¹ Lindy Drew, Dr. Courtney M. Graves, and Dr. Amanda L. Purnell, “Dr. Courtney M. Graves and Dr. Amanda L. Purnell,” Still Separate, Still Unequal, n.d., http://stillunequal.org/drcourtneygraves-dramandapurnell/.

² San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1 (1973); Walsh, Camille, “Erasing Race, Dismissing Class: San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez,” Berkeley La Raza Law Journal 21 (April 2011), Google Scholar.

³ For work that centers dispossession as a concept to analyze contemporary inequalities and historical injustice in other geographical contexts, see Stanger-Ross, Jordan, ed., Landscapes of Injustice: A New Perspective on the Internment and Dispossession of Japanese Canadians (Kingston, Canada: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kapoor, Dip, Against Colonization and Rural Dispossession: Local Resistance in South and East Asia, the Pacific and Africa (London: Zed Books, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Butler, Judith and Athanasiou, Athena, Dispossession: The Performative in the Political (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013)Google Scholar.

⁴ Kahrl, Andrew, “The Short End of Both Sticks: Property Assessments and Black Taxpayer Disadvantage in Urban America,” in Cebul, Brent, Geismer, Lily, and Williams, Mason, eds., Shaped by the State: Toward a New Political History of the Twentieth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019), 189–217Google Scholar.

⁵ For work that highlights the inequities caused by the use of local property taxation to fund schools, see, for example, Ryan, James, Five Miles Away, a World Apart: One City, Two Schools, and the Story of Educational Opportunity in Modern America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; and Ogletree, Charles Jr. and Robinson, Kimberly, eds., The Enduring Legacy of Rodriguez: Creating New Pathways to Equal Educational Opportunity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015)Google Scholar. On state school funding formulae and how they can exacerbate or mitigate inequalities, see Baker, Bruce, Educational Inequality and School Finance: Why Money Matters for America’s Students (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018)Google Scholar; Baker, Bruce and Corcoran, Sean, The Stealth Inequities of School Funding: How State and Local School Finance Systems Perpetuate Inequitable Student Spending (Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2012)Google Scholar.

⁶ Understanding racism not as an accident of history but as a foundational feature of US institutions, politics, and law is a central tenet of critical race theory. Crenshaw, Kimberlé et al., Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Movement (New York: The New Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Bell, Derrick, “Who’s Afraid of Critical Race Theory?,” University of Illinois Law Review, vol. 1995, no. 4 (1995), 893–910Google Scholar; Ladson-Billings, Gloria and Tate, William F., “For a Critical Race Theory of Education,” Teachers College Record 97, no. 1 (1995), 47–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹ Gerrard, Jessica, Sriprakash, Arathi, and Rudolph, Sophie, “Education and Racial Capitalism,” Race Ethnicity and Education 25, no. 3 (2022), CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ On how the expropriation of Native American land and wealth fueled the growth of US higher education, see Akee, Randall, “Stolen Lands and Stolen Opportunities,” Native American and Indigenous Studies 8, no. 1 (Spring 2021), Google Scholar; Esty, Kaisha, “Rutgers: A Land-Grant College in Native American History,” in Fuentes, Marisa and White, Deborah Gray, eds., Scarlet and Black: Slavery and Dispossession in Rutgers History (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2016), Google Scholar; Nash, Margaret, “Entangled Pasts: Land-Grant Colleges and American Indian Dispossession,” History of Education Quarterly 59, no. 4 (Nov. 2019), CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Stein, Sharon, “A Colonial History of the Higher Education Present: Rethinking Land-grant Institutions through Processes of Accumulation and Relations of Conquest,” Critical Studies in Education 61, no. 2 (2020), CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹² Stein, “A Colonial History of the Higher Education Present”; Nash, “Entangled Pasts.”

¹³ Nash, “Entangled Pasts,” 4.

¹⁴ Beadie, Nancy, Education and the Creation of Capital in the Early American Republic (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010).Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Gardner Kelly, Matthew, Dividing the Public: School Finance and the Creation of Structural Inequity (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, forthcoming in Jan. 2024)Google Scholar.

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²³ Walsh, Camille, Racial Taxation: Schools, Segregation, and Taxpayer Citizenship, 1869-1973 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018), CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ Walsh, Racial Taxation, 86.

