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Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind: British and French Debates about “Vagrancy”, “African Laziness”, and Forced Labour in West Central and South Central Africa, 1945–1965*

  • Alexander Keese (a1)
Abstract

After World War II, French and British administrations in the African continent were in theory obliged to end forced labour. According to the rhetoric, compulsory labour practices disappeared altogether. However, the scrutiny of processes on the ground, comparing French Equatorial Africa and Northern Rhodesia under British rule, shows that the practicalities of the abolition of such labour practices were far more complex. In the French case, colonial officials actively planned for the reorganization of compulsory labour through the back door, mainly through the battle against “vagrancy” and “African laziness”. British administrators continued with practices organized by “native chiefs”, and attempted to maintain involuntary labour through a generous definition of “emergency situations”. In both cases, more profound analysis of the late colonial mind shows interesting continuities in the commitment of European officials to forced labour, which are likely to have been transferred, in part, into the views of the agents of postcolonial states.

Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les administrations françaises et britanniques sur le continent africain furent, en théorie, obligées de mettre fin au travail forcé. Dans la rhétorique, les pratiques de travail forcé disparurent entièrement. Toutefois, l'examen comparatif de processus sur le terrain en Afrique Équatoriale Française et dans la colonie britannique de la Rhodésie du Sud, montre que les pratiques de l'abolition de ces pratiques de travail furent beaucoup plus complexes. Dans le cas de la France, les fonctionnaires coloniaux planifièrent intensivement pour réorganiser par la petite porte le travail forcé, principalement en luttant contre “le vagabondage” et “la paresse africaine”. Les administrateurs britanniques continuèrent les pratiques organisées par des “chefs locaux”, et tentèrent de maintenir le travail involontaire par une définition généreuse des “situations d'urgence”. Dans les deux cas, une analyse plus approfondie de la mentalité coloniale de la fin de l’ère coloniale révèle d'intéressantes continuités dans l'engagement des fonctionnaires européens envers le travail forcé. Elles furent probablement transférées, en partie, dans les opinions des agents des États post-coloniaux.

Traduction: Christine Plard

Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg waren die französischen und britischen Kolonialverwaltungen auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent theoretisch dazu verpflichtet, die Zwangsarbeit abzuschaffen. Auf der rhetorischen Ebene verschwanden auf Zwang beruhende Arbeitspraktiken auch vollständig. Untersucht man aber die konkreten Vorgänge vor Ort und vergleicht Französisch-Äquatorialafrika mit dem britisch regierten Nordrhodesien, dann zeigt sich, dass sich die Abschaffung solcher Arbeitspraktiken tatsächlich viel komplizierter gestaltete. Im französischen Fall planten Kolonialbeamte aktiv, Zwangsarbeit durch die Hintertür zu reorganisieren, vor allem durch die vorgebliche Bekämpfung der “Landstreicherei” und der “afrikanischen Trägheit”. Die britischen Kolonialverwalter griffen auf Praktiken zurück, die von “einheimischen Häuptlingen” organisiert wurden und versuchten, die unfreiwillige Arbeit durch eine großzügige Definition von “Ausnahmesituationen” beizubehalten. In beiden Fällen ergeben sich aus einer genaueren Untersuchung des kolonialen Denkens aufschlussreiche Kontinuitäten, was die zustimmende Haltung europäischer Beamter zur Zwangsarbeit angeht. Wahrscheinlich übertrug sich diese Haltung später zum Teil auch auf die Akteure postkolonialer Staaten.

