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Madagascar and Africa: II. The Sakalava, Maroserana, Dady and Tromba before 1700

  • R. K. Kent
Extract

Linguistic research has revealed a Bantu ‘substratum’ among the few ethnic relics of western Madagascar that survive in what became known as the Sakalava empire. Early in the 1600's, two Jesuits familiar with both sides of the Moçambique Channel, discovered that some 300 miles of western Malagasy littoral bore the name of Bambala and were inhabited by Bantu-speaking agriculturalists, whose idiom was only modified by Malagasy loans. Bambala's African colonies were sub-divided into riverain chiefdoms, the largest of which was Sadia, with some 10,000 inhabitants in 1617. From it, the Sakalava warriors fanned out in the 1620's, came into contact with the southwestern Maroserana dynasty and gave it an empire by 1690 stretching from St Augustine Bay to present-day Majunga.

Maroserana kings adopted two of Bambala's politico-religious institutions, while the empire-building gradually decimated the original Sakalava warriors and swept away Bambala's Bantu speakers by ± 1710. Pastoralists from north, south and east replaced the former agricultural peoples while retaining the name ‘Sakalava’. But, there is no doubt that the first Malagasy empire was an African creation, and doubly so since association with gold confirms anew the close links between the Maroserana and gold-bearing Mwene Mutapa.

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1 Cf. Webber, R. P., Dictionnaire malgache–français (1853);Abbé, Dalmond, Vocabulaire malgache–français pour les langues sakalave et betsimisara (1844);Richardson, J., A New Malagasy–English dictionary (1885);Jully, A., Manuel des dialectes malgaches; hova, betsimisaraka, betsileo, tankarana, taimorona, tanosy, sakalava–mahafaly et du souahely (1901); and Hoffmann, B. H., ‘Vocabulaire français–hova–sakalava–tsimihety’ (c. 1945; unpublished typescript of 218 pp. owned by the University of Madagascar). I am indebted to Professor and Mrs Jean Poirier for the kind permission to photocopy the original.

2 This was first noticed by the Norwegian missionary and linguist, Lars, Dahle, in his analysis of ‘The Swaheli element in the new Malagasy–English dictionary’, Antananarivo Annual (1885), 99115. The Richardson dictionary lists the appropriate words as either Sakalava or ‘provincial’. Also consulted were the unpublished manuscripts of the Académie Malgache entitled Enquêtes sur les dialectes malgaches (1909–12).

3 Van Gennep, A., Tabou et totlmisme à Madagascar (1904), 104–19.

4 Ch., Poirier, Notes d'ethnographie et d'histoire malgaches (1939), 1318. See also his planche II, photo 2, on which nine dady are visible.

5 Valette, J. and Raharijaona, S., ‘Les grandes fêtes rituelles des Sakalava du Menabé ou “Fitampoha”,’ Bulletin de Madagascar, IX, no. 155 (1959), 294.

6 See ‘Restitution des reliques des rois sakalava à leurs familles’, Journal Officiel de Madagascar (Tananarive), 12 03 1902, p. 7183.

7 Cf. Razafimino, G., La Signification religieuse du Fandroana ou de Ia fête du nouvel an en Imerina (1924); and Collins, C., ‘The Fandroana or annual festival of the Taimoro’, Antananarivo Annual (1898), 149–51.

8 The standard work on this subject is Henri, Rusillon'sUn Culte dynastique avec évocation des morts chez les Sakalaves de Madagascar: Le ‘Tromba’ (1912).

9 For the Maroserana genealogy, see Rusillon, H., ‘Notes explicatives à propos de la généalogie maroserana zafimbolamena’, Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, nouvelle sèrie, VI (19221923), 169184 and table.

10 ‘The Sakkalava,’ according to Noel, ‘kings and subjects alike, are ruled by oral traditions,’ often called ‘fitera or customs and n'antoaniraza or ancestral ways… and they include history, mythology and poetry’, in ‘Recherches sur les Sakkalava’, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, XX (1873), 285, 292293. ‘In every place visited among the Sakalava,’ wrote Guillain, ‘we found events and names recalled by tradition still living in the memory we have heard the Sakalava invoke these names in all important activities of their social life [and] recall with pride these events… and, in the presence of testimony thus given by an entire people, it became difficult to remain completely sceptical’, in his Documents sur l'histoire, la géographie et le commerce de la partie occidentale de Madagascar (1845), 910.

