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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 February 2017
I decided to study the history of American higher education shortly after May 1, 1968. Early that morning, over a thousand New York City police officers had cleared the Columbia University campus of demonstrators and the occupants of five university buildings. Upwards of 800 were arrested; perhaps the same number of students, faculty, and police needed medical attention. The next afternoon, the leaders of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) gathered on the balcony of the Columbia Law School building, looking at over a thousand demonstrators protesting the police action. The images of the police action initiated by the Columbia administration still haunt me. But so does the triumph of “manipulatory democracy” practiced by SDS members.
1 See Silver, Allan, “Who Cares for Columbia?” The New York Review of Books 12, no. 2 (January 30, 1969), copy at http://www.nybooks.com/articles/11425, and idem., “Orwell, Thou Should'st Be Living at This Hour,” in Wallerstein, Immanuel and Starr, Paul, eds., The University Crisis Reader, volume 2: Confrontation and Counterattack (New York: Random House, 1971), 85–92. SDS leader Mark Rudd later claimed that Silver had asked a trick question (Mark Rudd, “Columbia: Notes on the Spring Rebellion,” in The New Left Reader, ed. Oglesby, Carl (New York: Grove Press, 1969), 300.Google Scholar
2 The staff was known as the Project on Columbia Structure; the faculty group was the Executive Committee of the Faculty, which governed Columbia de facto during the 1968–69 academic year.Google Scholar
3 Stone, Lawrence, ed., The University and Society, 2 vols. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975).Google Scholar
4 The University of Chicago would hire Steven Schlossman, John Craig, and me under one of these programs.Google Scholar
5 Rudolph, Frederick, The American College and University: A History (New York: Vintage, 1962), 502. Hofstadter, Richard and Metzger, Walter P., The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955).Google Scholar
6 The existing literature included: Broome, Edwin Cornelius, A Historical and Critical Discussion of College Admission Requirements (New York: Columbia University, 1902); Henderson, Joseph Lindsey, Admission to College by Certificate (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1912), Fuess, Claude Moore, The College Board: Its First Fifty Years (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), Kurani, Habib Amin, Selecting the College Student in America (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1931), Duffus, R.L., Democracy Enters the College: A Study of the Rise and Decline of the Academic Lockstep (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936), and Fine, Benjamin, Admission to American Colleges: A Study of Current Policy and Practice (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1946).Google Scholar
7 CUNY also attempted to reduce the high school dropout rate. For one such effort, see Wechsler, Harold S., Access to Success in the Urban High School: The Middle College Movement (New York: Teachers College Press, 2001).Google Scholar
8 One exception: Ernest Cummings Marriner, The History of Colby College (Waterville, ME: Colby College Press, 1963), frankly discussed the ethnic politics of college admission.Google Scholar
9 Bridenbaugh, Carl, “The Great Mutation,” The American Historical Review 68 (January 1963), 322–323.Google Scholar
10 Lipset, Seymour Martin and Ladd, Everett Carill, “Jewish Academics in the United States: Their Achievements, Culture and Politics,” American Jewish Yearbook 72 (1971): 96. See also Novick, Peter, That Noble Dream: The “Objectivity Question” and the American Historical Profession (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 339.Google Scholar
11 Bryant, Frank N. to Flint, Charles Wesley, November 14, 1932, Records of the Chancellor's Office: Chancellors Flint and Graham, 1922-1942, Syracuse University Archives, RG 1, Box 1, “A-Al to Admissions” “Admissions, 1931-33” file.Google Scholar
12 But it did not have a university archive that could readily document these events—a deficiency that remained unchanged for another 25 years. The university's active files extended back to 1890, and most folders remained untouched for a half-century or more.Google Scholar