Übersetzung: Max Henninger

Tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial, las administraciones francesa y británica en el continente africano fueron, en teoría, obligadas a poner fin al trabajo forzado. Desde la retórica, esas prácticas de trabajo forzoso desaparecieron completamente. Sin embargo, el análisis de los procesos sobre el terreno, haciendo una comparación entre el Africa Ecuatorial Francesa y la Rhodesia del Norte bajo dominio británico, se muestra que en la práctica real la abolición de tales usos laborales fue algo mucho más complejo. Para el caso francés, los funcionarios coloniales planearon de forma precisa la reorganización del trabajo forzado por la puerta de atrás, principalmente mediante el establecimiento de la lucha contra la “vagancia” y la “indolencia africana”. Por su parte, los administradores británicos continuaron con prácticas organizadas por “jefes indígenas” e intentaron mantener el trabajo involuntario mediante una generosa definición de las “situaciones de emergencia”. En ambos casos, un análisis más profundo de la mentalidad colonial tardía muestra interesantes continuidades en el involucramiento de los funcionarios europeos en el trabajo forzado. Esto probablemente se ha reflejado, en parte, en las concepciones de los agentes de los estados postcoloniales.

Traducción: Vicent Sanz Rozalén

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The author's research has been supported by ERC Starting Grant no. 240898 within the 7th European Community Framework Programme.

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References
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1. The most impressive comparative discussion and interpretation of British and French labour policies, concerning the introduction of social rights with their ambiguous effects concerning decolonization, is Frederick Cooper, Decolonization and African Society: The Labor Question in French and British Africa (Cambridge, 1996). Cooper has extended this argument for French West Africa in his recent book; see idem, Citizenship between Empire and Nation: Remaking France and French Africa, 1945–1960 (Princeton, NJ, 2014), pp. 132–164.

2. Maul, Daniel R., Human Rights, Development, and Decolonization (Basingstoke, 2012), pp. 202210.

3. Kott, Sandrine and Golb, Joël, “The Forced Labor Issue between Human and Social Rights, 1947–1957”, Humanity, 3 (2012), pp. 321335, 325–326.

4. Maul, Daniel R., “The International Labour Organization and the Struggle against Forced Labour from 1919 to the Present”, Labor History, 48 (2007), pp. 477500, 483–486.

5. For further discussion of the notion of “colonial mind”, see Lorcin, Patricia M., “Reflections on the French Colonial Mind”, in Martin Thomas (ed.), The French Colonial Mind, I: Mental Maps of Empire and Colonial Encounters (London [etc.], 2011), pp. 3–25; as well as the other contributions to this volume.

6. Cooper, Frederick, “Possibility and Constraint: African Independence in Historical Perspective”, Journal of African History, 49 (2008), pp. 167196.

7. A summary of the role of white settlers in the Central African Federation is given in Thomas, Martin, Fight or Flight? Britain, France, and their Roads from Empire (Oxford [etc.], 2014), pp. 209–218; the impact of settler lobbies in French Equatorial Africa is discussed in Bernault-Boswell, Florence, “Le rôle des milieux coloniaux dans la décolonisation du Gabon et du Congo-Brazzaville (1945–1964)”, in Charles-Robert Ageron and Marc Michel (eds), L'Afrique noire française: l'heure des indépendances (Paris, 1992), pp. 285296.

8. Chafer, Tony, The End of Empire in French West Africa: France's Successful Decolonization? (Oxford [etc.], 2002), pp. 152–156.

9. An introduction to this context is Victor Le Vine, Politics in Francophone Africa (Boulder, CO [etc.], 2004), pp. 87–118; the removal of this first generation of African politicians is analysed in Keese, Alexander, “First Lessons in Neo-Colonialism: The Personalisation of Relations between African Politicians and French Officials in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1956–1966”, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 35 (2007), pp. 593613, 599–604.

10. This spirit is well represented in Clauzel, Jean (ed.), La France d'outre-mer (1930–1960): Témoignages d'administrateurs et de magistrats (Paris, 2003).

11. Ginio, Ruth, French Colonialism Unmasked: The Vichy Years in French West Africa (London [etc.], 2006), pp. 67–75.

12. On the political evolution of French Equatorial Africa after World War II, see Bernault, Florence, Démocraties ambiguës en Afrique Centrale. Congo-Brazzaville, Gabon: 1940–1965 (Paris, 1996), pp. 93134.