11 Noel, , ’Sakkalava’, BSG, XIX (1843), 290.

12 Guillain, , Documents (1845), 10–11.

13 Ibid. (1845), 12 and note 1.

14 The boundaries of Menabé were never precise. At its peak, the kingdom encompassed all lands south–north from the Fiherenana to the Manambao rivers and from the sea to the massifs of Isalo, Midongy, Lava, Tsara and Bongo. Cf. Thomassin, Lt.Notes sur le royaume de Mahabo’, Notes, reconnaissances et explorations, VI (1900), 397.

15 But, according to a tradition prevalent in the valley of Fiherenana, which had been a buffer zone between Menabé and Mahafaly, the proto-Maroserana came from the interior of Madagascar as a ‘group of Whites’ led by Andrian-Alim-bé. In a short time, he gained control over south-western lands which became known as Mahafaly, ‘a site sacred, respected, fortunate in allusion to the glorious destiny augured by the arrival of the White Chief’. The name of Maroserana was given to his descendants, from whom the Volamena branched out later in time. This is the only known tradition which holds that the ancestral Maroserana did not come to Madagascar directly by a maritime route.

16 Abraham, D. P., ‘The early political history of the kingdom of Mwene Mutapa, 850–1589’, in Historians in Tropical Africa (Salisbury, Rhodesia, 1962), mimeographed, 62, 67 and 77, note 13, for works by Posselt, Bullock and Gelfand on the same subject. The Sakalava mediums, known sometimes as vaha (from vahavahana or ‘informed beforehand’ and also famahavahana, ‘manifestation’), do not appear, however, to have had a role in matters of succession, like the Masvikiro.

17 In the widest sense, H. Baumann and D. Westermann attribute this feature to four ‘culture areas’ (all of them containing Bantu-speaking populations) or Southern Congolese, Interlacustrine, Rhodesian, and Zambezian, (Les Peuples et les civilisations de l'Afrique, (1962), 154, 169, 185, 223, 249–50, and 531–7 for bibliography of older primary accounts). In a more limited way, De, La Croix (Relation universelle de l'Afrique, III (1688), 364–5) saw the taking of hair and nails from the dead as a general custom in Loango kingdom. More specifically, Clement Doke reports that the Lamba even had an official with the title of Nail (Lyala) who kept the teeth, nails and toes of deceased chiefs (The Lambas of Northern Rhodesia (1931), 187–9.) Each type of illustration could be considerably augmented.

18 Jakobsen, D., ‘Note sur Andriamaro, idole célèbre chez les Mahafaly’, Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, I (1902), 50–2;Capt., Vacher, ‘Etudes ethnographiques’, Revue de Madagascar, VII (06 1905), 516;Grandidier, A. & G., Ethnographie de Madagascar, IV, no. 3 (1917), The Tanala cranium was known as Andriamarosivy.

19 Inter alia: enveloping of body in hide of a royal bull and collection of humours into jars (kisingy), human sacrifices involving either royal slaves or maidens of the special caste of Jangoa, occasional strangling of moribund rulers, slaughter of royal cattle, specialized funerary attendants (Sambarivo, Marovavy, Antankoala, Bahary), grave structures, positioning of royal remains, types of regalia buried, time-spans between death and burial, mourning practices for commoners and nobility. For accessible accounts, see: Dandouau, A., ‘Coutumes funéraires dans le nord-ouest de Madagascar’, BAM, IX (1911), 157–72;Guillain, , Documents (1845), 158 (Sakalava–Antankarana);Ch., Poirier, Notes d'ethnographie (1939), 91–5, 105–14;A., & Grandidier, G., Ethnographie, IV, no. 3 (1917), 515 (Appendix 23, under ‘Sakalava’); and Cagnat, R.-L., ‘Tombeaux royaux et Mahabo du nord-ouest’, Revue de Madagascar, VIII, no. 30 (1941), 83117.

