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Forced Labour, Roads, and Chiefs: The Implementation of the ILO Forced Labour Convention in the Gold Coast

  • Sarah Kunkel (a1)
Abstract

This article analyses the implications of the Forced Labour Convention of 1930 on colonial labour policies for road labour carried out under chiefs in the Gold Coast. The British colonial administration implemented a legal application of the convention that allowed the continuation of the existing system of public works. In the Gold Coast, the issue of road labour was most prominent in the North, where chiefs maintained the majority of roads. Indirect rule became crucial in retaining forced labour in compliance with the convention. This article focuses on “hidden strategies” of British colonialism after 1930, contrasting studies of blatant cases of forced labour. The analysis is based on a close scrutiny of the internal discourse among colonial officials on the question of road labour and the Forced Labour Convention.

Sarah Kunkel. Le travail forcé, les routes et les rois et chefs traditionnels: la mise en œuvre de la Convention de l’OIT sur le travail forcé en Côte d’Ivoire.

Cet article analyse les implications qu’eut la Convention de 1930 sur le travail forcé pour des politiques du travail coloniales qui concernèrent le travail routier exécuté sous des rois et chefs traditionnels en Côte d’Ivoire. L’administration coloniale britannique mit en œuvre une application légale de la convention qui permit de continuer le système des travaux publics existant. En Côte d’Ivoire, la question du travail routier fut la plus prééminente dans le Nord, où les rois et chefs traditionnels conservèrent la majorité des routes. Le pouvoir indirect devint crucial pour conserver le travail forcé, tout en se conformant à la convention. Cet article, qui se concentre les “stratégies cachées” du colonialisme britannique après 1930, présente des études de cas flagrants de travail forcé. L’analyse repose sur un examen approfondi du discours interne des fonctionnaires coloniaux sur la question du travail routier et de la Convention sur le travail forcé.

Traduction: Christine Plard

Sarah Kunkel. Zwangsarbeit, Straßen und Stammesobere: Die Umsetzung des ILO-Abkommens zur Zwangsarbeit an der Goldküste.

Der Beitrag untersucht die Folgen des Abkommens zur Zwangsarbeit von 1930 für die koloniale Arbeitspolitik an der Goldküste, und zwar insbesondere mit Bezug auf den unter Aufsicht von Stammesoberen durchgeführten Straßenbau. Die britische Kolonialverwaltung setzte das Abkommen auf rechtlich zulässige Weise um, allerdings derart, dass das bisherige System der öffentlichen Bauarbeiten fortbestehen konnte. An der Goldküste war die Frage des Straßenbaus im Norden besonders relevant; dort waren Stammesobere für den Erhalt des Großteils der Straßen zuständig. Die indirekte Herrschaft wurde zum zentralen Mittel, um einerseits die Zwangsarbeit beizubehalten, andererseits aber auch den Vorgaben des Abkommen zur Zwangsarbeit Genüge zu tun. Der Beitrag nimmt insbesondere die “verborgenen Strategien” des britischen Kolonialismus nach 1930 in den Blick und kontrastiert insofern mit Studien zu offenkundigeren Ausprägungen der Zwangsarbeit. Die Analyse beruht auf einer genauen Untersuchung der internen Verständigung der Kolonialbeamten über Fragen des Straßenbaus und des Abkommens zur Zwangsarbeit.

Übersetzung: Max Henninger

Sarah Kunkel. Trabajo forzado, carreteras y jefes tribales: la implementación de la Convención sobre Trabajo Forzado de la ILO en la Gold Coast.

En este artículo se analizan las implicaciones que la Convención sobre Trabajo Forzado que se celebra en 1930 tiene sobre las políticas laborales coloniales en la construcción de carreteras bajo supervisión de los jefes tribales en la Gold Coast. La administración colonial británica implementó una aplicación legal de la convención que permitía la continuidad del sistema existente en la realización de obras públicas. En la Gold Coast, la cuestión del trabajo en la construcción de carreteras fue mucho más importante en el norte donde los jefes tribales se encargaban del mantenimiento de la mayoría de estas carreteras. La existencia de la “indirect rule” resultó crucial a la hora de retener mano de obra forzada en el marco del cumplimiento de la convención. En este texto se presta atención a las “estrategias ocultas” del colonialismo británico tras 1930, contrastando diferentes trabajos sobre casos escandalosos de trabajo forzado. El análisis realizado se basa en una indagación detallada de los debates internos que se dieron entre los funcionarios coloniales relativos a la cuestión del trabajo en la construcción de carreteras y la Convención sobre Trabajo Forzado.