13. A structural comparison between French and British colonial practices in sub-Saharan Africa, including the debates about the differences, is attempted in Dimier, Véronique, Le gouvernement des colonies, regards croisés franco-britanniques (Brussels, 2004).

14. On the occasions of British opposition to independence, see Cell, John, “On the Eve of Decolonization: The Colonial Office's Plans for the Transfer of Power in Africa, 1947”, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 8 (1980), pp. 235257; Flint, John, “Planned Decolonization and its Failure in British Africa”, African Affairs, 82: 328 (1983), pp. 389411.

15. There are few exceptions; see Heinlein, Frank, British Government and Decolonisation, 1945–1963: Scrutinising the Official Mind (London, 2002).

16. In a recent edited volume, Northern Rhodesia's decolonization is excellently reviewed, offering new interpretations. These also have a relevance for the larger process of British retreat from southern and eastern Africa; see Gewald, Jan-Bart, Hinfelaar, Marja, and Macola, Giacomo (eds), Living the End of Empire: Politics and Society in Late Colonial Zambia (Leiden, 2011). Von Oppen's outstanding article on rural processes in the north-western part of Northern Rhodesia–Zambia also needs to be mentioned as a study that follows social evolutions in a particular region, but which is also interesting for British rural policies under the late colonial state; see von Oppen, Achim, “The Village as Territory: Enclosing Locality in Northwest Zambia, 1950s to 1990s”, Journal of African History, 47 (2006), pp. 5775.

17. Frederick Cooper ends his discussion of compulsory labour for the French case after 1946, and does not engage with any compulsory British practices after World War II; see Cooper, , Decolonization and African Society, pp. 125, 148–153, 176–195.

18. For an overview taking both British and French colonial territories into account, see Dumett, Raymond, “Africa's Strategic Minerals During the Second World War”, Journal of African History, 26 (1985), pp. 381408.

19. On the effects of anti-vagrancy policy and the definition of “vagrancy”, see the excellent discussion in Burton, Andrew and Ocobock, Paul, “The ‘Travelling Native’: Vagrancy and Colonial Control in British East Africa”, in A.L. Beier and Paul Ocobock (eds), Cast Out: A History of Vagrancy and Homelessness in Global Perspective (Athens, OH, 2008), pp. 270301; and the other contributions in that volume.

20. On the context of French measures of liberalization directly after World War II, see Chafer, , End of Empire, pp. 5561, and Shipway, Martin, “Reformism and the French ‘Official Mind’: The 1944 Brazzaville Conference and the Legacy of the Popular Front”, in Tony Chafer and Amanda Sackur (eds), French Colonial Empire and the Popular Front: Hope and Disillusion (Basingstoke, 1999), pp. 131151.

21. Lewis, James I., “Félix Eboué and Late French Colonial Ideology”, Itinerario, 25 (2002), pp. 127160.

22. Lawler, Nancy, “Reform and Repression under the Free French: Economic and Political Transformation in the Côte d'Ivoire”, Africa, 60 (1990), pp. 88110.

23. Fall, Babacar, Le travail forcé en Afrique-Occidentale française (1900–1946) (Paris, 1993), pp. 282286.

24. Archives Nationales Sénégalaises, Dakar, Senegal [hereafter, ANS], 10D4/34, Pélisson, Inspector-General of Labour of French West Africa, “Rapport Annuel 1948” (without number), 4 June 1949, pp. 11, 29–30.