20 The origin goes back to Grandidier, who held that ‘les nègres d'Afrique…ne sont nullement marins, [ils] n'ont pas de bateaux capable de tenir la haute mer, [et ils] n'ont jamais colonisé volontairement des pays d'outre–mer. La traversée’, moreover, ‘de la côte Sud-Est d'Afrique aux îles Comores et à Madagascar est difficile à cause des courants qui sont contraires; elle est facile dans l'autre sens’ (Ethnographie, IV, no. 1 (1908), 170 and note 3). The pattern of currents in the Moçambique Channel is infinitely less monolithic, a factor known in some detail at least since 1859, when Captain Ch., P. de Kerhallet published his Considerations générales sur l'Océan Indien (see pp. 86–7, 104–8). The Vezo type outrigger existed in East Africa at least since the time of the Periplus.

21 Guillain, , Documents, (1845), map at end of volume.

22 Ethnographie, IV, no. 1 (1908), 196–8, 213–28.

23 Among them: the Andrevola, Andrabala, Tohitohy, Antamby, Zazaboto, Andrasivy, Vongovato, Zafinitsara, Tsiboka, Sangoro, Andrasily, Anaivo, Iritsy, Tsitompa, Andraramaiva, Andratsoka, Vatobé and Manendy, Ethographie, IV, no. I (1908), 217–27.

24 Ethnographie, IV, no. 1 (1908), 168, 194, 278, and 228 (note). This has been perpetuated recently by Fagering, E., ‘Etude sur les immigrations anciennes à Madagascar et sur l'origine des principales dynasties du sud et de l'ouest de l'île’, BAM, nouvelle sèrie, XXV (19421943), 265–74; and by Raymond, Decary and Guillaume, Grandidier, Histoire politique et coloniale: populations autres que les Merina, V/T III, fasc. I (1958), 181.

25 Grandidier compiled some twenty manuscript Cahiers de notes sur l'histoire et les mœurs des Sakalava, (18681870), 1278 pages), now in possession of a private party who will show them to no one.

26 Birkeli, E., Marques de bœufs et traditions de race: documents sur l'ethnographie de la côte occidentale de Madagascar (1926), 17.

27 Birkeli, , Marques (1926), 948.

28 Ibid. 7–8, for listing.

29 Drury, R., Madagascar or Robert Drury's Journal (ed. of 1890), 271. First edition was published in 1729. No student, of Madagascar could take seriously the many attempts to dispute the account of Drury as ‘forgery’.

30 Birkeli, , Marques (1926), 1112.

31 Ibid. 12. The names are given as Darikipetuali and Faidabé.

32 Birkeli, , Marques (1926), 14. Birkeli translates Ongodza as ‘Zanzibar’. (Swahili: Unguja). Ngazidja, one of the Comoro Islands, might be another choice.

33 Birkeli, , Marques (1926), 25. It is not impossible, as will be seen, to relate Kasomby to Kazembe Lunda.

34 Birkeli, , Marques (1926), 1516.

35 Drury, , Madagascar (1890), 280, 265.

36 Ibid. 34.

37 Callet, F., Tantaran'ny Andriana, (18731902), translated into French by Chapus, G. S. and Ratsimba, E. as Histoire des rois, (19531958, in four volumes), I (1953), 729, 442–56 passim.

38 Notably by Captain Avelot, R., ‘Les Grands Mouvements de peuples en Afrique: Jaga et Zimba’, Bulletin de géographie historique et descriptive, XXVII (1912), 75216; and Alfred, Grandidier, ‘Notes sur les Vazimba de Madagascar’, Mémoires de la Société Philomatique, (Special Issue, 1888), 155–62, translated into English by James, Sibree as ‘The Vazimba’, Antananarivo Annual (1894), 129–35.

39 Cf. Santos, , dos, Fr. João, Ethiopia Oriental, II (1981), 1st ed. (1609); and Tantara, I (1953), 89–28, and Savaron's, Contribution à l'histoire de l'Imerina’, BAM, nouvelle sèrie, XI (1928), 6181.

40 Drury, , Madagascar (1890), 280.

41 Abinal, and Malzac, , Dictionnaire malgache–français (1888), 417–18 and 808–9 (Merina);Tantara, I (1953), 129. The Tantara state that no one can recall the origins of pottery as the ‘Vazimba had it’.

42 Birkeli, E., Les Vazimba de la côte ouest de Madagascar: notes d'ethnographie (1936), 7.

43 Birkeli, , Vazimba (1936), 63, 66. The tronzba (pron. trumb') according to him has the Bisa equivalent of ntembo (prayer to spirits).

