Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
International regimes have received increasing attention in the literature on international relations. However, little attention has been systematically paid to how compliance with them has been achieved. An analysis of the Mediterranean Action Plan, a coordinated effort to protect the Mediterranean Sea from pollution, shows that this regime actually served to empower a group of experts (members of an epistemic community), who were then able to redirect their governments toward the pursuit of new objectives. Acting in an effective transnational coalition, these new actors contributed to the development of convergent state policies in compliance with the regime and were also effective in promoting stronger and broader rules for pollution control. This suggests that in addition to providing a form of order in an anarchic international political system, regimes may also contribute to governmental learning and influence patterns of behavior by empowering new groups who are able to direct their governments toward new ends.
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45. International Monetary Fund, Direction of Trade Statistics Yearbook, 1978 and 1985Google Scholar. Reliance on trade with France fell from 32 to 23 percent of Algerian imports and from 22 to 13.4 percent of Algerian exports during the same period. Algeria accounted for under 1 percent of France's trade.
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51. See Keohane, After Hegemony, chap. 6; and Keohane, Robert O. and Axelrod, Robert, “Achieving Cooperation Under Anarchy: Strategies and Institutions,” in Oye, Kenneth A., ed., Cooperation Under Anarchy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 226–51Google Scholar. Robert Jervis uses this approach to explain the persistence of the Concert of Europe as well. See Jervis, Robert, “Security Regimes,” in Krasner, , International Regimes, pp. 173–94Google Scholar.
52. Note that this proposition skirts an epistemological dispute regarding the relativity and accessibility of the natural world. Does the intermediation of different cognitive frameworks and cultures preclude the possibility of achieving a single acceptable image of the natural world? Does such incommensurability imply the lack of existence of a single accessible objective reality? For a good review of the various competing philosophical perspectives on these issues, see Hollis, Martin and Lukes, Steven, ed., Rationality and Relativism (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982)Google Scholar.
53. In this case, the epistemic community had to actively defend itself from groups within the U.S. administration who opposed stringent controls on chlorofluorocarbons. The epistemic community only prevailed four months before the final adoption of the treaty, after four months of internal policy review by the domestic policy council. See Doniger, David. “Politics of the Ozone Layer,” Issues in Science and Technology 4 (Spring 1988), pp. 86–92Google Scholar; and Peter M. Haas, “Ozone Alone, No Chlorofluorocarbons: Epistemic Communities and the Protection of Stratospheric Ozone,” paper presented at the 1988 annual meeting of the American Political Science Association. The most recent measures introducing the Montreal ozone protocol into U.S. policy are discussed in Federal Register 53 (12 08 1988), pp. 30566–619Google Scholar.
54. See Sand, Peter H., “Air Pollution in Europe,” Environment 29 (12 1987), pp. 16–29Google Scholar; Rosencranz, Armin, “The Acid Rain Controversy in Europe and North America: A Political Analysis,” Ambio 15 (01 1986), pp. 47–51Google Scholar; and Economic Commission for Europe, National Strategies and Policies for Air Pollution Abatement (New York: United Nations, 1987)Google Scholar.
55. Ecologists lack access to decision-making channels in the U.S. government. Proposals for a bilateral treaty by Environmental Protection Agency Administrator William Ruckelshaus in 1983 were ignored by the White House. See Rosenbaum, Walter A., Environmental Politics and Policy (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1985), pp. 307–8Google Scholar.