²⁵ On school finance litigation, see Rebell, Michael, Courts and Kids: Pursuing Educational Equity through the State Courts (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Driver, Justin, The Schoolhouse Gate: Public Education, the Supreme Court, and the Battle for the American Mind (New York: Pantheon, 2018)Google Scholar; Ryan, Five Miles Away; and Sracic, Paul A., San Antonio v. Rodriguez and the Pursuit of Equal Education: The Debate over Discrimination and School Funding (Lawrence: Kansas University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

²⁶ Serrano v. Priest (1971) 5 Cal. 3d 584. On scholarship about school finance that takes the “first wave” of litigation as its starting point, see Kiracofe, Christine and Weiler, Spencer, “Surfing the Waves: An Examination of School Funding Litigation from Serrano v. Priest to Cook v. Raimondo and the Possible Transition of the Fourth Wave,” BYU Education & Law Journal, vol. 2022, no. 1 (2022), Google Scholar; Ryan, Five Miles Away; Rebell, Michael A., Courts and Kids: Pursuing Educational Equity through the State Courts (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ladd, Helen, Chalk, Rosemary, and Hansen, Janet, eds., Equity and Adequacy in Education Finance: Issues and Perspectives (Washington, DC: National Research Council, National Academy Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

²⁷ On equalization litigation before Brown v. Board of Education (1954), in which the NAACP did not follow the resource-equalization approach but instead stressed the psychological effects of segregation on children, see Kluger, Richard, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America’s Struggle for Equality (New York: Knopf, 2004)Google Scholar; and Caroline Thuesen, Sarah, Greater than Equal: African American Struggles for Schools and Citizenship in North Carolina, 1919-1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013)Google Scholar.

²⁸ The phrase “white veto” comes from Walsh, Racial Taxation, 22, 34, 36, 48, 60.

²⁹ Walsh, Racial Taxation, 68.

³⁰ Letter from John H. Wheeler to A. E. Burcham, March 31, 1947, folder “Durham Committee on Negro Affairs,” box AO-31, Spaulding Papers, David M. Rubenstein Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Duke University.

³¹ Wheeler to Burcham.

³² Winford, Brandon K., John Hervey Wheeler, Black Banking, and the Economic Struggle for Civil Rights (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2019), 89–91Google Scholar; Thuesen, Greater than Equal, 190.

³³ Blue et. al. v. Durham Public School District, 95 F. Supp. 441 (1951) at 444; “State Education Officials Denied Dismissal from School Suit by Ruling,” Carolina Times, Nov. 5, 1949, p. 1.

³⁴ National Register of Historic Places, “Hillside Park High School Durham, Durham County, DH2591,” Dec. 30, 2013, p. 13, North Carolina State Historic Preservation Office.

³⁵ See, for example, the title and opening pages of Ryan’s Five Miles Away, a World Apart.

³⁶ Charles Boger, John, “Willful Colorblindness: The New Racial Piety and the Resegregation of Public Schools,” North Carolina Law Review 78, no. 6 (2000), Google Scholar.

³⁷ While providing important insight into existing policies and their impact, these studies rarely take historical context into account. See, for example, Julien Lafortune with Joseph Herrera, “Understanding the Effects of School Funding,” Public Policy Institute of California, May 2022, https://www.ppic.org/?show-pdf=true&docraptor=true&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.ppic.org%2Fpublication%2Funderstanding-the-effects-of-school-funding%2F. Lafortune and Herrera note that the “most substantial differences are by race/ethnicity: spending is higher in the districts serving the average Black student than the average white student by roughly $1,900, and is higher for Latino students by almost $600. Spending for Asian students is more similar to spending for white students, though slightly higher ($285)” (15). Yet the research does not investigate, analyze, or question these disparities, simply calling them “longstanding inequities by race and socioeconomic status” (21). See also Abott, Carolyn et al., “School District Operational Spending and Student Outcomes: Evidence from Tax Elections in Seven States,” Journal of Public Economics 183 (March 2020), CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Miller, Corbin L., “The Effect of Education Spending on Student Achievement: Evidence from Property Values and School Finance Rules,” Proceedings. Annual Conference on Taxation and Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the National Tax Association 111 (2018), 1–121, https://ntanet.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/Session1188_Paper1807_FullPaper_1.pdf.Google Scholar

³⁸ Drew, Graves, and Purnell, “Dr. Courtney M. Graves and Dr. Amanda L. Purnell.”

³⁹ Drew, Graves, and Purnell, “Dr. Courtney M. Graves and Dr. Amanda L. Purnell.”

⁴⁰ Baker and Corcoran, The Stealth Inequities of School Funding.

⁴¹ On the foundational role of the state and local property tax in American politics and its intertwined history with slavery, see Einhorn, Robin, American Taxation, American Slavery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴² Kelly, Dividing the Public.