25. On the indigénat, see Mann, Gregory, “What was the Indigénat? The ‘Empire of Law’ in French West Africa”, Journal of African History, 50 (2009), pp. 331353; and Merle, Isabelle, “Retour sur le Régime de l'Indigénat: Genèse et Contradictions des Principes Répressifs dans l'Empire Français”, French Politics, Culture and Society, 20 (2002), pp. 7797; for forced agriculture, see Bassett, Thomas J., “The Uncaptured Corvée: Cotton in Côte d'Ivoire, 1912–1946”, in Allen F. Isaacman and Richard Roberts (eds), Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (London, 1995), pp. 247267, and Roberts, Richard, Two Worlds of Cotton: Colonialism and the Regional Economy in the French Soudan, 1800–1946 (Stanford, CA, 1996).

26. Archives Nationales d'Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence, France [hereafter, ANOM], Fonds du Gouvernement Général de l'AEF [hereafter, GGAEF], 2H/2, Moutet, Minister of Overseas France, to Bayardelle, Governor-General of French Equatorial Africa (without number), 2 April 1946, pp. 1–2.

27. ANOM, Fonds Fraisse, 8APOM/3, Morin, Administrator of District of Kyabé, to Fraisse, “Enquêtes sur plaintes diverses de M. J. Charlot” (no. 23/CF), 9 August 1956, p. 2; ANOM, Fonds Fraisse, 8APOM/3, P. Eydoux, Administrator of District of Moissala, to Administrator of Region of Moyen-Chari, “Prix Achat du Coton” (no. 8/CF), 13 March 1956, p. 1.

28. ANS, 11D1/226, Bailly for Cornut-Gentille to Governors in French West Africa (no. 10/INT/AP.2), 14 January 1952.

29. Unsurprisingly, much of the focus on late British colonial labour policies has been placed on the fate of workers and commercial peasants, and their reactions, in the years of the Great Depression. For an example of this focus, see Ochonu, Moses, Colonial Meltdown: Northern Nigeria in the Great Depression (Athens, OH, 2009).

30. This mechanism, often described by colonial administrators as “communal labour”, has not yet found much analysis. The most recent contribution is Opolot Okia, Communal Labor in Colonial Kenya: The Legitimization of Coercion, 1912–1930 (Basingstoke, 2012).

31. Killingray, David, “Labour Mobilisation in British Colonial Africa for the War Effort, 1939–46”, in David Killingray and Richard Rathbone (eds), Africa and the Second World War (New York, 1986), pp. 6896.

32. On labour policies for the Nigerian tin mines, see Freund, Bill, Capital and Labour in the Nigerian Tin Mines (Harlow, 1981). Compulsory labour on Rhodesian and Kenyan plantations during the war years is analysed in Johnson, David, “Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1936–46”, Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 111128; Spencer, Ian, “Settler Dominance, Agricultural Production and the Second World War in Kenya”, Journal of African History, 21 (1980), pp. 497514; Datta, Kusum, “Farm Labour, Agrarian Capital and the State in Colonial Zambia: The African Labour Corps, 1942–1952”, Journal of Southern African Studies, 14 (1988), pp. 371392; and Vickery, Kenneth, “The Second World War Revival of Forced Labor in the Rhodesias”, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 22 (1989), pp. 423437.

33. The National Archives, Public Record Office, Kew, United Kingdom [hereafter, TNA, PRO], CO 822/112/12, Seel, Acting Assistant Secretary in the Colonial Office, to Fitzgerald (without number), 25 November 1943.

34. Such concerns are, for example, expressed in TNA, PRO, CO 583/263/13, Gerald Creasy, Assistant Under-Secretary of State in the Colonial Office, to Carr (no. 1937/12/43), 30 October 1943.

35. Cooper, , Decolonization and African Society, pp. 337339.

36. Thomas, Roger G., “Forced Labour in British West Africa: The Case of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast 1906–1927”, Journal of African History, 14 (1973), pp. 79103; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “Colonial Forced Labor Policies for Road-Building in Southern Ghana and International Anti-Forced Labor Pressures, 1900–1940”, African Economic History, 28 (2000), pp. 125.