13 Some examples: On HBCU's see Anderson, James D., The Education of Blacks in the South: 1860–1935 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988) and Wolters, Raymond, The New Negro on Campus: Black College Rebellions of the 1920s (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975). On Catholic colleges, see Gleason, Philip, Contending with Modernity: Catholic Higher Education in the Twentieth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), Goodchild, Lester F., “The Mission of the Catholic University in the Midwest: 1842–1980” (Ph.D. dissertation: University of Chicago, 1986), and Mahoney, Kathleen A. Catholic Higher Education in Protestant America: The Jesuits and Harvard in the Age of the University (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004). On women's colleges, see Gordon, Lynn D., Gender and Higher Education in the Progressive Era (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990), Palmieri, Patricia A., In Adamless Eden: The Community of Women Faculty at Wellesley (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), and Solomon, Barbara, In the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women and Higher Education in America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985). On Native Americans see Adams, David Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience: 1875–1928 (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1995) and Reyhner, Jon A. and Eder, Jeanne, American Indian Education: A History (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004).Google Scholar
14 Here as often, I've benefited from the counsel of HES colleagues: John Rury's research on the student demographics of DePaul was an inspiration. See Rury, John L. and Suchar, Charles S., eds., DePaul University: Centennial Essays and Images (Chicago, IL: DePaul University. 1998). He also facilitated project funding while a Spencer Foundation program officer. Over coffee at an O'Hare airport cafeteria, Jeff Mirel insisted that I write a dispassionate history of minority access to higher education.Google Scholar
15 The three colleges: the College of New Jersey, Kings College, and the College of Philadelphia. After World War II, several defense groups charged that these colleges violated their charters by imposing discriminatory admissions policies.Google Scholar
16 Herbst, Jurgen, From Crisis to Crisis: American College Government 1636–1819 Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1936–1819).Google Scholar
17 As many non-Catholics as Catholics enrolled at the college for much of the nineteenth century. Georgetown's motto was and is “Making of One—Jew and Gentile.” See Curran, Robert E., S.J., A Bicentennial History of Georgetown University. Volume One: From Academy to University, 1789-1889 (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1993).Google Scholar
18 A lone Choctaw student enrolled in Indiana Asbury University (now DePauw University) in 1848, and a group of seven enrolled at the University of Delaware a few years later, transferring to Union College in New York when the Delaware institution gave up college work. Beloit College in Wisconsin hosted 11 Lakotas, during the 1870s and the 1880s. See Rogel, Amy Lyn, “Mastering the Secret of White Man's Power: Indian Students at Beloit College, 1871 to 1884,” edited by Burwell, Frederick A. Retrieved on line at: http://www.beloit.edu/arcHves/documents/archival_dooiment5/mastering_the_secret.php. See also Charles Eastman, From the Deep Woods to Civilization: Chapters in the Autobiography of an Indian (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1916).Google Scholar
19 John Murrin “Introduction,” in Ruth Woodward, L. and Wesley Frank Craven, eds., Princetonians: 1784–1790 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), and Othow, Helen Chavis, John Chavis: African American Patriot, Preacher, Teacher, and Mentor, 1763–1838 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., 2001), 50.Google Scholar
20 The first black college graduates included Alexander Lucius Twilight at Middlebury College (1823), John Brown Russworm at Bowdoin (1826), and Theodore Sedgewick Wright at Princeton Theological Seminary (1828).Google Scholar
21 Phelps, Amos A., “Influence of Slavery Upon Religion and Education,” in British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention, Called by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society, and Held in London from Tuesday, June 13th, to Tuesday, June 20th, 1843 (Miami, FL: Mnemosyne Publishing Company, 1969 [1843]), 84–87.Google Scholar
22 See Miller, Kelly, “The Education of the Negro,” in United States Department of the Interior, Annual Reports of the Department of the Interior for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1901, Volume 1: Report of the Commissioner of Education (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1902), 828–29, and Yanikoski, Richard Alan, “Edward Everett and the Advancement of Higher Education and Adult Learning in Antebellum Massachusetts” (Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Chicago, 1987).Google Scholar