44 Birkeli, , Vazimba (1936), 63–5.

45 Dahle, , ‘Swaheli Element’, AA (1885), 99115;Ferrand, G., ‘L'élément arabe et souahili en malgache ancien et moderne’, Journal Asiatique, 10th ser., II, no. 3 (1903), 451–85;L'origine africaine des Malgaches’, JA, 10th ser., XI, no. 3 (1908), 353500;Dahl, O. Chr., ‘Le substrat bantou en Malgache’, Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap, XVII (1953), 325–62.

46 The Collection des ouvrages anciens concernant Madagascar (19031920) in 10 volumes, compiled and translated by Grandidier, A. and G., Delhorbe, C. and Froidevaux, H., contains most of the published accounts and secondary materials in major European languages for the period before 1800. The unpublished sources are rarer in this collection. The widest gap concerns the sixteenth-century Portuguese documents. The editors canvassed only two private libraries in Portugal. The National Archives and those of Goa, both secular and religious, remain to be researched.

47 Fernan, d'Albuquerque, ‘“Commentarios do Grande Alfonso d'Albuquerque” (1557)’, in COACM, I (1903), 22. The event related took place in 1506.

48 COACM (1903), 15, 20–2, 2631, 36–7.

49 Do, Couto, Da Asia (Decade VII, 1616), in COACM, I (1903), 99.

50 Do, Douto (1616), in COACM, I (1903), 99.

51 Do, Couto (1616), in COACM, I (1903), 100 (for the states); and 155–9 (revolt) which are based on three sources:Faria, y Sousa, Da Asia (1675); João dos Santos (1684 French translation by Charpy); and Cardoso, G., Agiologio Lusitano (1666).

52 Cf. COACM, II (1904), 1630; and COACM, III (1905), 642–74.

53 At Sada, 6 06–6 07 1614; at Bay of Boina, 15–25 04 1613, 18–24 05 1614; 4–18 06 1619, and two weeks approximately in 1620; at Sadia, 15–17 06 1613, and 10 06 1616 to 17 06 1617.

54 Mariano, , ‘Relation du voyage de découverte fait à l'Ile Saint-Laurent, 1613–1614’, COACM, II (1904), 1415;Letter of 17 September 1616 in COACM, II (1904), 213; Letter of 24 August 1619 in COACM, II (1904), 305, 312, 317.

55 Mariano, , ‘Relation, 1613–1614’, COACM, II (1904), 66–7.

56 D'Azevedo, to Superior at Goa, Letter (from Sadia), of 23 August 1617, in COACM, II (1905), 249.

57 Mariano, to Medeiros, , Letter of 24 August 1619, in COACM, II (1904), 315, for definition of the Bambala coast.

58 For Cassane and Sampiliha see Mariano, , ‘Relation, 1613–1614’, COACM, II (1904), 17 III (1905), 659–61. For Diacomena, see II (1904), 3036.

59 Mariano, , ‘Relation, 1613–1614’, COACM, II (1904). 20–1, first Visit.

60 Mariano, , Letter of July 1616, in COACM, II (1904), 217–18.

61 Mariano, , Letter of July 1616, in COACM, II (1904), 218–21; and Letter of 22 October 1616 (population decline), in COACM, II (1904), 239.

62 Mariano, , Letter of 22 October 1616, in COACM, II (1904), 225; and Letter of 20 August 1617, in COACM, II (1904), 252 (in small print). In several passages, Mariano refers to Azevedo's superior linguistic knowledge. There is little doubt that Father d'Azevedo had written many letters to the Superior of the Order of Jesus at Goa but only one has been found so far. Internal evidence suggests that other Jesuit missionaries visited the west coast of Madagascar from about 1580 to 1630.

63 Mariano, , Letter of 20 August 1617, in COACM, II (1904), 256 (small print). Elsewhere, Mariano states that the language of the Bambala coast, taken as a whole, is ‘analogous with those…of Moçambique and Malindi’.

64 Mariano, , Letter of 22 October 1616 in COACM, II (1904), 226–9 and 232–3 (tromba and dady).

65 Mariano, , Letter of 22 October 1616, in COACM, II (1904), 230.

66 Mariano, , Letter of 24 August 1619, in COACM, II (1904), 307. The most common Malagasy term for blood-covenant is fatidra.

67 Mariano, , Letter of 22 October 1616, in COACM, II (1904), 235. He reiterates this several times, noting, however, that while in most other parts of Madagascar the language spoken is Ubuque (Malagasy), the Ubuques and the Cafres of Bambala coast seem to share many of the same customs.