Traducción: Vicent Sanz Rozalén

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1. Maul, Daniel R., “The International Labour Organization and the Struggle against Forced Labour from 1919 to the Present”, Labor History, 48:4 (2007), pp. 477500, 478ff .

2. ILO C29, Article 2, §1. Even though payment for (forced) labour is relevant to this study, it is not crucial in defining forced labour, as the matter of payment does not adequately determine whether or not labour services were offered voluntarily and without the threat of penalty.

3. ILO C29, Article 2, §2(a);(c);(e), Articles 4 and 5. For forced labour in the private industries in British and French colonies see Cooper, Frederick, Decolonization and African Society: The Labor Question in French and British Africa (Cambridge, 1996), especially Chapter 5 “Forced Labor, Strike Movement, and the Idea of Development, 1940–1945”.

4. Guthrie, Zachary Kagan, “Forced Volunteers: The Complexities of Coercion in Central Mozambique, 1942–1961”, International Journal of African Historical Studies 49:2 (2016), pp. 195212, 197 . In a similar manner, Seibert has argued that it would be misleading to understand all forms of unfree labour as variants of slavery, but that the specific forms of coercion within colonial history have to be analysed in their particular political, economic, and social contexts. Seibert, Julia, “More Continuity than Change? New Forms of Unfree Labor in the Belgian Congo, 1908–1930”, in Marcel van der Linden (ed.) Humanitarian Intervention and Changing Labor Relations: The Long-Term Consequences of the Abolition of the Slave Trade (Leiden, 2011), pp. 369386, 371 .

5. Okia, Opolot, Communal Labor in Colonial Kenya: The Legitimization of Coercion, 1912–1930 (New York, 2012), and idem, “The Northey Forced Labor Crisis, 1920–1921: A Symptomatic Reading”, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 41:2 (2008), pp. 263–293; Keese, Alexander, “Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind: British and French Debates about ‘Vagrancy’, ‘African Laziness’, and Forced Labour in West Central and South Central Africa, 1945–1965”, International Review of Social History, 59:3 (2014), pp. 377407 .

6. Hofmeester, Karin et al.Conquerors, Employers, and Arbiters: States and Shifts in Labour Relations 1500–2000, Introduction”, International Review of Social History 61: Special Issue 24 (2016), pp. 126 , 1–2, 4.

7. Cf. Keese, “Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind”, p. 379.

8. Lugard, Frederick J.D., The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (Edinburgh, 1922).

9. Iliffe, John, Africans: The History of a Continent (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 207208 .

10. Lugard, The Dual Mandate, pp. 230–233. Lugard would later work for the ILO.

11. Burton, Andrew, “‘The Eye of Authority’: ‘Native’ Taxation, Colonial Governance and Resistance in Inter-War Tanganyika”, Journal of Eastern African Studies 2:1 (2008), pp. 7494 ; Redding, Sean, “A Blood-Stained Tax: Poll Tax and the Bambatha Rebellion in South Africa”, Africa Studies Review 43:2 (2000), pp. 2954 ; Trevor, Daphne, “African Native Taxation”, The Review of Economic Studies, 3:3 (1936), pp. 217225 .

12. Labour relations are defined as the full range of vertical and horizontal social relations under which work is performed. Hofmeester, “Conquerors, Employers, and Arbiters”, p. 1.

13. Mamdani, Mahmood, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism (Princeton, NJ, 1996), pp. 4344 .

14. Bening, R. Bagulo, Ghana: Administrative Areas and Boundaries 1874–2009 (Accra, 2010), p. 111 . Throughout history, the administrative boundaries and regions have undergone several changes. Today, the Northern Territories are the Northern Region, the Upper West Region, and the Upper East Region. Brong-Ahafo was part of the Ashanti region in 1930.

