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What Is Agrarian Labour? Contrasting Indigo Production in Colonial India and Indonesia*

  • Willem van Schendel (a1)
Abstract

In scholarly writings, the term “agrarian labour” is used variously. It can refer to a very specific set of productive activities – the cultivation of crops and animal husbandry – but it can also have the much broader connotation of rural or non-urban labour. These different uses can be confusing, especially in comparative research. This paper starts from the French comparative agriculture school and its conceptualization of three nested scales of analysis – the “cropping system”, the “activity system”, and the “agrarian system”. It tests these ideas in a comparison of labour employed in the production of indigo dye in two colonial systems (British India and the Dutch East Indies). The article concludes that this approach helps counteract monocausal explanations of labour relations in terms of agro-environmental determinants, the force of colonial capitalism, or local work cultures. It also promotes agriculture-sensitive readings of social transformations by comparing social orders that comprise both agricultural and non-agricultural labour relations.

Dans les écrits érudits, le terme de “travail agraire” est utilisé avec divers sens. Il peut se référer à un ensemble très spécifique d'activités productives – la culture de récoltes et l’élevage de bétail – mais il peut également avoir la connotation beaucoup plus large de travail rural ou non-urbain. Ces différents usages peuvent porter à confusion, particulièrement dans la recherche comparative. Ce article part de l’École française d'agriculture comparée, et sa conceptualisation de trois échelles d'analyse imbriquées – le “système de culture”, le “système d'activités”, et le “système agraire”. Il met à l’épreuve ces idées dans une comparaison de la main d’œuvre employée dans la production de l'indigo dans deux systèmes coloniaux (l'Inde britannique et les Indes orientales néerlandaises). L'article conclut que cette approche permet de contrecarrer les explications monocausales des relations de travail en termes de déterminants agro-environnementaux, de force du capitalisme colonial ou de cultures de travail locales. Il préconise également une lecture perspicace des transformations sociales, en comparant des ordres sociaux qui couvrent tant des relations de travail agricoles que des relations de travail non-agricoles.

Traduction: Christine Plard

In wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten wird der Begriff “agrarische Arbeit” auf unterschiedliche Weise verwendet. Er kann auf eine bestimmte Gruppe produktiver Tätigkeiten verweisen – Landbau und Viehhaltung –, aber er kann auch viel allgemeinere Konnotationen von ländlicher oder nicht-städtischer Arbeit haben. Diese unterschiedlichen Begriffsverwendungen können Verwirrung stiften, vor allem in der komparativen Forschung. Der Aufsatz geht von der französischen Schule der komparativen Agrarforschung und ihrer Konzeptualisierung dreier aufeinander aufbauender Analyseebenen aus: “Anbausystem”, “Aktivitätssystem” und “Agrarsystem”. Diese Ideen werden anhand eines Vergleichs des Arbeitseinsatzes in der Produktion von Indigo-Farbstoff in zwei Kolonialsystemen (Britisch-Indien und Niederländisch-Ostindien) überprüft. Der Aufsatz gelangt zu dem Ergebnis, dass dieser Ansatz dazu beiträgt, monokausalen Erklärungen der Arbeitsverhältnisse entgegenzuwirken, die auf landwirtschaftliche Umweltfaktoren, die Gewalt des kolonialen Kapitalismus oder lokale Arbeitskulturen rekurrieren. Außerdem stützt der Ansatz Interpretationen gesellschaftlichen Wandels, die landwirtschaftliche Dimensionen beachten, indem soziale Ordnungen verglichen werden, die sowohl landwirtschaftliche als auch nicht-landwirtschaftliche Arbeitsverhältnisse umfassen.