37. Okia, Communal Labor in Colonial Kenya; idem, “The Northey Forced Labor Crisis, 1920–1921: A Symptomatic Reading”, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 41 (2008), pp. 263–293.

38. ANOM, GGAEF, 2H/2, Duchaussoy, Brigade General, Commander General of Zone AEF–Cameroun, “Extrait du Compte-Rendu Mensuel (Mai 1946) de la Sécurité Militaire du Cameroun” (no. 663/2), without date.

39. ANOM, GGAEF, 2H/2, Bayardelle, Governor-General of AEF, to Governors of Gabon, Ubangi-Chari, and Chad (no. 66/AP.I), 5 June 1946. All translations are mine.

40. ANOM, GGAEF, 6Y/5, Turenne, “Note: Prestations” (without number), 11 February 1929, p. 2.

41. Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de Nantes, France [hereafter, CADN], Fonds Brazzaville, 83, Lucien Jacob, Administrator of District of Sibiti-Komono, “Rapport politique de l'année 1946” (without number), without date. Impressive examples of resistance by officials can be found in Archives Nationales Congolaises, Brazzaville [hereafter, ANC], GG 376, “Population de Madingo-Kayes” to Bayardelle, Governor-General of French Equatorial Africa (without number), 25 July 1946, pp. 1–2; ANC, GG 376, Acting Governor of Middle-Congo to Administrator of Subdivision of Madingo-Kayes, “Procès-verbal de passation de service” (no. 1352/AP.3), 10 July 1946.

42. CADN, Fonds Brazzaville, 77, Maillier, Administrator of Subdivision of Madingo-Kayes, “Rapport Politique: premier semestre 1945” (without number), 21 July 1945, p. 7.

43. See Keese, Alexander, “‘Poser au village’: Un régime de travail en transition, relations de pouvoir, et la fin des prestations forcées au Moyen-Congo français, 1935–1958”, in Centro de Estudos Africanos da Universidade do Porto (ed.), Trabalho forçado africano: Experiências coloniais comparadas (Porto, 2006), pp. 349366.

44. CADN, Fonds Brazzaville, 84, Ferrandini, Administrator of District of Mossendjo, “District de Mossendjo: Rapport Politique Annuel 1950” (without number), 10 February 1951, p. 22.

45. CADN, Fonds Brazzaville, 75, Perin, Deputy Judge in Pointe-Noire, to Da Costa (without number), 6 July 1948, p. 3.

46. CADN, Fonds Brazzaville, 78, Bancel, Administrator of District of Madingo-Kayes, “Rapport Politique: Année 1950” (without number), 15 February 1951, p. 1.

47. On social life in Brazzaville including in the late colonial period, see Martin, Phyllis, Leisure and Society in Colonial Brazzaville (Cambridge [etc.], 1995).

48. ANOM, GGAEF, 5D/182, Blanchard for Representative Council of the Territory of Chad, “Délibération portant modification de la taxe sur les oisifs” (no. 13/48), without date, countersigned on 28 November 1948.

49. ANOM, GGAEF, 5D/182, Dadet, Malonga, Zala, RP. Le Comte, Yoca, Huguet, Mackanda, Masse, Kitoko, Monécolo, Oyabi, to Jacques Fourneau, Governor of Middle-Congo, “Lettre des Conseillers Représentatifs du Moyen-Congo” (without number), 17 October 1949.

50. ANOM, GGAEF, 5D/182, “[Lettre de Bakongo à] Haut-Commissaire de l'AEF” (without number), without date; ANOM, GGAEF, 5D/182, “[Lettre de Poto-Poto à] Haut-Commissaire de l'AEF” (without number), without date.

51. ANOM, GGAEF, 5D/182, Connillière, Acting Inspector-General of Labour in French Equatorial Africa, “Note sur la répression du vagabondage” (no. 20/IGT-AEF), 30 November 1949, p. 1.