23 Ohio State Centennial Educational Committee, “A Brief History of the Otterbein University of Ohio,” in Historical Sketches of the Higher Educational Institutions and also of Benevolent and Reformatory Institutions in the State of Ohio (Columbus, OH: Ohio State Centennial Educational Committee, 1876), 9–10.Google Scholar
24 Knight, George Wells and Commons, John R., The History of Higher Education in Ohio, U.S. Bureau of Education Circular 12 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1891), 145, and White, Emerson Elbridge et al., A History of Education in the State of Ohio (Columbus, OH: The Gazette Printing House, 1876), 238. Partially explaining black student indifference: Wilberforce University, now designated a historically black college, opened in nearby Xenia in 1857.Google Scholar
25 “Grosvenor, Cyrus Pitt,” [Albion] Morning Star, October 1, 1995, 7. Retrieved on line at: www.albionmichxom/history/histor_notebook/951001.shtml.Google Scholar
26 Mabee, Carlton, Black Education in New York State: From Colonial to Modern Times (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1979), 166.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
27 Black faculty members included Reason, Charles L., professor of languages and of mathematics, and classics professor Allen, William G. Controversy enveloped town and gown in 1853, when, Allen, one-quarter African American, and Mary King, an NYCC student, announced their engagement. A local mob nearly lynched Allen, who escaped to New York City where he and King married. See Allen, William G., King, Mary, and Alcott, Louisa May, The American Prejudice Against Color, ed. Sarah Elbert (Boston, MA: University Press of New England, 2002).Google Scholar
28 “New-York Central College—Academic Exhibition,” New York Daily Times, March 20, 1857, 4. See also Wright, Albert Hazen, ed., Pre-Cornell and Early Cornell: Source Books of Early Cornell Backgrounds, with Notes volume 8: New York Central College (Ithaca, NY: New York State College of Agriculture, Cornell University, 1960).Google Scholar
29 Some black colleges, such as Storer College at Harper's Ferry, West Virginia, admitted white students. Biddle College in Charlotte, North Carolina (now Johnson C. Smith College), was forced remove a permissive clause from its books in 1887. Neither college recorded the enrollment of a white student. Tennessee's 1901 prohibition of racial integration in private schools affected Fisk University and Roger Williams University, as well as Maryville College (see note 31).Google Scholar
30 Morrow, Ralph E., Washington University in St. Louis: A History (St. Louis, MO: Missouri Historical Society Press, 1996).Google Scholar
31 Burnside, Jacqueline, “Delicate and Difficult Duty: Interracial Education at Maryville College, Tennessee, 1868–1901,” American Presbyterians 72, no. 4 (1994): 229–240.Google Scholar
32 See Ellis, William Elliott, Everman, H. E., and Sears, Richard D., Madison County: 200 Years in Retrospect (Richmond, KY: Madison County Historical Society, 1985), 211.Google Scholar
33 The controversial law affected the state's right to intervene in private contracts, as well as in racial relations among private parties. See Bernstein, David E., “Plessy v. Lochner: The Berea College Case,” Journal of Supreme Court History 25, no. 1 (March 2000): 93–111.Google Scholar
34 Wechsler, Harold S., “An Academic Gresham's Law: Group Repulsion in American Higher Education,” Teachers College Record 82 (Summer 1981): 576–588.Google Scholar
35 The archives often revealed a different story. Campus pan-Hellenic societies excluded black and Jewish fraternities. Officials at universities such as UCLA relied on realtors whom they knew would enforce restrictive covenants. Colleges did not have to schedule opponents who rejected the presence of their minority athletes, and dorm assignments often excluded or segregated minority students. Responding to a lawsuit filed by a black student denied a place in a required residential home management practicum, Ohio State University officials stated that it was never its policy to require “students of different races or nationalities to reside together a part of a single family.” The Ohio Supreme Court denied the request for writ of mandamus. “The purely social relations of our citizens cannot be enforced by law,” stated the court, citing Plessy v. Ferguson, “nor were they intended to be regulated by our own laws or by the state and Federal Constitutions.” State ex rel. Weaver v. Board of Trustees of Ohio State Univ., 126 Ohio St. 290, at 296–97 (1933).Google Scholar