Übersetzung: Max Henninger

En los escritos académicos, el término “trabajo agrario” se utiliza en varios sentidos. Por un lado, puede referirse a un conjunto de actividades productivas muy específicas – el cuidado de los cultivos y la ganadería – pero también, por otro lado, puede adquirir la significación mucho más amplia de trabajo rural o no urbano. Estos usos distintos pueden llegar a ser confusos, especialmente en la investigación comparativa. Este artículo parte de las propuestas de la escuela de Agricultura Comparada Francesa y su conceptualización de las tres escalas analíticas que encajan unas en otras – el “sistema de cultivos”, el “sistema de actividades”, y el “sistema agrario”. En nuestro texto comprobamos las ideas expuestas realizando una comparación del trabajo empleado en la producción del tinte de añil en dos sistemas coloniales (la India británica y la Indonesia holandesa). El artículo concluye que esta aproximación ayuda a cuestionar las explicaciones monocausales de las relaciones de trabajo en términos de los determinantes agro-medioambientales, la fortaleza del capitalismo colonial o las culturas locales de trabajo. En el mismo sentido también plantea lecturas que prestan atención a aspectos agrícolas de las transformaciones sociales comparando órdenes sociales que comprenden tanto las relaciones de trabajo agrícolas como las no agrícolas.

Traducción: Vicent Sanz Rozalén

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I would like to thank participants of the Conference on the Global History of Agarian Labor Regimes 1750–2000 (Weatherhead Initiative in Global History, Harvard University, April 2013), the research groups “Plants, People and Work” (International Institute of Social History), and “Moving Matters” (University of Amsterdam), three anonymous readers for their comments, and Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff and Masoom Reza for their help in locating source material.

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1. A major centre promoting the comparative agriculture approach was INA P-G (Institut National Agronomique Paris-Grignon), which, in 2007, merged with two other research institutes to become AgroParisTech (Paris Institute of Technology for Life, Food and Environmental Sciences). From 1974 Marcel Mazoyer, a leading theorist of this approach, was a professor of comparative agriculture and agrarian development at INA P-G; other prominent researchers were Marc Dufumier and Hubert Cochet. The Comparative Agriculture approach also led other French research centres to establish departments, notably CIRAD (Centre de Coopération Internationale pour la Recherche Agronomique sur le Développement – Department of Agrarian Systems), and INRA (Institut National de Recherche Agronomique – Unit of Comparative Agriculture and Agrarian Development). Comparative agriculture research at these institutions was strengthened by collaboration with colleagues at several other research centres, notably INSEE (Institut National des Statistiques et des Études Économiques), ORSTOM (Office de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique d'Outre-Mer) and IRAM (Institut de Recherches et d'Aménagement des Méthodes de Développement). An introduction to the institutional anchoring of the comparative agriculture school can be found in Dufumier, Marc, “Agriculture comparée et développement agricole”, Revue Tiers Monde, 191 (2007), pp. 611626.

2. For overviews, see Cochet, Hubert, “The Système Agraire Concept in Francophone Peasant Studies”, Geoforum, 43 (2012), pp. 128136; Cochet, Hubert, Devienne, Sophie, and Dufumier, Marc, “L'agriculture comparée, une discipline de synthèse?”, Économie rurale, 297–298 (2007), pp. 99112; and Jouve, Philippe, “Quelques réflexions sur la spécificité et l'identification des systèmes agraires”, Les Cahiers de la Recherche Développement, 20 (1988), pp. 516.

3. Sautter, Gilles and Pélissier, Paul, “Pour un atlas des terroirs africains: Structure-type d'une étude de terroir”, L'Homme, 4 (1964), pp. 5672, 57. All translations are mine.

4. Bassett, Thomas J., Blanc-Pamard, Chantal, and Boutrais, Jean, “Constructing Locality: The Terroir Approach in West Africa”, Africa: The Journal of the International African Institute, 77 (2007), pp. 104129, 123 (emphasis in the original).