52. ANOM, GGAEF, 5D/182, Robert Véron, Inspector of Finances in Congo-Brazzaville, “Note à l'attention de M. le Gouverneur, Secrétaire Général” (without number), 2 August 1949.

53. ANOM, GGAEF, 5D/182, Government-General of French Equatorial Africa, Directorate of Political Affairs, to Jean Letourneau, Minister of Overseas France, “Vagabondage” (without number), 26 January 1950, pp. 2–6.

54. Ibid., p. 9.

55. ANOM, GGAEF, 1H/36, Government-General of French Equatorial Africa, Directorate of Political Affairs, “Note: Révision éventuelle de la Conférence de Genève sur le Travail forcé – Questionnaire de la Conférence Internationale du travail” (no. 1802/AP.I), 9 August 1955; ANOM, GGAEF, 1H/36, Cédile, Secretary-General of AEF, for Governor-General Chauvet, “Rapport sur le Travail Forcé en Afrique Equatoriale Française (39ème session de la Conférence Internationale du Travail)” (without number), 25 April 1956.

56. For the situation in AOF, see Sène, Ibra, “Colonisation française et exploitation de la main-d’œuvre carcérale au Sénégal: De l'emploi des détenus des camps pénaux sur les chantiers des travaux routiers (1927–1940)”, French Colonial History, 5 (2004), pp. 153171.

57. ANOM, GGAEF, 1H/36, J.N. Adenot, Director of Cabinet of Ministry of Overseas France to High-Commissioners, Governors, Administrators of First Rank, “Circulaire: Interdiction du travail forcé. Régulation de personnes” (no. 10–CT–MO1), 21 April 1953, pp. 1–2.

58. ANOM, GGAEF, 2H/1, Parisot, Governor of Gabon, to Servel, “Main d’Œuvre” (no. 1058), 24 December 1957, pp. 1–2.

59. Larmer, Miles, Rethinking African Politics: A History of Opposition in Zambia (Farnham [etc.], 2011), pp. 21–51, 40–41; Phimister, Ian, “Proletarians in Paradise: The Historiography and Historical Sociology of White Miners on the Copperbelt”, in Gewald, Hinfelaar, and Macola, Living the End of Empire, pp. 128145; Butler, Lawrence J., Copper Empire: Mining and the Colonial State in Northern Rhodesia, c.1930–64 (Basingstoke, 2007); Chipungu, Samuel N., “African Leadership under Indirect Rule in Colonial Zambia”, in idem (ed.), Guardians in Their Time: Experiences of Zambians under Colonial Rule, 1890–1964 (London, 1992), pp. 5073. For a longer perspective of the history of mineworkers in the Copperbelt, see also Larmer, Miles, Mineworkers in Zambia: Labour and Political Change in Post-Colonial Africa (London, 2007). For agricultural change during and beyond the late colonial period, see Kanduza, Ackson M., “History and Agricultural Change in Zambia”, Transafrican Journal of History, 20 (1991), pp. 97109; Chipungu, Samuel N., The State, Technology and Peasant Differentiation in Zambia: A Case Study of the Southern Province, 1930–1986 (Lusaka, 1988).

60. For a typical example of such views, see National Archives of Zambia, Lusaka [hereafter, NAZ], Loc. 5006, BSE 1/5/2, J.A. Dinwiddie, District Commissioner of Senanga, “Senanga Tour Report No. 11 of 1950: Minute No. 2 – Incident between Kwando Africans and Portuguese Administration” (no. 11), 4 November 1950, p. 2.

61. NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, “Convention No. 29, Forced Labour, (1930) – Annual Report (1953–1954) on the application of Convention No. 29 in Northern Rhodesia” (without number), without date.

62. NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, R.S. Hudson, Secretary for Native Affairs, to Provincial Commissioners and District Commissioners, “Circular: Obtaining African Labour for Essential Public Works and Services” (no. 4), 19 April 1947, p. 1.