15. Wiemers, Alice, “‘It is All He Can Do to Cope with the Roads in His Own District’: Labor, Community, and Development in Northern Ghana, 1919–1936”, International Labor and Working-Class History, 92 (2017), pp. 89113 .

16. Wiemers bases her analysis of the Northern colonial discourse on digitized informal diaries that are accessible through the Endangered Archives Programme of the British Library. Although these are interesting sources, they do present some limits in their expressiveness for policymaking and political discourse.

17. Indeed, only slightly more than two pages are dedicated to the period after 1930. Wiemers, “‘It is All He Can Do to Cope’”, pp. 102–105.

18. Ferguson, Phyllis and Wilks, Ivor, “Chiefs, Constitutions and the British in Northern Ghana”, in Michael Crowder (ed.), West African Chiefs: Their Changing Status under Colonial Rule and Independence (New York, 1970), pp. 326369 ; Staniland, Martin, The Lions of Dagbon: Political Change in Northern Ghana (Cambridge, 1975); Ladouceur, Paul A., Chiefs and Politicians: The Politics of Regionalism in Northern Ghana (London, 1979); Brukum, N.J.K., “Chiefs, Colonial Policy and Politics in Northern Ghana, 1897–1957”, Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, 3 (1999), pp. 101122 ; Thomas, Roger G., “Forced Labour in British West Africa: The Case of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast 1906–1927”, The Journal of African History, 14:1 (1973), pp. 79103 ; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “Colonial Forced Labour Policies for Road-Building in Southern Ghana and International Anti-Forced Labor Pressures, 1900–1940”, African Economic History, 28 (2000), pp. 125 ; and “‘The Loads are Heavier than Usual’: Forced Labor by Women and Children in the Central Province, Gold Coast (Colonial Ghana), ca.1900–1940”, African Economic History, 30 (2002), pp. 31–51.

19. Lentz, Carola, Die Konstruktion von Ethnizität. Eine Politische Geschichte Nord-West Ghanas 1870–1990 (Cologne, 1998), pp. 210216 ; Roger G. Thomas, “Forced Labour in British West Africa”, p. 81; Crisp, Jeff, The Story of an African Working Class: Ghanaian Miners’ Struggles 1870–1980 (London, 1984), p. 36 .

20. Historians have even assumed that there was no forced labour after 1930. Cf. Thomas, “Forced Labour in British West Africa”, p. 103; Asiwaju, Anthony I., “Migration as Revolt: The Example of the Ivory Coast and the Upper Volta before 1945”, The Journal of African History, 17:4 (1976), pp. 577594, 583 .

21. Guthrie, “Forced Volunteers”, p. 211; Keese, “Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind”, p. 387; Okia, “The Northey Forced Labor Crisis, 1920–1921”, p. 271.

22. Portugal only signed the Forced Labour Convention in 1956. The Abolition of Forced Labour Convention was signed in 1959. Cooper, Decolonization and African Societies, p. 194; Fall, Babacar, Le Travail Forcé en Afrique-Occidentale Française, 1900–1946. (Paris, 1993); Cordell, Dennis Dale, “Labour Reservoirs and Population: French Colonial Strategies in Koudougou, Upper Volta, 1914 to 1939”, The Journal of African History 23:2 (1982), pp. 205224 ; Guthrie, “Forced Volunteers”, p. 195; Allina, Eric, Slavery by Any Other Name: African Life under Company Rule in Colonial Mozambique (Charlottesville, VA, 2012); Ball, Jeremy, Angola’s Colossal Lie: Forced Labor on a Sugar Plantation, 1913–1977 (Leiden [etc.], 2015); and idem, “‘I Escaped in a Coffin’: Remembering Angolan Forced Labor from the 1940s” Cadernos de Estudos Africanos 9/10 (2006), pp. 1–14; Seibert, “More Continuity than Change?”, pp. 369–386; Asiwaju, “Migration as Revolt”; and Keese, Alexander, “Developmentalist Attitudes and Old Habits: Portuguese Labour Policies, South African Rivalry, and Flight in Southern Angola, 1945–1974”, Journal of Southern African Studies 41:2 (2015), pp. 237253 ; Austin, Gareth, Labour, Land, and Capital in Ghana: From Slavery to Free Labour in Asante, 1807–1956 (Rochester, NY, 2005), p. 401 .

23. There is no consenus on the total figure, but estimations range from 71,000 to 100,000 migrants for the late 1920s and early 1930s. Asiwaju, “Migration as Revolt”.

24. This meant that the buy-out rate was basically the wage paid to the worker who had to be engaged, theoretically, to replace the forced labourer. The exact rate varied between French colonies. Marlous van Waijenburg, “Financing the African Colonial State: The Revenue Imperative and Forced Labour”, African Economic History Working Paper (2015), p. 20: available at https://www.aehnetwork.org/working-papers/financing-the-african-colonial-state-the-revenue-imperative-and-forced-labour/; last accessed 12 July 2018.

25. Although payment of wages does not disqualify labour from being forced.

26. Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, pp. 42–43; Austin, Labour, Land, and Capital in Ghana, p. 213.

27. Maul, “The International Labour”, p. 481.

28. However, colonial regimes had lucid moments of realizing that their policies did not effectively result in an adequate infrastructure for the population. Cooper, Decolonization and African Society, p. 383ff.

29. ILO C29, Article 2, §2(c); (e).

30. Okia, Communal Labour in Colonial Kenya.

31. Ibid., p. 3. Cf. Ranger, Terrence, “The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa”, in E.J. Hobsbawm and T.O. Ranger (eds), The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 211262 .

32. Keese, “Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind”, p. 398.

33. Of course, the British also conscripted labour for the military during the war. Cf. Cooper, “Decolonization and African Societies”, p. 125.

34. Vickery, Kenneth P., “The Second World War Revival of Forced Labor in the Rhodesias”, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 22:3 (1989), pp. 423437 .

35. ILO C29, Article 2, §2(c); (e).

36. Ibid., Article 9(c).

37. Ibid., Article 14.

38. Ibid., Article 14, §2, 3.

39. Wiemers, “‘It is All He Can Do to Cope’”, p. 92.

40. Phillips, Anne, The Enigma of Colonialism (London [etc.], 1989), p. 43 .

41. Public Records and Archives Administration Department [hereafter PRAAD ] Tamale NRG 8/17/2, CCNT to CS, 19 March 1929.

42. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/2, CCNT to CS, 19 March 1929.

43. Samuel Ntewusu, “The Road to Development: The Construction and Use of ‘the Great North Road’ in Gold Coast Ghana”, ASC Working Paper, 114 (2014), p. 6: available at http://www.ascleiden.nl/news/new-working-paper-road-development-construction-and-use-great-north-road-gold-coast-ghana; last accessed 12 July 2018.

44. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/2, CCNT to CS, 19 March 1929. Labour was called out by beating the gong-gong, a double bell that was beaten for announcements from the chief’s palace. In the North, where villages stretched over large areas, announcements were also made by sending a message from homestead to homestead.

45. Van Waijenburg, “Financing the African Colonial State”, p. 12.

46. The Report does not, however, explain why no funds for construction were available or whether costs increased due to the Forced Labour Convention. Annual Report on the Social and Economic Progress of the People of the Gold Coast (1930–31), p. 31.

47. Road labour refers the physical act of labour on roads, either for road construction, or road maintenance. In the colonial discourse, “road maintenance” usually does not refer to labour as a physical act, but to the public works category. For example: The cost of road labour is the payment of the labourer, whereas costs for road maintenance includes tools and materials as well. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/2, Duncan-Johnstone, 1930 [n.d.]. Of course, there were no railways in the North.

48. Annual Reports of the Gold Coast for the Year 1929–1930. These 4,396 miles were not all local roads, but also included “political” roads.

49. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, BG to CS, 6.5.1931.

50. Annual Reports of the Gold Coast for the Year 1930–1931; PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, BG to CS, 6 May 1931.

51. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, BG to CS, 6 May 1931.

52. Cf. Phillips, The Enigma of Colonialism, p. 40. However, the colonial government also regarded roads that passed through “tribal territory” as a “native roads”. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/5, CS to CCA, 29 October 1930.

53. Wiemers, “‘It is All He Can Do to Cope’”, pp. 102–105.

54. Ibid., p. 104.

55. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/2, CS [Circular Letter], 21 December 1931.

56. Cf. Akurang-Parry, “Colonial Forced Labour Policies”, p. 20; Cf. Hart, Jennifer, Ghana on the Go: African Mobility in the Age of Motor Transportation (Bloomington, IN [etc.], 2016), p. 54 .

57. Akurang-Parry, “Colonial Forced Labour Policies”, p. 20. Akurang-Parry refers to the classification of roads as Class A, B, and C roads. In the 1930s, however, roads were classified as “local” and “political” roads. Eventually, classification of class I, II, and III roads emerged again. Cf. Colonial Annual Reports: Gold Coast, 1948. Before, roads were classified as A, B, and C roads. Class C roads were those renamed as “local” roads, and Class A roads were arterial roads on which forced labour had been paid previously. Class B could not be defined as Class C roads since no communities lived along them, which meant that labour working on them had to be paid as well. Akurang-Parry, “Colonial Forced Labour Policies”, pp. 18–19.

58. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/2, CS [Circular Letter], 19 December 1930.

59. Ibid. With regard to the discussion on local and public roads, it should be mentioned that the cases of road building for communal interest would also be financed from the community. Such roads are, however, not subject to this analysis. Cf. Austin, Labour, Land, and Capital in Ghana, p. 42.

60. Akurang-Parry, “Colonial Forced Labour Policies”, p. 20.

61. Ntewusu, “The Road to Development”, p. 15.

62. Wiemers, “‘It is All He Can Do to Cope’”, pp. 104–105.

63. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, Governor to CS, 17 September 1931.

64. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, Extract from demi-official letter from H.E. the Governor to A. Fiddian, 13 October 1931.

65. Commissioner subsequently faced this reluctance themselves when they had to supply labourers to the South. Wiemers, “‘It is All He Can Do to Cope’”, pp. 93–95.

66. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, BG [?] to CS, 6 May 1931. Other estimations claimed that the actual additional costs of maintenance alone would be £122,600 for the Government. Wiemers references a source that estimates the costs to be £140,000. Wiemers, “‘It is All He Can Do to Cope’”, p. 104.

67. Shaloff, Stanley, “The Income Tax, Indirect Rule and the Depression: The Gold Coast Riots of 1931”, Cahiers d'Études Africaines 14:54 (1974), pp. 359375 .

68. ILO C29, Article 7.

69. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/2, Duncan-Johnstone, 1930 [n.d.].

70. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, G.C. Du Boulay, Acting Colonial Secretary, December 1931.

71. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, Attorney General to CS, 3 October 1931.

72. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, CS, December 1931.

73. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, CS for discussion with Attorney General and Secretary of Native Affairs, 19 October 1931.

74. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, CS for discussion with AG and SNA, 19 October 1931. Cf. Brukum, “Chiefs, Colonial Policy and Politics in Northern Ghana”, p. 113.

75. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, SNS to AG, 10 May 1932; and on 19 October 1931.

76. In the wider colonial notion, courts were, of course, another institution of civilization. Cf. Mamdani, Citizen and Subject, p. 109ff.

77. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/14, CS to Chief Secretary to the Government of Nigeria, 24 July 1936. Compare Brukum, “Chiefs, Colonial Policy and Politics in Northern Ghana”, p. 112; PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/5, DC of Yendi to CCNT, 1 August 1943.

78. PRO CO 96/700/14, W.J.A. Jones, Memorandum on the Introduction of Direct Taxation in the Gold Coast Colony, 1931, p. 4.

79. Ibid. On roads and motor transportation in relation to cocoa see Austin, Labour, Land, and Capital in Ghana, 217ff.

80. Wiemers, “‘It is All He Can Do to Cope’”, p. 104.

81. PRAAD Kumasi ARG 1/37/5, Secretary of Native Affairs to CCA, 13 June 1944.

82. Keese, “Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind”, p. 397.

83. Tax collection through local authorities was also suggested by Lugard for the indirect rule system. He saw it as opportunity to foster a benevolent relation to local populations, as they would seek colonial assistance in cases of tax fraud by chiefs. Lugard, The Dual Mandate, pp. 201, 249.

84. Bening, Raymond B., “Introduction of Direct Taxation in Northern Ghana, 1898–1939”, Legon Journal of Sociology, 5:1 (2013), p. 85 ; Phillips, The Enigma of Colonialism, p. 43.

85. Lugard, The Dual Mandate, pp. 218–219; Bening, Raymond B., “Introduction of Direct Taxation in Northern Ghana, 1898–1939”, Legon Journal of Sociology 5.1 (2013), p. 85 ; Phillips, The Enigma of Colonialism, p. 43; Phyllis and Wilks, “Chiefs, Constitutions and the British in Northern Ghana.”, p. 334; Lentz, Die Konstruktion von Ethnizität, p. 113f; Staniland, The Lions of Dagbon, p. 81.

86. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/5, DC of Yendi to CCNT, 10 November 1931.

87. Ibid.

88. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/4, Sidney S. Abraham, AG to CS, 3 October 1931.

89. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/5, List of Roads in the Northern Territories [Document 29], 21 December 1934; PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/12, GDL to AG, 17 December 1935; PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/12, CS to AG, 2.4.1936; and Sidney S. Abraham, AG, to CS, 4 April 1936.

90. Mamdani, Citizen and Subject, p. 52. Of course, Mamdani’s analysis of chieftaincy is drawn mainly on South Africa and Uganda in relation to racial segregation and Apartheid, and limited in its application to chieftaincy and indirect rule in West Africa.

91. Brukum, “Chiefs, Colonial Policy and Politics in Northern Ghana”, p. 108. This also contradicts the notion of an administrative chief as a decentralized despot. Cf. Mamdani, Citizen and Subject, p. 43.

92. Grischow, Jeff, Shaping Tradition: Civil Society, Community and Development in Colonial Northern Ghana, 1899–1957 (Leiden, 2006), pp. 8791 .

93. This refers to those local authorities that did not carry out road maintenance on public roads. This was usually in those regions where roads were maintained by the PWD. Cf. PRAAD Accra ADM 11/1842, Commissioner of Western Province to Colonial Secretary, 9.4.1941.

94. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/2/5, Minutes of the Dagomba Conference Held at Yendi in March, 1936; PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/5, DC of Lawra to CCNT, 2 August 1940.

95. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/15, CS to Chief Commissioners, 3 November 1939.

96. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/15, Captain Lynch to CS, 28 August 1939.

97. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/2/28, DC of Western Dagomab to Commissioner of Southern Province, 25 November 1931; PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/5 DC of Mamprusi to CCNT, 17 July 1940.

98. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/5, DC of Wa to CCNT, 15 July 1940. Austin points out that Asante chiefs used forced labour on their farms and how the colonial government had limited power to change this practice. The subsequent development of free labour in Asante cocoa farming was the result of a shift in the labour market itself as well as workers’ agency. Of course, chiefs owned large scale commercial cocoa farms that are not comparable with the farms of Northern chiefs. Austin, Labour, Land, and Capital in Ghana, pp. 235, 242–249, 320–321.

99. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/4/1, Forced Labour Convention. Report in Respect of the Gold Coast Colony, Ashanti, the Northern Territories and Togoland under British Mandate. 1932.

100. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/4/1, T.S.W. Thomas, Governor of the Gold Coast, to Philip Cunliffe-Lister, Secretary of State for the Colonies, 20 December 1932.

101. For Krachi and Gonja districts no forced labour was reported. PRAAD Tamale NRG 8/17/2, Return of Forced Labour for the Period 3 June to 30 September 1932.

102. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/7, Third Annual Report on the Operation concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour during the Year ended the 30 September 1934.

103. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/15, Captain Lynch to CS, 28 August 1939.

104. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/15, L.W.W. to Captain Lynch, 30 August 1939.

105. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/15, Captain Lynch to CS, 28 August 1939.

106. PRAAD Accra CSO 21/8/15, Captain Lynch to CS, 4 October 1939.

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