36 David Gordon Lyon Journals, January 8, 1922, Harvard University Archives, HUG 1541.10.Google Scholar
37 On Cornell, which often bore the brunt of such attacks, see Kramnick, Issac and Moore, Robert Lawrence, “The Godless University,” Academe 82, no. 6 (November-December 1996): 18–23. In 1924, the Harvard Crimson reported “that every day thirteen western colleges send up thirteen generous prayers for this ‘godless university.”’ “Godless,” Harvard Crimson, January 21, 1924. Retrieved on line at http://www.thecrimson.com/article.aspx?ref=423761.Google Scholar
38 Some normal schools and colleges, notes Christine Ogren, featured ratios of women to men as high as nine to one. Ogren, Christine A., The American State Normal School: “An Instrument of Great Good” (New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2005), 65–67.Google Scholar
39 So much so that some bishops and cardinals went beyond pleading. In Philadelphia, Cardinal Dennis J. Dougherty required Catholic students to obtain permission before enrolling in non-Catholic colleges. See David R. Contosta with Gallagher, Dennis J., Villanova University, 1842–1992: American-Catholic-Augustinian (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), 87. Cleveland Archbishop Edward F. Hoban prohibited Catholic students from enrolling in non-Catholic colleges lacking a Newman Foundation. “Only a Catholic college and university,” he stated,‘is fully capable of giving young men and women the Catholic education so necessary in meeting today's responsibilities in the community and the home” (Quoted in United States Congress, House Committee on Education and Labor, Hearings 1967, Volume 2 [Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1967], 304). Some Catholic high schools refused to send student transcripts to non-Catholic colleges. See, for example, Peter Binzen, White Town, U.S.A.: A First-hand Study of How the “Silent Majority” Live, Learns, Works, and Think (New York: Random House, 1970), 246.Google Scholar
40 Goodchild, Lester F., “The Turning Point in American Jesuit Higher Education: The Standardization Controversy between the Jesuits and the North Central Association, 1915–1940,” History of Higher Education Annual 6 (1986): 81–116.Google Scholar
41 Angell, James B., “The State Universities of the West,” in State Aid to Higher Education: A Series of Addresses Delivered at the Johns Hopkins University, ed. Adams, Herbert Baxter (Baltimore, MD: Published by the University, 1898), 35.Google Scholar
42 See Geiger, Roger, “The Era of Multipurpose Colleges in American Higher Education, 1850–1890,” History of Higher Education Annual 15 (1995): 51–92.Google Scholar
43 The Dillingham Commission provided data on at least one, but not necessarily all divisions of the 87 surveyed colleges. The study listed Barnard College and Teachers College separately from the rest of Columbia University.Google Scholar
44 Listed in descending order of city population: 18 colleges in New York City, six in Chicago (plus Northwestern in Evanston), five in Philadelphia, six in St. Louis, five in Boston (plus Harvard in Cambridge and Tufts in Medford), eight in Baltimore, five in Cleveland, two in Buffalo, one in San Francisco (plus the University of California at Berkeley), five in Cincinnati, and four in Pittsburgh. See United States Immigration Commission, Abstracts of Reports of the Immigration Commission, volume 2 (Serial set vol. 5866), (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1911), 7–8.Google Scholar
45 Ibid., 2: 154–57, tables 111 and 112. The commission classified these 131 (0.005 percent of all surveyed male and female students) and 23 (0.003 percent) African American males and females, respectively, as native-born children of native-born fathers.Google Scholar
46 The numerical totals: 11,670 immigrants and children of immigrants among 32,882 surveyed students.Google Scholar
47 Native-born children of immigrants (25.3 percent) attended these colleges in larger numbers than foreign-born students (10.2 percent). But, the Commission noted, the proportion declined among northern and western Europeans. German students, for example, showed a decline from 7.1 percent of all second-generation students to 1.1 percent of all first-generation students. Irish students showed a drop from 4.3 percent native-born children of immigrants to only 0.1 percent of first generation college students. The same for Swedes: 4.3 percent NBFP, but only 2.1 percent first-generation (Ibid., table 113).Google Scholar