⁴³ Bruce, Baker and Green, Preston C. III, “Tricks of the Trade: State Legislative Actions in School Finance Policy That Perpetuate Racial Disparities in the Post-Brown Era,” American Journal of Education 111, no. 3 (2005), 372–413.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Joan Malczewski, “Taxation and Voter Logics: Interest Groups and California Education Debates in the 1920s,” History of Education Society Annual Meeting, San Diego, CA, Nov. 6, 2021; “A Civilized Society Requires Taxation: Education and Tax Reform in the Jim Crow South,” History of Education Society Annual Meeting, Columbus, OH, Nov. 2, 2019.

⁴⁵ Joan Malczewski and Nancy Beadie, “School Tax Policy and Interest Group Politics: Teacher Organizations in the ‘Progressive’ U.S. West circa 1920,” draft paper submitted to the History of Education Society Annual Meeting, 2023.

⁴⁶ Steffes, Tracy, “Assessment Matters: The Rise and Fall of the Illinois Resource Equalizer Formula,” History of Education Quarterly 60, no. 1 (Feb. 2020), 24–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁷ Steffes, “Assessment Matters,” 56.

⁴⁸ Glass, Michael and Vanatta, Sean, “The Frail Bonds of Liberalism: Pensions, Schools, and the Unraveling of Fiscal Mutualism in Postwar New York,” Capitalism: A Journal of History and Economics 2, no. 2 (March 2021), .CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁹ Kelly Goodman, “Tax the Rich: Teachers’ Long Campaign to Fund Public Schools” (PhD diss., Yale University, 2021), chap. 8.

⁵⁰ The Living New Deal project features a map of the United States that charts New Deal sites across the country. The map itself showcases the juxtaposition and interplay of different scales of government, highlighting the role of the federal government even at the local scale of counties. See “Map,” Living New Deal, n.d., https://livingnewdeal.org/map/#.

⁵¹ National Register of Historic Places, “The Historic & Architectural Resources of the New Deal in New Mexico, 1933-1942,” US National Park Service, 1996.

⁵² Elvon Howe, “The Man Who Saved Union County,” in Elvon L. Howe, ed., Rocky Mountain Empire (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, 1946), 129-38. Huff was celebrated and recognized in Ken Burns’s PBS miniseries on the Dust Bowl (Oct. 1, 2012), https://www.pbs.org/video/dust-bowl-mr-huff/. In the Union County town of Clayton, a small local museum inside the school complex is dedicated to this WPA history.

⁵³ “School Building Project Helped Keep Clayton Alive,” Albuquerque Journal, April 20, 1981, p. B8; “The Historic & Architectural Resources of the New Deal in New Mexico,” 37.

⁵⁴ “School Building Project Helped Keep Clayton Alive.”

⁵⁵ Howe, “The Man Who Saved Union County.”

⁵⁶ “The Historic & Architectural Resources of the New Deal in New Mexico,” 37.

⁵⁷ Works Projects Administration, Final Report on the WPA Program, 1935-1943 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1947), 113, 135.

⁵⁸ In Lowndes, Alabama, Black organizers knew very well why county politics mattered for freedom rights. Kwame Jeffries, Hasan, Bloody Lowndes: Civil Rights and Black Power in Alabama’s Black Belt (New York: New York University Press, 2009).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Cyna, Esther, “Schooling the Kleptocracy: Racism and School Finance in Rural North Carolina, 1900-2018,” Journal of American History 108, no. 4 (March 2022), .CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁰ Esther Cyna, “Shortchanged: Racism, School Finance and Educational Inequality in North Carolina, 1964-1997” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2021).

⁶¹ Cyna, “Shortchanged,” 166–69.

⁶² On how some Black actors such as real estate developers and landlords sometimes profited from poor Black communities, see Connolly, N. D. B., A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow South Florida (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the history of urban renewal projects and their destruction of Black neighborhoods, see Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta, Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stone, Clarence, Economic Growth and Neighborhood Discontent: System Bias in the Urban Renewal Program of Atlanta (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996)Google Scholar; Sugrue, Thomas J., The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; and Hirsch, Arnold R., Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940-1960 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975)Google Scholar.

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⁶⁴ Martin, Isaac, The Permanent Tax Revolt: How the Property Tax Transformed American Politics (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Joshua Mound, “Inflated Hopes, Taxing Times: Fiscal Crisis, the Pocketbook Squeeze, and the Roots of the Tax Revolt” (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2015).

⁶⁵ Martin, The Permanent Tax Revolt, 4, 5, 17.

⁶⁶ Martin, The Permanent Tax Revolt, 17.