68 This bull authorized, in the name of the king, Luis Mariano and other Jesuit Fathers to reside at Mazelagem. It was dated in the month of Fungalo, sixth day of the moon, in the year juma atano molongo antini peti nerufi, computed as 4 November 1619. It terminates: ‘I, Dadade, wrote [these words] on the order of Simamo and also by [permission of] Jombe Baqueli, Mandeishe Sabunda, Sangansa Hassani, Sangansa Malimu, Jombe Sabanda and by all the people of the land’: signed; Simamo; witness; Agilcouta (COACM, II (1904), 325–6). Jumbe has been the title of rulers on the Swahili Coast and Comoro Islands.

69 On this two-vessel shipwreck, cf. the accounts of Gaspar, Correa, Diogo, do Couto and João, de Barros, in COACM, I (1903), 58–9, 6376.

70 Barros, , Da Asia (Decade IV, 1613), in COACM, I (1903), 66–7.

71 ‘Premier Atterrissage des Hollandais à Madagascar’, in COACM, I (1903), 179, 182–96. This Dutch account was reprinted from another compilation of voyages by De, Constantin, Recueil des Voyages, I (1725), 286341.

72 ‘Troisième voyage des Hollandais aux Indes, â bord du navire Le Middleburg’, in COACM, I (1903), 255.

73 Payrard, de Laval, ‘De la Baie de Saint-Augustin’, in COACM, I (1903), 294, 299300.

74 ‘Troisième voyage de la Compagnie Anglaise des Indes: relâche à Saint-Augustin’ (COACM, I (1903), 402–6).

75 COACM, I (1903), 415.

76 Hamond, W., A Paradox Proving that the Inhabitants of Madagascar are the Happiest People in the World (1640), and Madagascar, the Richest and Most Fruitful Island in the World (1643);Boothby, R., A Briefe Discovery or Description of the Most Famous Island of Madagascar, in Asia, Near the East Indies (1640); and Mandeislo, J. A., ‘Relâche…dans la Baie de Saint-Augustin’, all four translated and reproduced in volumes II and III of the COACM.

77 Of the English colony of 140, under John Smart, 128 died at St Augustine Bay in 1644. One of the twelve survivors, Powle Waldegrave, answered Boothby five years too late (cf. An Answer to Mr Boothby's Book of Description of Madagascar (1649), in COACM, III (1905), 221–58).

78 COACM, II (1904), 434–5. Boothby was at the Bay in 1630.

79 There is evidence that the Anteimoro did not begin to set their own history down on paper before the 1630s and that the earlier Sora-bé contained almost entirely their cabalistic formulas and symbols. This will be discussed in the last of three articles for the JAH.

80 COACM, II (1904), 490. Mandelslo's visit was in 1639.

81 COACM, II (1904), 491.

82 From Antaylaot (Malay for ‘oversea people’) but restricted in Madagascar to Muslim settlers, a mixture of ‘Moors’ and Malagasy.

83 Loquexa: nearest equivalent Lukwesa (Lunda Kazembe kings' name, repeated for several generations), cf. Gamitto, A. C. Pedroso, O Muata Kazembe, transl. Cunnison, I. (1962, 2 vols.), passim.; and Vansina, J., Kingdoms of the Savanna (1966), 370–2, 229–30, 231–2. Suculambes: Shukulombwe (Mashukulombwe of the Ila), cf.Ferrand, O., ‘Origine africaine’, JA, XL, no. 3 (1908), 429. Bambala (ba- locative prefix): Mbala (Ambala, Bambala), peoples found in Kwango, Kasai and among the Ila of Middle Zambezi river, cf. Murdock, G. P, Africa (1959), 292–3, 365. Capitapa/Kapitapa, Cassane/Kassane, Quisaju/Kisaju, Ajungones/Azungunes mean nothing in Malagasy. While all appear to belong to the Bantu linguistic family, I have not been able to identify them.

84 Tantara, I (1953), 278.

86 Mariano, , Letter of 21 October, 1616, in COACM, II (1904), 220.

87 Conformity to this custom caused the Maroserana considerable trouble, from the lands of Mahafaly in the south-west to Iboina in the north, where the formation of Tsimihety (those who do not cut their hair) took place as a result of refusal to submit to the Maroserana. The Mahafaly oral traditions state that their ruling clan of Tsileliki intermarried with the Maroserana and hence did not have to shave their heads following a Maroserana death. Reported by Mamelomana, E., Les Mahafaly (78-page unpublished typescript based on oral texts, s.d., owned by University of Madagascar).