63. NAZ, SEC2/405, Munday, Provincial Commissioner of the Eastern Province in Fort Jameson, “Memorandum. Maintenance of Roads in Native Rural Areas” (without number), 8 September 1944.

64. NAZ, SEC2/405, Provincial Commissioner of the Southern Province in Livingstone to Chief Secretary in Lusaka (no. 20/38/12), 8 September 1945.

65. NAZ, SEC2/405, Secretary of Mazabuka Road Board to District Commissioner of Mazabuka, “Ngwezi River Draft” (without number), 6 July 1945.

66. NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, R.S. Hudson to Provincial Commissioners and District Commissioners, “Circular: Native Authorities Obtaining African Labour for Essential Public Works and Minor Communal Services” (no. 2), 12 March 1948.

67. NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, “Amendments to Sections 8 and 9 of the Native Authority Ordinance and the Barotse Native Authority Ordinance” (no. XD/29–114), without date, pp. 1–2.

68. NAZ, SEC1/1455, E.J. Waddington, Governor of Northern Rhodesia, to Creech Jones, Colonial Secretary (no. 128), 17 September 1947, pp. 1–2.

69. NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, N.S. Price, Provincial Commissioner of the Eastern Province, to District Commissioners of Fort Jameson, Lundazi, and Petauke, Certificate (no. 311/3/17/1), 17 December 1952. This labour force was paid, but the wages were insufficient to attract any free labourers.

70. NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, N.S. Price, Provincial Commissioner of the Eastern Province in Fort Jameson to Commissioner for Labour and Mines in Lusaka, “Direction of Labour” (no. 1728/17/1.), 19 August 1953; NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, Acting Provincial Commissioner of the Eastern Province to District Commissioner of Petauke, Certificate (no. 2336/17/4/1), 17 October 1953.

71. NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, Cousins, Commissioner for Labour and Mines in Lusaka, to Norman S. Price, Provincial Commissioner of the Eastern Province in Fort Jameson, “Direction of Labour” (no. Xb/19–18), 10 March 1953, p. 1; see the further discussion in NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, Price to Cousins (no. 913/17/1), 2 April 1953.

72. NAZ, Loc. 2008, MLSS 1/07/017, “Extracted from the Record of the Fifth Meeting of the Third African Provincial Council – Northern Province. 3rd–5th April 1957 at Kasame” (without number), without date, p. 1.

73. In Northern Rhodesia, “paramount chiefs” as rulers of “tribes” stood at the top of a system of indirect rule; after World War II these chiefs continued to enjoy considerable authority with the colonial administrators, in spite of challenges that had to do with the growing role of nationalist activity in the colony. For a contemporary view on the importance of chiefs, as late as in 1959, expressed by a former Provincial Commissioner of the territory, see Billing, Melvin George, “Tribal Rule and Modern Politics in Northern Rhodesia”, African Affairs, 58:231 (1959), pp. 135–140.

74. NAZ, SEC3/66, “Extract from Minutes of the First Meeting of the Northern Province (Western Areas) Regional Council: held at Fort Rosebery on the 23rd and 24th May, 1944. Filed on Secretariat File No. NAT/A/65” (without number), without date.

75. NAZ, SEC3/66, “Extract from Minutes of the 3rd Meeting of the Northern Province (Western Areas) African Provincial Council: held at Fort Rosebery, Wednesday to Friday: 1st to 3rd May, 1946” (without number), without date.

76. NAZ, SEC3/66, “Western Province Item No. 2 – Administrative Conference 1945. – Repatriation of Destitutes” (without number), without date, p. 1; NAZ, SEC3/66, “Western Province Item No. 2 – Administrative Conference 1945. – Repatriation of Destitutes” (without number), without date, p. 1.

77. NAZ, SEC2/71, vol. 5, Anderson and Jones, District Commissioners of Mongu-Lealui, “Annual Report 1951 – Mongu-Lealui District – Barotse Province” (without number), without date, p. 3.