5. Mazoyer, Marcel and Roudart, Laurence, A History of World Agriculture: From the Neolithic Age to the Current Crisis (London, 2006), p. 51. In an earlier formulation Mazoyer had stated that the “agrarian system” “encompasses the agro-ecosystem and its transformations over time; production tools, labor force, and resulting artificialization (i.e. anthropogenic impacts on the land); the social division of labor among farmers, artisans and industrial actors, and the subsequent agricultural surplus and its redistribution; exchange and trade relationships, ownership relationships and power relationships; and, finally, the ensemble of ideas and institutions that ensure social reproduction”; Mazoyer, Marcel, Dynamique des Systèmes Agraires. Rapport de synthèse présenté au Comité des systèmes agraires (Paris, 1987), paraphrased in Cochet, “The Système Agraire Concept”, p. 130.

6. Although scales are often assumed to be vertically structured, there is no need to think of the nested nature of these three systems in this manner; it may be more useful to conceive of them as spatially embracing each other. For a discussion of dominant assumptions about scale as hierarchical and a call to adopt a “flat ontology”, see Marston, Sally A., Jones, John Paul III, and Woodward, Keith, “Human Geography without Scale”, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, NS 30 (2005), pp. 416432; and comments in NS 31 (2006), pp. 238–251, 399–306; and NS 32 (2007), pp. 106–111, 116–125, 264–276.

7. For a visual representation of the “agrarian system” that differs from this one, see Jouve, , “Quelques réflexions”, p. 9.

8. The “cropping system” (système de production) can include animal husbandry or agroforestry. See Cochet, Hubert and Devienne, Sophie, “Fonctionnement et performances économiques des systèmes de production agricole: une démarche à l’échelle régionale”, Cahiers Agricultures, 15 (2006), pp. 578583; Cochet, “The Système Agraire Concept”.

9. For this reason some describe the “activity system” as the production system, or the farming system.

10. An early treatment of this concept can be found in Cellier, Jean-Marie and Marquié, Jean-Claude, “Système d'activités et régulations dans l'exploitation agricole”, Le Travail Humain, 43 (1980), pp. 321336. For different ways of conceptualizing the “activity system”, see Pierre Gasselin, Michel Vaillant, and Benjamin Bathfield, “The Activity System: A Position Paper”; 10th European IFSA Symposium: “Producing and Reproducing Farming Systems: New Modes of Organization for the Sustainable Food Systems of Tomorrow” (Aarhus, 2012). They define the “activity system” as “a dynamic and structured set of interacting activities carried out by a social entity [that] mobilizes available resources in an agro-ecological (ecological, agronomical, environmental, etc.) and social (historical, cultural, social, economic, technical, political, institutional, etc.) specific context”, p. 4.

11. G.R. Larrère, “Considérations générales – et quasiment théoriques – sur les systèmes agraires, point de vue qui en dérive quant à l'articulation des recherches des biologistes et des économistes dans l'ATP environnement (Région des Dômes)”, October 1974 (mimeo), quoted in Cochet, “The Système Agraire Concept”, p. 129.

12. Mazoyer, Dynamique des Systèmes Agraires; Mazoyer and Roudart, A History of World Agriculture.

13. See Marston et al., “Human Geography without Scale”, and the following discussion, for an introduction to some of these.

14. Under Spanish rule this entire region was part of the Captaincy General (or Kingdom) of Guatemala and the indigo it produced was generally known as “Guatemala” or “Guatimala”.

15. Then known as Saint-Domingue.

16. van Schendel, Willem, “The Asianization of Indigo: Rapid Change in a Global Trade Around 1800”, in Peter Boomgaard, Dick Kooiman, and Henk Schulte Nordholt (eds), Linking Destinies: Trade, Towns and Kin in Asian History (Leiden, 2008), pp. 2949.

17. Hardy, George, La mise en valeur du Sénégal de 1817 à 1854 (Paris, 1921); Langue, Frédérique, “El añil en la Venezuela illustrada: una historia inconclusa”, Revista de Indias, 58:214 (1998), pp. 637653.