88 Kent, R. K., ‘The Bara, “Africans” of Madagascar’, JAN, IX, no. 3 (1968), 387408.

89 Abraham, , ‘Mwene Mutapa, 850–1589’, HTA (1962), 68, 86 (note 60).

90 Ch., Sacleux, Dictionnaire swahili–français, I (1939), 307.

91 Many of the sikidy formulas, in various parts of Madagascar, mention Misara or Andriamisara, according to Raphael, F., ‘Ny Famohazan'ny Sikily’ (‘The awakenings of Sikidy’), unnumbered MSS of Académie Malgache, pp. 15. This could not obtain if he had been a single king.

92 Michel, L., Mœurs et coutumes des Bara (1957), 21. Michel was surprised that the Ndriamisara had a status of nobility in Ibara since all Bara nobles were created by Raikitroka and he ‘never gave such a rank to the Ndriamisara’. The Misara, wrote Birkeli, ‘are to be found at Maharivo, Tsiribihina and Manambolo. They are considered the equals of the Andrevola (Fiherenana nobles)’. Their cattle-mark was miranidroe (Birkeli, , Marque (1926), 35).

93 Gautier, E.-F. and Froidevaux, H., Un Manuscrit arabico-malgache sur les campagnes de La Case dans l'Imoro, 1659–1663 (1907), 5.

94 According to an administrator named Dreyer, see Dreyer to Analalava Province Chief, Letter of December 1915, appended to document no. 620 of the Ch. Poirier Library (owned by the University of Madagascar); see also note 102 below.

95 Tovonkery was the elder of all the mpanjaka (chiefs) of Maromandia and principal guardian of oral tradition, entrusted with the key to the royal family tomb at Kapany, according to Dreyer, Letter of 9 Dec. 1915.

96 Tovonkery, , ‘Ory Mpanjaka Voalohany izay Fantatra Tantara araka ny Lovantsofina dia: Andriamandisoarivo’ (‘The first of kings whose history is known according to the heritage of the ears was Andriamandisoarivo’), in his ‘Lovantsofina Milaza ny Tantara Nihavian'ny Mpanjaka Sakalava Samy Hofa Eto Amin'ny Faritany Maromandia’ (‘Oral traditions of the Sakalava kings submitted by the District Head of Maromandia’), 1915, p. 7, document no. 620 of the Ch. Poirier Library, U.M.

97 Sgt., Firinga, ‘La Dynastie des Maroserana’, Revue de Madagascar, III (1901), 658–72. Prud'homme was in charge of Sakalava land.

98 Firinga, , ‘Maroserana’, RJW, III (1901), 662–3.

99 , Prud'homme, ‘Considerations sur lea Sakalava’, NRE, VI (1900), 9. The oldest source to advance this hypothesis I know of is Carpeau, du Saussay, Voyage de Madagascar (1722 but written actually in 1663), 246. He saw the ‘Blacks of Madagascar’ as its original population but the ‘Whites came some time ago from Mazambique…having been expelled by the tyrant of Quiloe’.

100 Cited by De La Motte Saint-Pierre, R., ‘Nossi-bé 13° latitude south’ (1949, unpublished typescript of the Académie Malgache),53–4. This would place the Maroserana formation roughly at ± 1550.

101 G. Grandidier, ‘Essai d'histoire des Malgaches de la région occidentale: lea Sakalava’ (s.d., unfinished typescript of 78 pp. with extensive notes, used by kind permission of Professor Hubert Deschamps), 1–3 and notes 8–9. Based on the Cahiers of his father, written among the Sakalava (1868–70), it cites them extensively; Abdallah, , ‘Généalogie des Maroserana’ (s.d. document no. 629 of the Poirier Library, U.M.), pp. 12;Ch., Betoto, ‘Histoire de la royauté Sakalava’ (1950), typescript, pp. 34, by kind permission of the author.