78. The most important overview is Douglas Hay and Paul Craven (eds), Masters, Servants, and Magistrates in Britain and the Empire, 1562–1955 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2004).

79. NAZ, SEC1/1323, Stubbs, Labour Commissioner, to Chief Secretary of Northern Rhodesia (without number), 3 October 1946, p. 2.

80. NAZ, SEC1/1323, Draft by Chief Secretary of Northern Rhodesia to Chief Justice in Livingstone (no. LAB/A/58/2), without date [1946]; NAZ, SEC1/1323, Labour Commissioner's Office [W.F. Stubbs] in Lusaka, to Chief Secretary of Northern Rhodesia (without number), 29 July 1947.

81. NAZ, SEC1/1323, Labour Commissioner's Office [W.F. Stubbs?] in Lusaka to Chief Secretary of Northern Rhodesia (without number), 29 June 1946; NAZ, SEC1/1323, Circular from Acting Chief Secretary, P.D. Thomas, to Commissioner of Police in Lusaka (without number), 23 July 1946.

82. NAZ, SEC1/1323, S.M.W. Andreasen, entrepreneur in Mazabuka, to Labour Commissioner in Lusaka (without number), 6 February 1948, in W.F. Stubbs to Commissioner of Police (without number), 10 February 1948.

83. Principal arguments on the Portuguese side, and more or less trustworthy references to forced labour in post-colonial Africa, can be found in Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon, Portugal, MU/GM/GNP/18/Cx 1, Hélio Augusto Esteves Felgas, “O Neo-Colonialismo Africano (Medidas especiais tomadas pelos novos governos africanos)” (without number), 26 Oct. 1960, passim.

84. For a definition of post-colonial involuntary labour in sub-Saharan Africa, which almost entirely ignores state-organized compulsory labour, see Dottridge, Mike, “Types of Forced Labour and Slavery-Like Abuse Occurring in Africa Today: A Preliminary Classification”, Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, 45:179–180 (2005), pp. 689–712.

85. For the vagrancy discourse in Madagascar, see ANOM, Fonds Privés, Fonds Reynaud, 61APOM/8, Philibert Tsiranana, President of the Republic of Madagascar, “Programme Economique” (no. 66/PRM/P), 17 March 1962, p. 20.

86. For Senegal see ANS, Vice-Présidence et Présidence du Conseil de Gouvernement du Sénégal (VPP), 204, Governor of the Region of Cap-Vert, “Allocution Radiodiffusée Prononcée par M. le Gouverneur de la Région du Cap-Vert” (without number), without date.

87. Archives Municipales de Brazzaville, Brazzaville, Republic of Congo, 3N, Techer, Inspector of Administrative Affairs, “Procès-Verbal” (without number), 18 January 1960, pp. 2–3.

88. See for instance, ANC, PR 64, S. Mambou, Administrator of District of Mayama, “Région du Pool, District de Mayama – Année 1968 – Notice Mensuelle – Mois de Juin” (no. 20768/S.M./M.L.), 30 June 1968, p. 1.

89. Analyses of attitudes towards youth labour within the Nkrumah regime can be found in Ahlman, Jeffrey S., “A New Type of Citizen: Youth, Gender, and Generation in the Ghanaian Builders Brigade”, Journal of African History, 53 (2012), pp. 87105, or the classical article by Hodge, Peter, “The Ghana Workers Brigade: A Project for Unemployed Youth”, British Journal of Sociology, 15 (1964), pp. 113128.

90. See Bowman, Andrew, “Mass Production or Production by the Masses? Tractors, Cooperatives, and the Politics of Rural Development in Post-Independence Zambia”, Journal of African History, 52 (2011), pp. 201221.

* The author's research has been supported by ERC Starting Grant no. 240898 within the 7th European Community Framework Programme.

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International Review of Social History
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