18. In Haiti and in the British colonies in North America indigo was produced largely by means of slave labour. See Gabriel Debien, “Une indigoterie à Saint-Domingue à la fin du XVIIIe siècle”, Revue de l'Histoire des Colonies Françaises, 28–34 (1940–1946), pp. 1–49; Garrigus, John, “Blue and Brown: Contraband Indigo and the Rise of a Free Colored Planter Class in French Saint-Domingue”, The Americas, 50 (1993), pp. 233263; Jelatis, Virginia Gail, “Tangled up in Blue: Indigo Culture and Economy in South Carolina, 1747–1800” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1999). In the indigo-producing parts of Spanish Central America (now El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico) it was both African slaves and conscripted locals who provided labour to the crop. See Smith, Robert S., “Forced Labor in the Guatemalan Indigo Works”, The Hispanic American Historical Review, 36 (1956), pp. 319328; Fiehrer, Thomas, “Slaves and Freedmen in Colonial Central America: Rediscovering a Forgotten Black Past”, Journal of Negro History, 64 (1979), pp. 3957; and McCreery, David, “Indigo Commodity Chains in the Spanish and British Empires, 1560–1860”, in Steven Topik, Zephyr Frank, and Carlos Marichal (eds), From Silver to Cocaine: Latin American Commodity Chains and the Building of the World Economy, 1500–2000 (Durham, NC [etc.], 2006), pp. 5375.

19. Cf. Carel Blume, “Short Sketch of the Measures adopted for the introduction of Indigo and the promotion of Agriculture in Bengal between the Year 1779 & 1790”, 30 December 1790, Home Department, Miscellaneous/434, 599-617, West Bengal State Archive, Kolkata. See also Marshall, Peter J., “Private British Investment in Eighteenth-Century Bengal”, Bengal Past and Present, 86 (1967), pp. 5267, 60.

20. Bose, Sugata, Peasant Labour and Colonial Capital: Rural Bengal since 1770 (Cambridge, 1993).

21. For more detail, see van Schendel, Willem, “Green Plants into Blue Cakes: Working for Wages in Colonial Bengal's Indigo Industry”, in Marcel van der Linden and Leo Lucassen (eds), Working on Labor: Essays in Honor of Jan Lucassen (Leiden [etc.], 2012), pp. 4773. The term “Bengal” needs some clarification because over time it has referred to different geographical entities. Here I use it to denote what in colonial times was known as Bengal Proper or Lower Bengal, roughly today's Bangladesh and West Bengal (India).

22. Cf. “Report on the Conditions of the Lower Classes of Population in Bengal”, Calcutta, 1888, British Library. This report is also known as the Dufferin Report. For details of this report, see the analysis in Willem van Schendel and Aminul Haque Faraizi, “Rural Labourers in Bengal, 1880 to 1980”, Comparative Asian Studies Program (CASP), Erasmus University Rotterdam, 1984.

23. It has been said that, in rural colonial India, indigo companies were the first large organizations to operate that were not military or religious in nature; Sah, Raaj, “Features of British Indigo in India”, Social Scientist, 9:2/3 (1980), pp. 6779, 69.

24. Cf. Cuthbert, S.T., “Extracts from a Report on Chota Nagpore”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 8 (1846), pp. 407416, 413.

25. Cf. Thomas Machell, “Journals of Thomas Machell” (1840–1856), Vol. 2. India Office Private Papers, Mss Eur B369, British Library.

26. Cf. Report of the Indigo Commission, 1860: Report, Minutes of Evidence and Appendix (Calcutta, 1860–1861), passim.

27. Cf. Ryot, A, Selections from Papers on Indigo Cultivation in Bengal, with an Introduction and a Few Notes (Calcutta, 1858).

28. Kling, Blair B., The Blue Mutiny: The Indigo Disturbances in Bengal, 1859–1862 (Calcutta, 1977); Report of the Indigo Commission, 1860.

29. In the Americas indigo was primarily produced by slave labour but not all local systems worked in the same way. The US and Haiti featured a classic colonial plantation system with African slave labour, but the labour employed in “Guatemala” indigo (produced in El Salvador, Guatemala, and southern Mexico) was a mix that changed over time. In response to steep population decline, the colonial government had prohibited the employment of indigenous labour, so indigo was cultivated and processed by African slave labour, which proved too expensive, and free mestizo and mulatto labour, which proved too hard to discipline. As European demand for indigo grew, entrepreneurs pressed for more and cheaper labour. As a result, forced indigenous labour was introduced under the repartimiento system, which shared some features with the system that later developed in Java but also differed from it, for example, in terms of wage payments, size of production units, and European entrepreneurial dominance. See Smith, “Forced Labor in the Guatemalan Indigo Works”; MacLeod, Munro J., Central America: A Socioeconomic History, 1520–1720 (Berkeley, CA [etc.], 1973), pp. 184193; Sanchez, Manuel Rubio, Historia del añil o xiquilite en Centro America (San Salvador, 1976); and Molina, José Antonio Fernandez, “Colouring the World in Blue: The Indigo Boom and the Central American Market, 1750–1810” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, 1992).

30. According to one source: “In some districts the population worked the indigo fields for entire months without getting any wages. There were villages in the district of Simpoer whose inhabitants had been incessantly engaged in that labour and had had to provide for their own food, and when they returned home, they found their paddy crop ruined for lack of care [...] there are numerous examples of women big with child who gave birth during heavy labour in the indigo fields, or of planned marriages that were celebrated there [in the fields] because nobody was allowed to go home. It had become a popular saying: Penganten di tarum, boenting di tarum, anak tarum [wedding in indigo, pregnant in indigo, children in indigo].” See Blik op het Bestuur van Nederlandsch-Indië onder den Gouverneur-Generaal Js. van den Bosch, voor zoo ver het door denzelven ingevoerde Stelsel van Cultures op Java betreft [...] (Kampen, 1835) [attributed to Pieter Merkus], pp. 53–55.

31. In the words of the administrator promoting these village factories: “The chief aim of establishing small indigo factories was to relieve the population of the duty to work at great distances from their villages, and to make them enjoy the advantages not just of the cultivation, but also of the manufacture [of indigo].” See J.B. Elias, “Inrigting en Verdeeling der Werkzaamheden bij de Kleine Indigo-Fabrijken”, Buitenzorg, 26 March 1834, in Besluiten van den Gouverneur-Generaal ad Interim van Nederlandsch Indië, 28 Maart 1834.

32. For example, around 1840 two-thirds of the cultivators in Cirebon Residency grew indigo; Fernando, Merennage Radin, “Peasants and Plantation Economy: The Social Impact of the European Plantation Economy in Cirebon Residency from the Cultivation System to the End of the First Decade of the Twentieth Century” (Ph.D. thesis, Monash University, 1982), p. 128.

33. Fernando, , “Peasants and Plantation Economy”, p. 130. Also cf. van Deventer, S., Bijdragen tot de Kennis van het Landelijk Stelsel op Java, op Last van Zijne Excellentie den Minister van Koloniën, J.D. Fransen van de Putte […] (Zalt-Bommel, 1865), III, p. 124; Blik op het Bestuur, pp. 76–77.

34. The Cirebon Troubles of December 1830 could be traced to excessive oppression of cultivators forced to produce indigo for export. Cf. Van Deventer, Bijdragen, II, pp. 195–196, 310–316. See also Hemker, Marijke, “Het Kultuurstelsel op Java getoetst aan de indigokultuur in Pekalongan, 1830–1859” (M.A. thesis, University of Amsterdam, 1981), pp. 94–97.

35. Van Schendel, “Green Plants into Blue Cakes”.

36. This is one of the main themes running through the volumes of Thomas Machell's “Journals”.

37. For example, see Copies of the Circular Letters Sent on the 13th and 20th of July 1810 by Orders of the Governor General in Council of Fort William to the Magistrates under that Presidency; Ordered, by the House of Commons, to be printed, 27th April 1813 (London, 1813); Report of the Indigo Commission, 1860.

38. Singh, S.B., European Agency Houses in Bengal (1783–1833) (Calcutta, 1966); Marshall, “Private British Investment in Eighteenth-Century Bengal”; Tripathi, Amales, Trade and Finance in the Bengal Presidency, 1793–1833 (Calcutta, 1979); Webster, Tony, The Richest East India Merchant: The Life and Business of John Palmer of Calcutta, 1767–1836 (Woodbridge, 2007).

39. Kling, Blue Mutiny.

40. By 1900 German-made synthetic indigo dye began to flood European markets; it soon destroyed the export markets for natural indigo.

41. Cochet, , “The Système Agraire Concept”, p. 135.

42. Mazoyer, and Roudart, , A History of World Agriculture, p. 48.

43. Cochet, , “The Système Agraire Concept”, p. 134.

44. Among the most influential manuals were Raseau, M. de Beauvais, L'Art de l'Indigotier (Paris, 1761), English translation: M. de Beauvais Raseau, Treatise on Indigo, tr. Richard Nowland (Calcutta, 1794)); Élie Monnereau, Le Parfait Indigotier: ou Description de l'Indigo. Nouvelle Édition […] augmentée par l'auteur (Amsterdam [etc.], 1765), English translation: Elias Monnereau, The Complete Indigo-Maker, Containing an Accurate Account of the Indigo Plant […] (London, 1769); Joseph-François Charpentier de Cossigny, Essai sur la fabrique de l'indigo (Isle de France, 1779), abridged English translation: Joseph François Charpentier-Cossigny de Palma, Memoir containing an abridged treatise on the Cultivation and Manufacture of Indigo [] (Calcutta, 1789); José Mariano Moziño Suárez de Figueroa, Tratado del xiquilite y añil de Guatemala (Guatemala, 1797, repr. with added notes Manila, 1826).

45. Local observers sharing their knowledge did much of this fine-tuning; for example Pierre-Paul Darrac, “De la Culture de l'Anil et de la fabriquation de l'Indigo au Bengale (1823)”, Mss Eur F193/87, British Library, (for an introduction and translation, see Darrac, Pierre-Paul and van Schendel, Willem, Global Blue: Indigo and Espionage in Colonial Bengal (Dhaka, 2006); H. Piddington, “On the Manufacture of Indigo” (1829), Transactions of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India, Vol. 2 (1836), pp. 24–29; J.E. de Sturler, “Indigo-cultuur en vervaardiging” [4 August 1829], Indisch Magazijn, 2:11–12 (1845), pp. 55–60; and Ament, , “Bereiding en Kultuur der Indigo op Java” (1834), in De Cultuur en Behandeling der Westindische Koffij en Indigo, Beschreven en Vergeleken met die der Zelfde Producten in Oost-Indië, Uitgegeven door de Redactie van den Oosterling (Kampen, 1836), pp. 17–42. It was only much later that the colonial states saw the need for scientific research into indigo. See Kumar, Prakash, “Plantation Science: Improving Natural Indigo in Colonial India, 1860–1913”, British Journal for the History of Science, 40 (2007), pp. 537565; Kumar, Prakash, Indigo Plantations and Science in Colonial India (Cambridge, 2012). Also cf. F.Ph. van Suchtelen, De toestand der tegenwoordige indigocultuur (Semarang, 1888); and Indigo Proefstation Midden-Java (Semarang, 1888).

* I would like to thank participants of the Conference on the Global History of Agarian Labor Regimes 1750–2000 (Weatherhead Initiative in Global History, Harvard University, April 2013), the research groups “Plants, People and Work” (International Institute of Social History), and “Moving Matters” (University of Amsterdam), three anonymous readers for their comments, and Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff and Masoom Reza for their help in locating source material.

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