102 Oral Traditions Taped/Reel I (1965), at Mirinarivo-Majunga (Iboina). Informants: mpanjaka Nintsy, Mamory-bé and Tsimanohitra Tombo. Mirinarivo-Majunga is the site of Doany which contains the royal Sakalava enclave (Zomba) and the tombs. Mamory-bé and Tombo are ampitatara (historians) and tomb-guardians.

103 Litt. ‘king wronged by thousands’. The fitahina alludes to a dynastic dispute between the sons of Andriandahifotsy and was given to the younger one Tsimanatona (see text below), founder of Sakalava-Iboina. In the old days, former kings could never by mentioned by their life-time names but only by the fitahina.

104 OTT/I (1965); informant: Nintsy.

105 OTT/I (1965); informant: Tombo.

106 Ibid.

107 OTT/I (1965); informant: Mamory-bé.

108 OTT/Reel III (1965), taped near Morondava, Menabé. Informant does not wish to be identified by name.

109 OTT/I (1965); informant: Tombo. Father Webber, who spent some time toward the middle of the nineteenth century among the Sakalava, defines Mososa as ‘one in contact with the demon, one who carries the ody (amulets) and flags in expeditions’; Dictionnaire (1853), 482. In the East African dialects of Gi-kunya and Ki-tikuu, mwosa applies to those who attend the dead, cf. Sacleux, , Dictionnaire, II (1945), 653. Osa is also found in the Hosana priests in Mwene Mutapa.

110 de. Flacourt, E., ‘Relation de ce qui s'est passé en l'Ile de Madagascar, 1642–1660’ (1661), COACM, IX (1920), 139.

111 COACM, ii (1904), 488.

112 Kent, , ‘Bara’, JAH, IX, no. 3 (1968).

113 Ibid.

114 Abraham, , ‘Mwene Mutapa, 850–1589’ (1962), 68.

115 Guillain, , Documents (1845), 11, note 1, who asked for the etymons of Maroserana could not obtain ‘an adequate explanation’. It was a title meaning lit. ‘many paths’ or ‘many traces’.

116 Grandidier, A., first in his ‘Un voyage scientifique à Madagascar’, Revue Scientifique, I, no. 46 (05 1872), 1086, and subsequently in almost every passage dealing with the origins of the Sakalava and south-eastern Anteisaka. He has been followed by numerous writers.

117 Cf. Marchand, , ‘Les habitants de la province de Farafangana’, Revue de Madagascar, III (1901), 485–6; and Deschamps, H., Les Antaisaka, (1936), 162–4 and passim. Grandidier's ‘Anteisaka–Sakalava’ hypothesis and his ‘Indian theory’ are still widely accepted and adhered to in Madagascar. They will be reviewed in some detail shortly in the Bulletin de Madagascar.

118 Deschamps, , Antaisaka (1936), 163–4.

119 ‘Niandohan'ny Fivavahan'ny Sakalava’ (‘Origins of the Sakalava Religion’), MS notebook, document no. 2238/2 of the Académie Malgache, pp. 1–7. Set down on paper by an anonymous writer ca. 1908.

120 Ndramboay appears in numerous traditions and is associated either with Andriamandazoala or Andriamandresi, with a human sacrifice of a royal wife, or with the creation of another symbol of Sakalava royalty, the vy lava, long ceremonial knife. The vy lava is discussed by administrator Bernard in ‘Notice sur le Vy Lava’ (MS s.d. document no. 623 of the Poirier Library, U.M.), pp. 1–3.

121 For example, Henri, Rusillon, ‘Généalogie Maroserana Zafimbolamena’, BAM, VI (19221923), 172. There were two Andriamisara in this genealogy according to him.

122 Birkeli, , Marques (1926), 32–3. This was actually true in 1926, but the remains of Andriamisara have since been taken to Majunga.

123 Reported by Captain Holm, of Soldaat, in COACM, III (1905), 381–2.

124 ‘Voyage de Ia flüte Waaterhoen’, COACM, III (1905), 307–9.

125 ‘Description de la Baie de Saint-Augustin’, COACM, III (1905), 334.

