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On Method: An Apologia and A Plea

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 May 2014

Extract

Why yet another Africanist journal? the reader may ask. And, given the astonishin, increase in the number (now over 200) of journals devoted to Africa, the question is a fair one. Every new journal should seek to justify itself to the audience it addresses.

Despite the large number of African journals now available, not all aspects of the study of the African past are covered adequately. Because this study is so recent the emphasis, both in research itself and in the format of the journals, has been on the collection, use, and presentation of data. It cannot be denied that these procedures have been and will remain the chief concerns of historical enquiry, but they are not the only ones. The value of data obviously depends, first, on its validity, and, second, on its use. The assessment of these aspects in turn depends on the close and continued scrutiny of sources as well as on the quality of historical thought. We cannot agree with Livy, who wrote of his sources for early Roman history that “it is not worth the trouble either to affirm or to dispose of these matters [improbabilities] … we must abide by the tradition.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 1974

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References

Notes

1. Livy, , History of Rome, Preface and VIII, 6.Google Scholar

2. M. de Montaigne, “Essay on the Art of Conversation.”

3. Bloch, M., The Historian's Craft, Eng. trans. (New York, 1953), p. 100.Google Scholar

4. In this regard an encouraging sign is the recent publication in the Basler Afrika Bibliographien series of several volumes devoted to the National Archives of Ghana.

5. Great Britain Historical Manuscripts Commission, A Survey of the Archives of Selected Missionary Societies (London, 1968).Google Scholar

6. Hopkins, A.G., An Economic History of West Africa (London, 1973), p. 297.Google Scholar

7. Hess, R.L. and Coger, D.M., Semper ex Africa: A Bibliography of Primary Sources for Nineteenth-Century Tropical Africa… (Palo Alto, 1972).Google Scholar Though very strong on the German periodical publications, this work covers only very intermittently the useful material contained in the publications of the several French provincial geographical societies.

8. Bloch, , Historian's Craft, p. 110.Google Scholar Cf. Dumézil, G., Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus: Essai sur la conception indo-europpéenne de la souverainété (Paris, 1941), p. 42.Google Scholar

9. Authors of works devoted to Biblical and patristic exegesis seem particularly remiss in this respect. They seem almost inevitably to assume that only their own colleagues will ever consult their works.

10. Conversely, though, even if the scholarly study of the African past is relatively new, some of its results are interesting and impressive enough to share; yet few Africanists seem to have attempted to discuss their problems and results in general historical journals. Almost none of the more important historical journals has ever published an article dealing with tropical Africa as other than a facet of imperialism in one of its manifestations. It would appear, from editorial comments in these journals, that this omission results primarily from the fact that no submissions are received from African historians.

11. The literature is as extensive as the putative distribution of the remains. For two examples see Kendrick, T.D., St. James in Spain (London, 1960), especially pp. 13-24, 188–91Google Scholar, and Meinardus, O.F.A., “An Examination of the Traditions Pertaining to the Relics of St. Mark,” Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 36 (1970), pp. 366–74.Google Scholar

12. But see Fodor, A., “The Origins of the Arabic Legends of the Pyramids,” Acta Orientalia, 23 (Budapest, 1970), pp. 335–63.Google Scholar

13. The most extreme instance of this phenomenon may be the case of St. Philomena. From bones discovered early in the nineteenth century and mistakenly analyzed, and an epitaph which was incorrectly pieced together, there sprang an important and popular cult and an immensely detailed biography. In due course the various errors were uncovered and it became clear that no such individual had ever existed. See Thurston, H. and Attwater, D., eds., Butler's Lives of the Saints, 4 vols. (London, 1956), 3:299301Google Scholar; Leclercq, H., “Filumena,” in Cabrol, F. and Leclercq, H., eds., Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrêrienne et de liturgie, 15 vols. (Paris, 1907-1946), 5/2:1600–06Google Scholar; and ibid., sources cited.