48 The top ten countries of origin among male native-born students with foreign-born fathers: German (1,884), Irish (1,150), Jews (1,071), English (554), Canadian (other than French Canadian) (441), Swedish (286), Norwegian (251), Scotch (224), Italian (123), and French (97). The data for foreign-born male students told a similar story: Jews (1,106), German (299), Canadian (other than French Canadian) (268), English (200), Irish (115), Italian (114), Japanese (74), Scotch (74), Norwegian (66) and Chinese (65). We use a generous definition of “southern and eastern” Europe: Bohemian and Moravian, Greek, Jewish, Lithuanian, Magyar, Polish, Portuguese, Russian, and Spanish. The top ten countries among female native-born students with foreign-born fathers: Germans (439), Irish (258), English (222), Jews (214), Canadian (other than French Canadian) (135), Scotch (101), Swedish (69), Norwegian (44), French (32), and Danish (26). The data for foreign-born women students told a similar story: Jews (101), Canadian (other than French Canadian) (69), German (47), English (43), Scotch (20), Irish (18), Swedish (12), French (11), Russian (9), and Italian (7) (Ibid., table 112).Google Scholar
49 Among male student enrollments, 25.8 percent were children of immigrant fathers; another 11.6 percent were foreign-born: a 37.4 percent total. Among women, the corresponding figures were 23.0 percent and 5.4 percent; a 28.7 percent total. The presence of more foreign-born than native Jewish males heightened concern (Ibid., 160).Google Scholar
50 Noah, Mordecai Manuel (1785–1851), a politician, diplomat, and journalist, announced the establishment of a Jewish college in Philadelphia in 1843. The rationale was consistent with Protestant and Catholic arguments for founding their own colleges: reaffirming identity and avoiding the dangers of enrolling in colleges whose denominational sponsors listed Jewish conversions among their missions, and that may have included hostile students. Noah identified a site for the college in Poughkeepsie, New York, but no one enrolled. “Ed. Oc.” [Editor of the Occident], The Occident 1, no. 6 (September 1843), and Noah, M. M., “Hebrew College,” The Occident 1, no. 6 (September 1843). Both retrieved on line at: http://www.jewish-history.com/Occident/volumel/sept1843/college.html.Google Scholar
51 Reform and Conservative Jews opened rabbinical seminaries: Hebrew Union College (founded 1875), and the Jewish Theological Seminary of America (founded 1886), respectively. Bernard Revel expanded New York's Isaac Elchanan Seminary into Yeshiva College in 1929. But these schools enrolled only a minute proportion of Jews attending college. Jews debated, but did not act upon, Louis Newman's call for a Jewish university just after World War I, when discrimination against Jewish students was growing. See Newman, Louis I., A Jewish University in America? (New York: Bloch Publishing Company, 1923).Google Scholar
52 Father Austin O'Malley's 1898 census of Catholic college students sounded the alarm. O'Malley, Austin, “Catholic Collegiate Education in the United States,” Catholic World 67 (June 1898): 289–304. O'Malley did not conduct a similar study of Catholic women students', but claimed “that Catholic girls in large and increasing numbers are flocking to non-Catholic colleges, to the injury or loss of faith, and they will continue to do so until we supply them with Catholic colleges” (Idem., “College Work for Catholic Girls,” The Catholic World 68 [November 1898], 161–67, quotation from 162). See also Mullen, William R., S.J., “The Drift Toward Non-Catholic Colleges and Universities,” Report of the First Annual Conference of the Association of Catholic Colleges of the United States, Held in St. James Hall, Chicago, April 12 and 13, 1899 (Washington, DC: Catholic University Press, 1899).Google Scholar
53 Gallagher, Buell G., American Caste and the Negro College (New York: Columbia University Press. 1938). Only a relatively small proportion of African Americans enrolled in the colleges surveyed by the Dillingham Commission. Many colleges, including Princeton, Swarthmore, and Vassar among the elites, still rejected all black applicants out of hand.Google Scholar
54 Quoted in Gilbert Thomas Stephenson, Race Distinctions in American Law (New York and London: D. Appleton and Company, 1910), 14. Berea's black–white racial composition at times approached parity, in contrast to Maryville and Oberlin. See Burnside, Jacqueline Grisby, “Philanthropists and Politicians: A Sociological Profile of Berea College, 1855–1908” (Ph.D. dissertation: Yale University, 1988), chapter 1.Google Scholar
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57 Strum, Harvey, “Discrimination at Syracuse University,” History of Higher Education Annual 4 (1984): 104. See also idem., “Louis Marshall and Anti-Semitism at Syracuse University,” American Jewish Archives 35(1983): 1–12.Google Scholar
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60 See Broun, Heywood and Britt, George, Christians Only: A Study in Prejudice (New York: Vanguard, 1931), Feingold, Henry L., “Investing in Themselves: The Harvard Case and the Origins of the Third American-Jewish Commercial Elite,” American Jewish History 77 (June 1988): 530–553, Karabel, Jerome, The Chosen: The Hidden History of Admission and Exclusion at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton (New York: Houghton Mifflin Books, 2005), and Synott, Marcia G., The Half-Opened Door: Discrimination and Admissions at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1979).Google Scholar
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62 Korean Student Federation of North America, Korean Student Directory (New York: Social Relations Department, Korean Student Federation of North America, and Committee on Friendly Relations among Foreign Students, 1937).Google Scholar
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67 Compare Robert, W. O'Brien, The College Nisei (Palo Alto, CA: Pacific Books, 1949) with the revised manuscript located at the University of Washington Library.Google Scholar
68 See Bernstein, Alison, “A Mixed Record: The Political Enfranchisement of American Indian Women During the Indian New Deal,” Journal of the West 23 (July 1984): 13–20, Harvey, Gretchen G., “Bronson, Ruth Muskrat,” Notable American Women: A Biographical Dictionary Completing the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 80–82, and “Former Dean Gets Medal,” The Northeastern, October 6, 1937,4.Google Scholar
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70 “This is supposed to be a democratic institution,” wrote another student, “and it is unfortunate that the leader of our institution should take the attitude of prejudice in answering a perfectly legitimate and well meaning article.” Bregman, Walter I., “A Reply to Mr. Binford,” Daily Illini, February 25, 1920, 4. On Clark as dean see Clark, Thomas Arkle, The Sunday Eight O'Clock, Brief Sermons for the Undergraduate (Urbana, IL: Illini Publishing Company, 1916), Terrence Finnegan, “Promoting ‘Responsible Freedom': Administrators and Social Fraternities at the University of Illinois, 1900–31,” History of Higher Education Annual (1989), Gatyas, Kenton, “Thomas Arkle Clark and the Office of Dean of Men at the University of Illinois, 1901–1917,” Journal of Educational Administration and History 30, no. 2 (1998): 129–145, and Schwartz, Robert Arthur, “The Rise and Demise of Deans of Men,” The Review of Higher Education 26, no. 2 (Winter 2003): 217–239. The first Hillel opened at the University of Illinois a few years later.Google Scholar
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72 Blitz cited the writings of Emile Coué, known for advocacy of a positive outlook as a prerequisite for solving personal problems. But improvement, Coué's followers noted, had to be within the realm of possibility.Google Scholar
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75 Lenoir Bertrice [Smith] to Johnson, Oakley, April 17, 1967, Papers, Oakley Johnson, Library, Labadie, University of Michigan.Google Scholar
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77 “Students Revolt; May Oust Teacher: Students Rebel When Professor Discriminates, University of Minnesota Goes on Record Against Jim Crow Principles,” The Chicago Defender, May 7, 1921, 1.Google Scholar
78 Benjamin Mays was the first African American member of Delta Sigma Rho. See Carter, Lawrence Edward, Walking Integrity: Benjamin Elijah Mays, Mentor to Martin Luther King Jr. (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1998), 92–100.Google Scholar
79 The Harvard and Ohio State chapters of Phi Delta Kappa led the movement to remove the fraternity's racial restrictions. Left-wing students often demonstrated on behalf of racial integration during the 1930s. Cohen, Robert, When the Old Left Was Young: Student Radicals and America's First Mass Student Movement, 1929–1941 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 204–225, and Wechsler, James Arthur, Revolt on the Campus (New York: Covici-Friede, 1935), 354–373.Google Scholar
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81 Ibid. One university president, Seamans noted, befriended and associated with members of the local African American community. “He attended their functions, knew all the leaders, and through his personal interest had helped to create a favorable attitude in the community. It was evident that the official attitude and the intelligent policy had been determining factors in the relationships between negroes and whites, both on the campus and in the community” (Ibid.).Google Scholar
82 Ibid.,209.Google Scholar
83 The advisement dilemma was not confined to racial and ethnic minorities. During the 1950s, Louis Benezet, a women's college president and a member of the ACE Commission on Women, “worried that educators too often misled women about the feasibility of simultaneously addressing home, career, and community concerns. He called this view of women's unlimited freedom ‘twaddle’ that ignored the pressures facing women in the real world. Believing that each woman must make her own choices work, he condemned those who suggested that women's ‘chief task is now to adjust the environment to her own liking, rather than adjust herself to the environment.”’ Benezet to Esther Lloyd-Jones, February 11, 1955, as quoted in Eisenmann, Linda, Higher Education for Women in Postwar America, 1945–1965 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 99.Google Scholar
84 “A Ministry for Foreign-Born Americans,” The Hartford Seminary Record 17(1907): 3 1f.Google Scholar
85 Taylor, Harry T., Bloomfield College: The First Century: 1868–1968 (Bloomfield, NJ: Bloomfield College, 1970), 96. Assumption College in Wooster, Massachusetts, offered instruction exclusively in French through the late 1940s.Google Scholar
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88 “Japanese Launch First University in the United States,” Christian Science Monitor, May 16, 1924, 1:1. The articles of incorporation stated, “The Japanese university has for its purpose the giving of free instruction in English and American scientific achievements to properly qualified Japanese students interested in American social, economic, and political systems. It is intended for native American citizens of Japanese parentage who may help to spread the spirit of American democracy and hasten the cause of Americanization among descendents of the golden race who are living in America. The university will encourage and direct graduates in research work, that the product of their researches may help to solve the various problems, promote commerce and create good will and friendship between the two nations. All properly qualified American students interested in introduction of the arts and cultures, the matured philosophy and civilization of the Japanese are eligible.” Among the trustees: Charles Eliot and Temple University president Russell Conwell.Google Scholar
89 “Hitti, Philip W., in The Syrians in America (New York: George H. Doran, 1924), notes most Syrians who studied at American colleges came from abroad. Some Syrian-Americans created a Syrian Education Society that offered scholarships to students during the 1910s and the 1920s (92–93). The fund terminated within several years.Google Scholar
90 See, for example, American International College and Academy, Catalogue, 1912–13 (Springfield, MA: American International College, 1912), 22, and “Condensed Catalogue: 1918–1919,” American International College Notes 4, no. 3 (July 1918): 6.Google Scholar
91 Students would learn patriotism by studying English and U.S. history in AIC's School of American Citizenship, where the courses emphasized “study for ideals and inspiration.” American literature courses included “patriotic, practical and prudential” maxims and quotations along with extended readings, including Edward Everett Hale's “The Man Without a Country,” William Makepeace Thayer's Ethics of Success (graded readers containing “Inspiring Anecdotes form the Lives of Successful Men and Women”), and Benjamin Franklin's Autobiography (American International College and Academy, Catalogue, 1912–13 [Springfield, MA: American International College, 1912], 31–33).Google Scholar
92 “The Modern Pentecost,” Valparaiso University Herald, June 18, 1909.Google Scholar
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107 See Schwartz, Eugene G., American Students Organize: Founding the National Student Association After World War II: An Anthology and Sourcebook (Washington, DC and Westport, CT: American Council on Education/Praeger Publishers, 2006).Google Scholar
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111 On the cost of college, see Wilkinson, Rupert, Aiding Students, Buying Students: Financial Aid in America (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2005).Google Scholar
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