126 Martin, F., Mémoire concernant l'Ile de Madagascar, 11 Aoýt 1665–19 Octobre 1668, COACM, IX (1920), 514.

127 Ibid. 479, 515–16.

128 Ibid. 605–6.

129 The 1668 document to which Guillain had referred is actually dated 22 February 1670, ‘Relation des Remarques qui ont estes faites sur les principalles Bayes, Ances & Havres de l'Isle Duaphine & Isles Adiaçantes’ (Paris, Archives Nationales, Section Outre-Mer, Correspondence Madagascar, new doc. no. C 5A1/32. I am grateful to M. Laroche, the Director, for permission to use the Archival materials). It was prepared by the captains, pilots and merchants of the vessel Petit St Jan. On folio 4 of the text, it is stated that chiefs of the St Augustine Bay area came to Fort-Dauphin early in February 1669 to ask the governor ‘for protection against La Heye Fouchy’.

130 In Du, Bois, Les Voyages faites… aux Isles Dauphine ou Madagascar, & Bourbon, ou Mascarenne, es années 1669–1672 (1674), 108.

131 Du, Bois, Voyages (1674), 305–8.

132 For example, the Antetsetsake, Tsimanavadraza, Tentembola and Andrevola (both tsi mate manota, or exempt from capital punishment), Tambahy, Antamby, Andrabé, Tsongoro, among others.

133 Drury, , Madagascar (1890), 280, wrote that he ‘could not find that ever they formed themselves into regular kingdoms… each town being a distinct and independent common-wealth’. This was in contrast to their ‘superior ingenuity’ in crafts and medicine (the Vazimba cured Drury's venereal disease).

134 Grandidier, G., ‘Essai’ (typescript), p. 3 bis, note 7.’ To the Maroserana and Sakalava chiefs they paid as tribute the réré or large river turtles, excellent food, along with sweetwater fish and bananas.’

135 Birkeli, , Marques (1926), 33. According to Eric Axelson, Portuguese in South-East Africa, 1600–1700 (1964), 5, 37 Dos Santos reported the kingdom of Sacumbe, upstream from Tete', on a fortified hill honeycombed with copper-workings. Tete itself was ruled by Chief Nhampanza. The Malagasy term for chief ruler, king is mpanjaka (pron. mpanzaka).

136 Grandidier, G., ‘Essai’ (typescript), note 3 pp. 45 his, cited from Grandidier's, A. ‘Notes de Voyage’, MS (1870), and his father found two at Mahabo and eight in Belo (Tsiribihina).

137 Grandidier, G., ‘Essai’ (typescript), p. 45 bis, note 2, from Grandidier's, A. ‘Notes de Voyage’, MS (1869), p. 688.

138 First reported by Guillain, , Documents (1845), 1213.

139 Pirate, Cornelius, ‘Account’ (1703), COACM, III (1905), 616–17. This is the first mention in print of both Antalaotra and Vazimba.

140 Drury, . Madagascar (1890). 274.

141 De, la Merveille, ‘Récit’ (7 August 1708), COACM, III (1905), 620 (small print), reprinted from La, Roque, Voyage de l'Arabie heureuse en 1708–1710 (1715).

142 Drury, , Madagascar (1890), 261–2. Drury estimated Tsimanongarivo's age at around 80.

143 For a brief outline of Sakalava kingdoms in the eighteenth century, see Hubert, DeschampsHistoire de Madagascar (2nd ed. 1961), 103–4.

144 ‘Relâche du navire Le Barneveld’ (1719), COACM, v (1907), 22, 24.

145 ‘Le Barneveld’, COACM, v (1907), 35.

146 Its very nature turned Ambongo into a refuge for dissident elements both from Menabé and Boina. Both the Sakalava and the Merina armies raided Ambongo several times in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Cf. Mayeur, Nicolas, Journal de voyage au pays des Sédaves (1774), in BAM, X (1913), 64;Guillain, , Documents (1845), 271–3;L'Iraka, no. 91 (15 03 1901), 735–6.

147 See Grandidier, A., Histoire de la géographie de Madagascar (2nd ed., 1892), 191–5.

148 On 19 June 1869 Alfred Grandidier saw at Manambolo, on a sand-bar, the last of the Vazimba conic huts, quite unique in the island. They had a base-diameter of about 2 m. and their height varied from 1·50 to 1·80 cm. (Ethnographie de Madagascar, IV, no. 3 (1917), 522).

149 Oliver, R., ‘The problem of the Bantu expansion’, JAH, VII, no. 3 (1966), 361–76.

150 This will be plotted through linguistic and ethnographic data in the forthcoming Early Kingdoms of Madagascar. It is possible to suggest that data for Madagascar will force a reassessment of the Lunda expansions along much earlier dates.

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