⁶⁷ Walsh, Racial Taxation, 141–42.

⁶⁸ Steffes, “Assessment Matters,” 27.

⁶⁹ Phillips-Fein, Kim, Fear City: New York’s Fiscal Crisis and the Rise of Austerity Politics (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2017).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Phillips-Fein, Kim and Cyna, Esther, “Harlem Schools in the Fiscal Crisis,” in Erickson, Ansley and Morrell, Ernest, eds., Educating Harlem: A Century of Schooling and Resistance in a Black Community (New York: Columbia University Press, 2019), .Google Scholar

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⁷⁸ A strand of the economics literature on the topic has sought to quantify the impact of court decisions in school funding disparities. Although these studies provide valuable insights, they often fail to take historical context into account, thus missing the centrality of race in shaping school resources. See, for example, Kirabo Jackson, C., Johnson, Rucker C., and Persico, Claudia, “The Effects of School Spending on Educational and Economic Outcomes: Evidence from School Finance Reforms,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 131, no. 1 (Feb. 2016), 157–218CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rothbart, Michah, “Does School Finance Reform Reduce the Race Gap in School Funding?,” Education Finance and Policy 15, no. 4 (Fall 2020), 675–707CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Baker, Bruce and Welner, Kevin, “School Finance and Courts: Does Reform Matter, and How Can We Tell?,” Teachers College Record 113, no. 11 (2011), CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Manwaring, Robert and Sheffrin, Steven, “Litigation, School Finance Reform, and Aggregate Educational Spending,” International Tax and Public Finance 4 (May 1997), CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁸⁰ Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974), 741-42.

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⁸³ Straus, Death of a Suburban Dream.

⁸⁴ Michael Glass uses the term tax base politics in his analysis of competition between suburban school districts in Long Island. Michael Glass, “Schooling Suburbia: The Politics of School Finance in Postwar Long Island” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 2020).

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⁸⁸ Steffes, “Assessment Matters,” 28.

⁸⁹ Taylor, Race for Profit, 147.

⁹⁰ Taylor, Race for Profit; Beryl Satter, Family Properties: Race, Real Estate, and the Exploitation of Black Urban America; Freund, Colored Property; Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier; Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis; Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto.

⁹¹ Steffes, “Assessment Matters,” 35, 36, 51.

⁹² Kahrl, “The Short End of Both Sticks,” 191.

⁹³ Kahrl, Andrew, “The Power to Destroy: Discriminatory Property Assessments and the Struggle for Tax Justice in Mississippi,” Journal of Southern History 82, no. 3 (Aug. 2016), CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰⁰ “Labor Indorses [sic] Negroes’ Stand on Supervisor,” Chattanooga News, Feb. 26, 1936, p. 5.

¹⁰¹ “Labor Indorses [sic] Negroes’ Stand.”

¹⁰² Hershman, James H. Jr., “Public School Bonds and Virginia’s Massive Resistance,” Journal of Negro Education 52, no. 4 (Autumn 1983), 398–409CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰³ County School Bd. of Hanover County v. Shelton, 93 S.E.2d 469 (Virginia, 1956). Supreme courts in Florida and North Carolina heard similar cases at the time. See, for example, Constantian v. Anson County, 244 N.C. 221, 93 S.E.2d 163 (1956); Walsh, Racial Taxation, 135.

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¹⁰⁶ “3.89 Interest Rate Bid on Norfolk Bonds,” Richmond News, Dec. 18, 1956, pp. 1, 3.

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¹¹⁰ Glass, “Schooling Suburbia.”

¹¹¹ Ansley Erickson makes a similar argument about the relationship between desegregation policies and urban planning in Nashville, Tennessee. See Erickson, Making the Unequal Metropolis.

¹¹² Baker, Scott, “Testing Equality: The National Teacher Examination and the NAACP’s Legal Campaign to Equalize Teachers’ Salaries in the South, 1936-63,” History of Education Quarterly 35, no. 1 (Spring 1995), 49–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹¹⁶ Goodman, “Tax the Rich.”

¹¹⁷ Drew, Graves, and Purnell, “Dr. Courtney M. Graves and Dr. Amanda L. Purnell.”

¹¹⁸ Karishma Furtado et al., “Still Separate, Still Unequal: A Call to Level the Uneven Education Playing Field in St. Louis,” Still Forward through Ferguson, Sept. 2020, http://stillunequal.org/files/FTF_StillUnequal_Report_2020_web.pdf.

¹¹⁹ Furtado et al., “Still Separate, Still Unequal,” 3.

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