14. For the interesting case of ‘St. Amphibalus,’ the alleged companion of St. Alban, see Saintyves, P., Essais de mythologie chrêtienne (Paris, 1907)Google Scholar; Levison, W., ’St. Alban and St. Albans,” Antiquity, 15 (1941), pp. 352–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Williamson, L.F.R., “St. Alban in History and Legend: A Critical Examination,” Bulletin of the Departments of History and Political and Economic Science, No. 11 (Kingston, Ontario: Queen's University, 1912), pp. 18.Google Scholar

15. Redford, D.B., “The Hyksos Invasion in Myth and History,” Orientalia n.s. 39 (1970), pp. 151Google Scholar; Cross, F.M., Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, Mass., 1973), pp. 85–6Google Scholar; Nicholson, E.W., Exodus and Sinai in History and Tradition (Oxford, 1973).Google Scholar For the Etruscans (invaders, migrants, or autochthones?) see Scullard, H.H., “Two Halicarnassans and a Lydian” in Ancient Society and Institutions: Studies Presented to Victor Ehrenberg (Oxford, 1966), pp. 225–31Google Scholar, and Heurgon, J., The Rise of Rome to 264 B.C. (London, 1973), pp. 225–39.Google Scholar

16. For the evidence that the ruling classes of Nanchao were not Thai speakers see Blackmore, M., “The Rise of Nan-chao in Yunnan,” Journal of Southeast Asian History, 1 (1960), pp. 47612.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. See, among others, Anastos, M.V., “Nestorius was Orthodox,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 16 (1962), pp. 117–40Google Scholar; Grillmeier, A., Christ in Christian Tradition (New York, 1965), p. 370Google Scholar; Wilken, R.L., “Scripture and Dogma in the Ancient Church,” Lutheran World, 14 (1967), pp. 169–79Google Scholar; idem, The Myth of Christian Beginnings: History's Impact on Belief (Garden City, New York, 1971), pp. 77-103, 179-84.

18. Koester, H., “The Theological Aspects of Primitive Christian Heresy,” in Robinson, J.M., ed., The Future of Our Religious Past (London, 1971), p. 68.Google Scholar

19. Most recently see McMullen, D., “Historical and Literary Theory in the Mid-Eighth Century,” in Wright, A.F. and Twitchett, D., eds., Perspectives of the T'ang (New Haven, 1973), pp. 307–42.Google Scholar

20. See, among others, Dibble, C.E., “Spanish Influence on the Nahuatl Texts of Sahagún's ‘Historiay’Akten des 34. Internationalen Amerikanistenkongresses (Vienna, 1960), pp. 244–7Google Scholar; idem, “Sahagún and His Informants,” Actas y Memorias del XXXVII Congreso International de Americanistas (Buenos Aires, 1966), 3:145-53; Padden, R.C., The Hummingbird and the Hawk: Conquest and Sovereignty in the Valley of Mexico, 1503-1541 (Columbus, 1967), pp. 213Google Scholar; Pease, F., “The Andean Creator God,” Numen, 12 (1970), pp. 161–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Guillermo Vásquez, S., “El Popoh-Vuh y el Génesis: estudio comparativo,” Mysterium, 30 (1971), pp. 526Google Scholar: Wachtel, N.La vision des vaincus: la conquête espagnole dans le folklore indigène,” Annates: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, 22 (1967), pp. 554–85Google Scholar; idem, “Pensée sauvage et acculturation: l'espace et le temps chez Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala et l'Inca Garcilaso de la Vega,” Annates: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, 26 (1971), pp. 793-840; Hedrick, B.C., “Quetzalcoatl: European or Indigene?” in Riley, CX.et al., eds., Man A cross the Sea: Problems of Pre-Colombian Contacts (Austin, 1971), pp. 261–4Google Scholar; Carmack, R.M., Quichean Civilization: The Ethnohistoric, Ethnographic, and Archeological Sources (Berkeley, 1973).Google Scholar

21. The roles of the Spanish priests as stimuli/collectors/interpreters/synthesizers of Indian traditions was similar in many ways to the role of local government officials and anthropologists under colonial rule, and of trained African historians as well. It almost certainly would well repay attention.

22. Barrère, D.B., “Revisions and Adulterations in Polynesian Creation Myths,” in Highland, G.A.et al., eds., Polynesian Culture History (Honolulu, 1967), pp. 105–17Google Scholar; Peschel, E.R., “Structural Parallelisms in Two Flood Myths: Noah and the Maori,” Folk-Lore, 82 (1971), pp. 116–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar