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The German Center Party and the Reichsbanner: A Case Study in Political and Social Consensus in the Weimar Republic

  • Thomas A. Knapp

The problem of paramilitary organizations in Germany after 1918 forms an interesting and crucial chapter in the story of the ill-fated Weimar Republic. The organizations which gained the most notoriety stood on the far political right, unreconciled and unreconcilable both to military defeat and to the republic which was the child of that defeat. But the republic did have its militant defenders, who were recruited on the democratic left and organized in the Reichsbanner. The history of the Reichsbanner not only vividly demonstrated “the sharpness of political antagonisms” in the republic, but also reflected several developments during Germany's so-called golden years after 1924: the balance of political forces, Catholic-socialist and bourgeois-socialist relations, and in no small degree the disintegration of the Weimar Coalition (Social Democratic Party, Democratic Party, and Center Party).

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page 159 note 1 On the history of the Reichsbanner, see the recent study by Karl Rohe, Das Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und Struktur der politischen Kampfverbände zur Zeit der Weimarer Republik (Düsseldorf, 1966). The present article approaches the Reichsbanner from a different perspective (since it is concerned essentially with the problems of the Center) and utilizes different sources from those used by Rohe.

page 159 note 2 Bracher, Karl Dietrich, Die Auflösung der Weimarer Republik (3rd ed.; Villingen/Schwarzwald, 1960), p. 144.

page 160 note 1 Letter of Hörsing to Wilhelm Marx, Oct. 11, 1926, in Wilhelm Marx Papers 265, Kö;ln Stadtarchiv.

page 160 note 2 On these problems, and on the founding of the Reichsbanner, see the discussion in Rohe, pp. 44–55. The author (p. 52) refers to the Reichsbanner as “dieses ideologisch wenig artikulierten Verbandes”.

page 161 note 1 The title of a book by the chairman of the Baden Center, Josef Schofer, Mit der alten Fahne in die neue Zeit (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1926). On the Center in the early years of the republic see Morsey, Rudolf, Die Deutsche Zentrumspartei 1917–1923 (Düsseldorf, 1966).

page 161 note 2 Most of the recent literature on the Center makes this rather clear. See in particular the excellent brief survey of Becker, Josef, “Die Deutsche Zentrumspartei 1918–1933. Grundprobleme ihrer Entwicklung”, in: Aus Politik und Zeit-geschichte. Beilage zur Wochenzeitung Das Parlament (03 13, 1968), pp. 315.

page 162 note 1 Wirth, Joseph, “Die Erfurter Tagung des Zentrums”, in: Frankfurter Zeitung, No 831, 11 7, 1926;“Die deutsche Republik und die Zentrumspartei”, in: Deutsche Republik, I, Heft 3 (19261927), pp. 34 (hereafter cited as DR).

page 162 note 2 Letter of Wilhelm Marx to Carl Bachem, Jan. 11, 1928 in Carl Bachem Papers 923, Stadtarchiv., Köln Cf. Offizieller Bericht des Vierten Reichsparteitages der Deutschen Zentrumspartei. Tagung zu Cassel am 16. und 17. November 1925 (Berlin, n.d. [1925]), p. 112 (hereafter cited as Off. Ber. 1925). It can also be argued that the Center historically embodied both a “democratic” southwest German tradition and a “constitutional” Rhenish-Prussian tradition, and that the “constitutional party” formula represented a victory of the latter over the former. See *Buchheim, Karl, “Das Zentrum und die Republik”, in: Hochland, LIX (12 1966), pp. 111–28.

page 162 note 3 Undated ms. “Warum das Zentrum mit dem Soz. Dem. zusammengegangen ist”, Bachem Papers 923. The same argument was used by Bachem, in his Vorgeschichte, Geschichte und Politik des Deutschen Zentrumspartei (9 vols; Köln, 19271932), VIII, pp. 274–77.

page 162 note 4 See Morsey, pp. 555, 577–78, 614. Morsey also points out (p. 610) that as early as 1919 the Center's relations with the SPD had “noticeably cooled”. The Volks-gemeinschaft idea was widely championed in Catholic workers' circles, although labor spokesmen were careful to emphasize that it could not be realized through a reactionary rightwing government, or “Bürgerblock”. See Westdeutsche Arbeiterzeitung, No 37, Sept. 13, 1924 (hereafter cited as WAZ).

page 163 note 1 “Things go with Wirth in large assemblies”, wrote Carl Bachem pessimistically, “just as they used to with Erzberger, only much worse … I do not think it is possible to control Wirth's madness, and thereby he will destroy the party.” Letter to Gustav Trunk, Dec. 17, 1925, Bachem Papers 828. Too close a comparison between Wirth and Erzberger can be misleading, however. Both men played the role of Aussensetter in the Center, but they were not close associates and had Erzberger lived after 1921 it is not at all certain he would have supported Wirth. The author is presently completing a political biography of Wirth.

page 163 note 2 Verhandlungen des Reichstags, Vol. 356 (06 25, 1922), p. 8058. Morsey's assertion (op. cit., pp. 491–92) that Wirth's speech “imprisoned” him may be basically correct, but needs further explanation and some modification. Cf. Wirth's remarks during his exile in the 1930's: Wirth, Josef, “Die deutsche Neutralitätspolitik der Jahre 1922–1932. Erstveröffentlichung einer in Luzern im Jahre 1936 gehaltenen Rede”, in: Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik, V (1960), p. 1017; undated report [Nov., 1937] of a meeting between Wirth and Alsatian politicians, in Auswärtiges Amt: Abt. Inland II geheim (National Archives Microcopy T-120), serial 2378, roll 1317, frame D497549.

page 163 note 3 Cf. debates over continuation of the Republikschutzgesetz in 1925, Verhandlungen des Reichstags, Vol. 385 (03 18, 1925), pp. 1146–50;Hertzman, Lewis, DNVP. Right-Wing Opposition in the Weimar Republic (Lincoln, Neb., 1963) p. 233.

page 164 note 1 Joos, Joseph, “Dr. Wirth und die Reichstagfraktion”, in: WAZ, No 38, 09 19, 1925;Becker, Joseph, “Joseph Wirth und die Krise des Zentrums während des IV. Kabinettes Marx (1927–1928)”, in: Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins, CIX (1961), pp. 403404, 469–71. See also the portrait by Köhler, Heinrich, Lebenserinnerungen des Politikers und Staatsmannes 1878–1949, ed. by Becker, Josef (Stuttgart, 1964), pp. 1698–88.Köhler, , one of Wirth's erstwhile Centrist colleagues from Baden and later (19271928) Reich finance minister, recognized Wirth's political talents but bitterly condemned him as a demagogue and “the greatest egoist in the post-war Center”.

page 164 note 2 Letter of Wirth to Hörsing, July 30, 1924, cited in Rohe, p. 280.

page 164 note 3 Morsey refers to Wirth's “Extratouren”. See “Das Zentrum zwischen den Fronten”, in: Der Weg in die Diktatur 19188–1933 (Munich, 1962), p. 99.

page 164 note 4 The Katholische Arbeitervereine were not trade unions, but rather cultural organizations under episcopal jurisdiction. Joos was a personal friend of Wirth and generally acted in his behalf as a go-between with party leaders. But Wirth received more consistent support from local Catholic labor leaders.

page 165 note 1 Letter of Adolf Kalesse to Marx, June 1, 1927, Marx Papers 239. Cf. also WAZ, No 47, Nov. 22, 1924; Drees, Willi, “Wir glauben an unsere Zukunft”, in: All-gemeine Rundschau, XXIII (07 3, 1926), pp. 4668–67; Das Junge Zentrum, IV (June/July, 1927), p. 35, and ibid. (Aug., 1927), pp. 1538–54.

page 165 note 2 At the Center's party congress in 1925, Wirth and Stegerwald clashed head-on over the issue of political direction for the party and Center participation in the Reichsbanner. Cf. Off. Ber. 1925, pp. 308–38, 708–78. Stegerwald's penchant for a right-wing political course was tactical as much as anything else. The non-socialist federation of trade unions, which included the Christian Trade Unions, the Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (founded in 1919 as a counterpoise to the socialist Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund), included important contingents from the Nationalist party. As chairman of the DGB, Stegerwald was constantly preoccupied with problems of organizational unity. On the Christian Trade Unions and the Reichsbanner see “Reichsbanner und christliche Gewerkschaften”, in: Zentralblatt der christlichen Gewerkschaften, XXV (1925), p. 98;“Reichsbanner und Zentrum”, in: Kölnische Volkszeitung, No 546, 07 27, 1927;remarks of Stegerwald in Verhandlungen des Reichstags, Vol. 393 (03 29, 1928), p. 13893;letter of Marx to Dr Stenzel, 05 13, 1930, Marx Papers 265.

page 165 note 3 Joos, Joseph, Die politische Ideenwelt des Zentrums (Karlsruhe, 1928), pp. 328–39;Dirks, Walterin Rhein-Mainische Volkszeitung, No 183, 08 9, 1926;Krone, Heinrich, “Am Ende?”, in: Das Junge Zentrum, IV (01, 1927), pp. 13;Becker, Werner, “Die Politik der jungen Generation in Europa”, in: Abend-land, I (08, 1926), pp. 328–30.

page 165 note 4 Germania, No 307, Nov. 5, 1923.

page 166 note 1 Joos to Julius Stocky, Jan. 8, 1926, Marx Papers 238; Brüning, Heinrich, “Führer und Gefolgschaft in der modernen Demokratie”, in: Das Junge Zentrum, III (08, 1926), pp. 180–84. Cf. Brüning's comments twenty years later on Center-socialist cooperation, and the possibility of forming a united “labor party” out of members of the Center and the SPD: Brüning to Wilhelm Sollmann, Aug. 20, 1946, in Wilhelm Sollmann Papers (Swarthmore College Peace Collection, Swarthmore, Pa.), DG 45, Box 1.

page 166 note 2 Off. Ber. 1925, p. 78; Wirth, , “Wir bleiben!”, in: Das Reichsbanner, IV (09 1, 1927).

page 166 note 3 Ms. “Reichsbanner”, Marx Papers 265; Rohe, p. 291.

page 166 note 4 Cf. Zeender, John K., “The German Catholics and the Presidential Election of 1925”, in: Journal of Modern History, XXXV (12, 1963), pp. 366–84. See also Holl, Karl, “Konfessionalität, Konfessionalismus und demokratische Republik – Zu einigen Aspekten der Reichspräsidentenwahl von 1925”, in: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, XVII (07, 1969), pp. 254–75.

page 167 note 1 Report of Hermann Pünder, Sept. 9, 1925, in Alte Reichskanzlei: Partei 4, Zentrumspartei 1919–1926 (National Archives Microcopy T-120), serial L1833, reel 5713, frames L530127–9; Ms. “Der Austritt Dr. Wirths aus der Fraktion im Jahre 1925”, Marx Papers 236. Cf. Decker, Georg, “Die Zentrumskrise”, in: Die Gesellschaft, II, 2 (1925), pp. 410–28.

page 167 note 2 Munich police report, March 1, 1926 on Wirth's appearance before a capacity Reichsbanner rally, in NSDAP Hauptarchiv (Hoover Institution Microfilm Copy), reel 93, folder 1902; Marx to the secretary of the Düsseldorf Catholic Workers' Association, Drösser, Dec. 10, 1925, Marx Papers 237.

page 167 note 3 Letters to Marx from Heinrich Vockel, Sept. 18, 1925 and Geheimrat Bürger, Dec. 16, 1925, Marx Papers 237. Rudolf ten Hompel to Marx, Jan. 14, 1926, ibid. 238. Carl Bachem complained that Wirth should not be allowed to address Center assemblies, particularly working-class audiences, “solange er in Ver-sammlungen des ‘Banner schwarz-rot-gold’ auftrete und dort Stimmung gegen die Zentrumsfraktion mache… [M]it den Arbeitern und den so wenig verstands-fähigen grossstädtischen Massen allein können wirs nicht machen.” Bachem to Gustav Trunk, Dec. 17, 1925, Bachem Papers 828.

page 167 note 4 “Have you forgotten”, one rightist complained to Marx, “who was the chief power in the Center in the years 1870–90? And which class in the future it must be again?” – a clear reference to the Catholic upper middle class and aristocratic Honoratioren in the pre-war Center. Th. Hebring to Marx, Nov. 2, 1926, Marx Papers 238.

page 168 note 1 Marx dated the beginning of his later troubles with Catholic trade unionists from the events of late 1924. See Ms. “Meinungsverschiedenheiten mit den christlichen Arbeitern”, Marx Papers 241.

page 168 note 2 Kunze, Otto, “Christliche Politik”, in: Allgemeine Rundschau, XXI (10 23, 1924), pp. 681–82; Bayerischer Kurier, No 219, Aug. 9, 1926 and No 253, Sept. 10, 1927; “Bayerische Briefe”, in: Das Junge Zentrum, IV (01, 1927), pp. 410;Funder, Friedrich, Als Österreich den Sturm bestand (Vienna, 1957), pp. 119–20.

page 168 note 3 Nationalrat Heinrich Mataja to Marx, July 22, 1926 and Aug. 17, 1926; F. Krauss to Marx, Oct. 6, 1926; Hugo Graf von Lerchenfeld to Marx, Oct. 23, 1926, all in Marx Papers 265. Cf. Julius Deutsch (chairman of the Schutzbund) to Hörsing, Oct. 18, 1926, copy in ibid.

page 168 note 4 Marx to Mataja, Aug. 3 and Sept. 14, 1926, and Hörsing to Marx, Oct. 11, 1926, Marx Papers 265. Marx was not the only one to have serious reservations about participation in the Reichsbanner in 1926; the middle-class leaders of the DDP felt the same way. The chairman of that party, Koch-Weser, Erich, concluded: “Wir hatten gehofft dass wir durch das Reichsbanner weitere Kreise der Sozialdemokraten zu uns herüberziehen würden. Ich halte diese Hoffnung für verfehlt; denn ich sehe immer wieder, wie die radikalen Elemente sich bei diesen gemeinsamen Organisation durchsetzen.” Meeting of the DDP Ausschuss, 11 28, 1926, copy in NSDAP-HA, 37/731.

page 169 note 1 Archbishop cardinal Bertram of Breslau to Marx, Nov. 24, 1925, and Heinrich Vockel to Marx, Sept. 14, 1926, Marx Papers 265; “Zurück aus dem Sumpf! Hinein in den Turm!”, in: Allgemeine Rundschau, XXIII (06 26, 1926), p. 402; remarks of Prälat Linneborn in Off. Ber. 1925, p. 106.

page 169 note 2 Das Junge Zentrum, III (July, 1926), pp. 137–38.

page 169 note 3 Kunze, Otto, “Quo Vadis, katholische Jugend?”, in: Allgemeine Rundschau, XXIII (06 19, 1926), p. 386; materials in NSDAP-HA, 94/1906, folder marked “Reichsbanner und Zentrum”.

page 170 note 1 Ms. “Dr. Wirth und die Republikanische Union”, Marx Papers 236.

page 170 note 2 Cf. Rako, Otto, Katholizismus und Zentrumspolitik zu Sozialismus und Reichsbanner (Berlin, 1930), p. 29; Carl Bachem to Felix Porsch, Dec. 16, 1925, Bachem Papers 828.

page 170 note 3 Off. Ber. 1925, pp. 30–38; Frankfurter Zeitung, No 397, May 31, 1927 and No 414, June 7, 1927.

page 171 note 1 See the exchange of letters relating to this incident in Marx Papers 238: H. Rademacher [secretary of the Thuringian Center] to Wirth, Nov. 18, 1926; Wirth to Rademacher, Nov. 23, 1926; Dr Schomberg to Wirth, Nov. 29, 1926; Rademacher to Marx, Dec. 28, 1926.

page 171 note 2 On the Center's crisis in 1927 see Becker, “Wirth und die Krise des Zentrums”, passim.

page 171 note 3 DR, I, Heft 16 (1926–27), p. 8.

page 171 note 4 Cf. the issues of DR, I (1926–27): Heft 26, pp. 98–103; Heft 30, pp. 225–29; Heft 32, pp. 289–93. Letter of Marx to Wirth, May 20, 1927, Marx Papers 239.

page 171 note 5 Vorwärts, No 172, July 19, 1927.

page 171 note 6 Ms. “Reichsbanner”, Marx Papers 265.

page 172 note 1 Heinrich Vockel to Marx, July 23, 25 and 29, 1927, Marx Papers 265.

page 172 note 2 “Bekenntnis zum Reichsbanner”, in: Vorwärts, No 185, 08 3, 1927. Cf. Münchener Post, July 27, 1927; Thormann, Werner, “Zentrum und Reichsbanner”, in: Rhein-Mainische Volkszeitung, No 169, 07 26, 1927.

page 172 note 3 DR, I, Heft 41 (1926–27), pp. 581–83; Berliner Tageblatt, No 358, July 31, 1927.

page 172 note 4 “Rundschreiben”, signed by Heinrich Krone (08 20, 1927), Marx Papers 265; Vockel to Marx, July 29, 1927, ibid.; Kölnische Volkszeitung, No 552, July 29, 1927.

page 173 note 1 Report of a meeting of Center leaders in the Reichsbanner, July 29, 1927 in Marx Papers 265; Severing, Carl, Mein Lebensweg (Köln, 1950), II, pp. 9394; Rohe, pp. 379–81.

page 173 note 2 “Abschied vom Zentrum?”, in: DR, II (07 6, 1928), pp. 1273–78.

page 173 note 3 Germania, No 173, April 12, 1930; Gross, Nikolaus, “Unser Weg”, in: WAZ, No 19, 05 10, 1930; police report, “Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Gau Württemberg” (04 24, 1930), pp. 47, copy in NSDAP-HA, 58/1403; Marx to Dr Stenzel, May 13, 1930, Marx Papers 265.

page 173 note 4 Leading to complaints, not entirely without foundation, that the Center simply “used” the Reichsbanner. While the left wing of the SPD hotly criticized Hörsing's renewed call for “Überparteilichkeit” in the Reichsbanner after the formation of the Brüning government, Center supporters of the Reichsbanner praised that same position. Cf. Laumann, Kurt, “Zentrum, Sozialdemokratie, und Reichsbanner”, in: Der Klassenkampf, IV, No 12 (1930), 359–64; DR, IV (April 19, 1930), p. 868.

page 173 note 5 Wirth, , “Die Republikaner und ihr Staat”, in: DR, I, Heft 12 (19261927), pp. 13. Cf. Wirth's similar statements on the Center workers in 1933: Becker, Josef, “Zentrum und Ermächtigungsgesetz 1933”, in: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeit-geschichte, IX (04, 1961), pp. 208210.

page 174 note 1 Wirth, , “Sozialisten, Katholiken, und der deutsche Staat”, in: DR, III (01 25, 1929), pp. 515–16;Verhandlungen des Reichstags, Vol. 393 (03 29, 1928), pp. 1315–19.

page 174 note 2 Wirth, , “Um das neue Kabinett”, in: DR, I, Heft 9 (19261927), pp. 1721. Cf. Wirth's, statement: “Die [im Reichsbanner] vertretenen Parteien versuche ich zum Staat zu führen, damit sie die politischen Aufgaben des Tages staatspo-litisch sehen lernen. Damit wird selbstverständlich im Politischen der Klassen-kampfgedanke überwunden.” Letter (“Promemoria”) of Wirth to Prälat Dr Schofer, 09 11, 1927, copy in Marx Papers 240 (also printed in Becker, , “Wirth und die Krise des Zentrums”, pp. 450–61).

page 174 note 3 Sollmann, Wilhelm, “Arbeitermassen und Staatspolitik”, in: DR, I, Heft 2 (19261927), pp. 1518;Sollmann, , “Nation und Sozialismus”, in: Das Reichsbanner, IV (02 19, 1927); undated Ms. “Die Staatsidee der Sozialdemokratie”, Sollmann Papers, Box 15.

page 174 note 4 Wirth, , “Wir bleiben!”, in: Das Reichsbanner, IV (09 1, 1927).

page 175 note 1 Teipel, Heinrich, Wir müssen aus dem Turm heraus! (Berlin, 1925);Teipel, , “Die Krise des deutschen Reichstags”, in: WAZ, No 6, 02 6 and No 7, 02 13, 1926. Wirth's supporters in the DDP evidently had similar ideas. Cf. the remarks of the trade unionist Anton Erkelenz: “Ich würde es für das Richtigste halten wenn die Gruppen die sich unter den Namen Republikanische Union ein gemeinsames Ziel gesetzt haben, sich zu einem einheitlichen Parteikörper verschmelzen würden.” Meeting of DDP Vorstand, Nov. 6, 1926, in NSDAP-HA, 37/730.

page 175 note 2 Cf. Emonds, Josef, “Proletariat und katholische Partei. Ein offenes Wort von Links”, in: Abendland, III (02, 1928), pp. 134–37;Ossietzky, Carl von, “Feuer im Osten”, in: Die Weltbühne, XXIII (06 14, 1927), pp. 925–30;Koch, Walther, “Können Sozialismus und Katholizismus zusammenarbeiten?”, in: Sozialistische Monatshefte, XXXIV (04, 1928), pp. 279–80.

page 175 note 3 Wirth, , “Der 11. August”, in: Germania, No 334, 08 11, 1924. Cf. Wirth's letter to Hans Lammers, Aug. 10, 1933: “Ich verstehe es, wenn meine politischen Gegner mich wegen meiner innerpolitischen Haltung angreifen. Darüber sehe ich weg. Meine nationalpolitische Ehre aber geht allem vor. Darin unterscheide ich mich garnicht von anderen Zeitgenossen, die die nationale Ehre besonders stark betonen.” Alte Reichskanzlei: Personalakten Josef Wirth (National Archives Microcopy T-120), serial 8443, reel 3352, frames E594177–80.

page 175 note 4 See Germania, No 498, Nov. 14,1924 (Wirth's comments on the “Bürgerblock”); Jasper, Gotthard, Der Schutz der Republik. Studien zur staatlichen Sicherung der Demokratie in der Weimarer Republik (Tübingen, 1963), p. 242 (Wirth's remarks before the Reichstag Überwachungsausschuss Sept. 15, 1921); Griewank, Karl, “Dr. Wirth und die Krisen der Weimarer Republik”, Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Friedrich-Schiller-Universitat Jena/Gesellschafts- und sprach-wissenschaftliche Reihe, I (19511952), pp. 110 (on Wirth's “kleinburgerlicher Herzensrepublikanismus”).

page 176 note 1 Rohe, p. 260.

page 176 note 2 In 1927, after repeated pleas from Reichsbanner leaders, Wirth finally made a speaking tour throughout Württemberg but only after local Reichsbanner leaders promised to promote the official organ of his “Republican Union”, the Deutsche Republik, more than in the past. The issue was sensitive because the Reichsbanner enjoyed only limited success in attracting Center members in Württemberg. Wirth's conduct, however, was not at all out of keeping with his character. See the Lagebericht of the Württemberg state police, Oct. 19, 1927, p. 2 in NSDAP-HA, 58/1400.

page 176 note 3 Wirth, , “Vor zehn Jahren und heute”, in: DR, III (02 8, 1929), pp. 577–81; “Ende des Vertrauens?”, ibid. (Feb. 15, 1929), pp. 609–14. Cf. Wirth to Wilhelm Groener, Dec. 2, 1930, in Wilhelm Groener Papers (National Archives Microcopy M-137), reel 25, Stück 230.

page 176 note 4 Wirth, , “Die Ereignisse und ihre Bedeutung”, in: DR, IV (12 14, 1929), pp. 321–23; Rheinische Zeitung, No 335, Dec. 6, 1929; undated letter [Dec, 1929] of Wirth to Wilhelm Sollmann, Sollmann Papers, Box 3.

page 177 note 1 Rohe, p. 300; “Joseph Wirth auf der Reichsliste”, in: Die Weltbühne, XXIV (04 24, 1928), pp. 623–24. It is more than likely that Wirth's stand was connected to promises he had made to party leaders in 1928 to carry on his “further political activity in concert with the leaders of the party and the Fraktion, in accordance with the principles of the Christian conception of the state.” Report in Marx Papers 239; also Becker, , “Wirth und die Krise des Zentrums”, pp. 481–82.

page 177 note 2 Klassenkampf, II (Jan., 1928), pp. 12–13. Cf. Steinger, Alfons, “Republikanische Union”, in: Die Weltbühne, XXII (09 21, 1926), pp. 446–48.

page 177 note 3 Rohe, pp. 52, 314–42; Stürmer, Michael, Koalition und Opposition in der Weimarer Republik 1924–1928 (Düsseldorf, 1967), p. 257.

page 177 note 4 Thieme, Karl, “Deutscher unter Deutschen”, in: Hochland, LX (1011, 1968), pp. 622–23.

page 178 note 1 Frankfurter Zeitung, No 405, June 2, 1927.

page 178 note 2 Schauff, Johannes, Die deutschen Katholiken und die Zentrumspartei (Koöln, 1928); DR, II (01 20, 1928), pp. 517–18. The same point was made by Catholics on the right and on the left who were not in the party, although they differed radically on aims and means. Cf. Martin Spahn to President Paul von Hindenburg, April 30, 1925, in AR: Zentrumspartei 1919–1926, L1833/5713/L530123–6; Heinrich Mertens to Wilhelm Sollmann, Nov. 7, 1926, Sollmann Papers Box 3.

page 178 note 3 Maier, Hans, “Katholizismus, nationale Bewegung, und Demokratie in Deutsch-land”, in: Hochland, LVII (04, 1965), pp. 318–33;Lutz, Heinrich, Demokratie im Zwielicht. Der Weg der deutschen Katholiken aus dem Kaiserreich in die Republik (Munich, 1963), pp. 91123.

page 179 note 1 Berning, A. H., “Die ausserparlamentarischen Verbände”, in: Das Junge Zentrum, IV (03, 1927), pp. 5872.

page 179 note 2 Recent attempts to rehabilitate Center leaders such as Brüning and (to a lesser degree) Ludwig Kaas demonstrate at least that attitudes and positions taken from 1930 to 1933 were more responsible than critics have usually conceeded. But this simply enlarges the dimensions of the problem. See Ferdinand, A., Hermens, and Schieder, Theodor (eds), Staat, Wirtschaft und Politik in der Weimarer Republik. Festschrift für Heinrich Brüning (Berlin, 1967);Repgen, Konrad, Hitlers Machtergreifung und der deutsche Katholizismus. Versuch einer Bilanz (Saarbrücken, 1967).

page 179 note 3 Morsey, Zentrumspartei, p. 609 refers to the Center's “Taktieren und Lavieren”.

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