in The colloquires of Erasmus, trans. Thompson, Craig R. (Chicago, IL, 1965), p. 76. This passage is indicative of the moral ambiguity surrounding dining practices in early modern Europe. Whilst meals could be sites for temperance and echoed the liturgy, they could also incite more troubling behaviour. The banquet, in particular, was often associated with gluttony, political conspiracy, and sexual promiscuity. A detailed exploration of these associations is beyond the scope of this article. For more, see Lloyd, Paul S., Food and identity in England, 1540–1640: eating to impress (London and New York, NY, 2015), pp. 171–6; Normore, A feast for the eyes, pp. 104–11. On banqueting in particular, see Stewart, ‘The sweet banquet’, pp. 62–5, 190–2.

90 Ibid., pp. 77–8.

91 Quiviger, ‘A Spartan academic banquet’, pp. 207, 224.

92 Boutcher, Warren, ‘Humanism and literature in late Tudor England: translation, the continental book trade and the case of Montaigne's Essais’, in Woolfson, Jonathan, ed., Reassessing Tudor humanism (Basingstoke and New York, NY, 2002), pp. 244–5; Hexter, J. H., Reappraisals in history (London, 1961), pp. 63–9; Simon, Joan, Education and society in Tudor England (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 6370, 99–155.

93 Elyot, Thomas, The boke named the governour (London, 1531). The third book is made up of ancient examples of good and bad governance. One anecdote, which warns against luxurious dining when food is in short supply, appears to refer to the contemporary practice of banqueting. It sees Augustus indulge in ‘a secret souper or banket, havynge with hym sixe noble men his frendes and sixe noble women…[they] fared sumptuously and delicately the city of Rome at that tyme being vexed with skarcitie of grayne: he therefore was rente with curses and rebukes of the people’, fo. 229r.

94 Stone, Lawrence and Stone, Jeanne C. Fawtier, An open elite? England, 1540–1880 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 1620, 399–40; Palliser, D. M., The age of Elizabeth: England under the later Tudors, 1547–1603 (London and New York, NY, 1992), p. 100.

95 Starkey, David, ‘The age of the household: politics, society and the arts, c. 1350–1550’, in Medcalf, Stephen, ed., The later middle ages (London, 1981), p. 227; Wigham, Frank, Ambition and privilege: the social tropes of Elizabethan courtesy theory (Berkeley, CA, Los Angeles, CA, and London, 1984), pp. 67; Heal, Felicity and Holmes, Clive, The gentry in England and Wales, 1500–1700 (Basingstoke and London, 1994), pp. 1016; French, Henry, ‘Gentlemen: remaking the English ruling class’, in Wrightson, Keith, ed., A social history of England, 1500–1700 (Cambridge, 2017), p. 273.

96 Sharpe, J. A., Early modern England: a social history, 1550–1760 (London, 1987), pp. 163–8; Heal and Clive, The gentry, pp. 6–10; Bryson, From courtesy to civility; Burke, Peter, Popular culture in early modern Europe (Aldershot, 2002), pp. 270–81; Lloyd, Food and identity in England, pp. 177–81; French, ‘Gentlemen’, p. 269.

97 Elyot, The governour, fos. 111–14. For more on early modern ideas of nobility, see Cooper, J. P., ‘Ideas of gentility in early modern England’, in Aylmer, G. E. and Morrill, J. S., eds., Land, men and beliefs: studies in early modern history (London, 1983), pp. 4377; Heal and Holmes, The gentry, pp. 1–17; Smuts, R. Malcolm, Culture and power in England, 1585–1685 (Basingstoke, 1999), pp. 912.

98 Wrightson, Keith, English society, 1580–1680 (London, 1983), pp. 1738; Heal and Holmes, The gentry, pp. 6–19; French, ‘Gentlemen’, pp. 269–72; Sharpe, Early modern England, p. 163.

99 French, ‘Gentlemen’.

100 Dennis, Flora, ‘Resurrecting forgotten sound: fans and handbells in early modern Italy’, in Hamling, T. and Richardson, C., eds., Everyday objects: medieval and early modern material culture and its meanings (Farnham and Burlington, VT, 2010), p. 198.

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