¹ For a full account see Wright, Mary C., The T'ung-chih Restoration, a Study in Modern Chinese Conservatism, typescript, 999 p. Publication arrangements to be announced.Google Scholar

² On the meaning of the term see Yang, Lien-sheng, “Toward a Study of Dynastic Configurations in Chinese History,” HJAS, 17 (12 1954), 331–332.Google Scholar

³ Tu-hsiu, Ch'en, “Hsien-fa yü K'ung-chiao” (The Constitution and Confucianism), Hsin ch'ing-nien, 2.3, (1916)Google Scholar, ncp. This subject was discussed in virtually every issue of Hsin ch'ing-nien at this period.

⁴ Wen-lan, Fan, Chung-kuo Chin-tai shih (History of modern China) (Hongkong, 1949), 1:203Google Scholar. Wen-lan, Fan, Han-chien k'uai-tzu shou Tseng Kuo-fan ti i-sheng (Traitor and Butcher Tseng Kuo-fan) (Hsin-hua shu-tien, 1944)Google Scholar. Author's notes on an interview with Ch'en Po-ta on this subject, Yenan, Oct. 27, 1946.

⁵ Wen-lan, Fan, Tseng Kuo-fan; P'ei-wei , “Lun Tseng Kuo-fan,” Hsüeh-hsi (Hankow), 1 (11 1948), 4–7.Google Scholar

⁶ In the interests of clarity, I have disregarded the various changes in the party's name.

⁷ Author's preface, Ts'ai O, Tseng Hu chih-ping yü-lu (Maxims of Tseng and Hu on the command of troops) in his posthumous works, Ts'ai Sung-p'o hsien-sheng i-chi (1938; first ed., 1917).Google Scholar

⁸ Chung-kuo Kuo-min-tang ti-i erh san ssu-iz'u ch'üan-kuo tai-piao ta-hui hui-k'an (Documents of the First Four Kuomintang Congresses) (Kuomintang Information Committee, 1934), 48–51.Google Scholar

⁹ Chiang briefly recalled this step in his 1932 preface to his own further compilation of selections from Hu Lin-i, Hsin-pien Hu Lin-i chün-cheng lu. (Nanking, n.d.); it is also mentioned in the 1935 author's preface to Chiang wei-yüan chang tseng-pu Tseng Hu chih-ping yü-lu (Nanking, 3rd printing 1946).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Wang Te-liang Tseng Kuo-fan chih min-tsu ssu-hsiang (Tseng Kuo-fan's nationalist thought) (Shanghai, 1946; first ed., 1943), 76.Google Scholar

¹¹ Chiang's 1924 preface to Military Studies Institute (Chün-hsüeh pien-i she) ed. of O, Ts'ai's Maxims (Nanking, 1946).Google Scholar

¹² Note the revolutionary, anti-traditionalist tone of all the materials in Kuomintang Central Political Council, Canton Branch, Nationalist China (Canton), 05 1927Google Scholar. See also the manifestoes of the first two party congresses.

¹³ Tai Chi-t'ao, lecture to the Whampoa Academy, April 29, 1924, in Huang-p'u hsünlien chi (Whampoa training materials) 1924–1925 (n.p., n.d.), 2:643–646.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Chiang's lectures in Huang-p'u hsün-lien chi, passim.

¹⁵ Nationalist China, 18–21.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Chiang's explanations of the classic virtues of li, i, lien and ch'ih as the source of China's past glory and the hope for the future dominate the whole of his Lu-shan hsün-lien chi (1933–1934), 2 vols.Google Scholar On the party endorsement of these principles as the unchanging and everlasting “basis of the people” and “basis of the state” and the necessary foundation of all government see Chiang-su Ko-ming po-wu-kuan kuan-k'an (Bulletin of the Kiangsu Revolutionary Museum) reprinted in Tang-shih shih-liao ts'ung-k'an (Materials on party history), 2 (1944) 1.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Chiang's 1924 preface to Ts'ai O, Maxims.

¹⁸ Note the use of derogatory characters suggestive of dogs and pigs in references to the Taiping Rebellion in Chiang's 1932 preface to Hu Lin-i chün-cheng lu. Chiang went further than most of the party on this, for to many the Taiping name had once been sacred. Sometimes the difficulty was minimized by referring to the Hung-Yang affair, rather than the Taiping Rebellion, (e.g., Lai Wei-chou's 1930 preface to his compilation for the Kiangsi Provincial Executive Committee of the Kuomintang, Tseng Kuo-fan chih-tao yao-lüeh (Outline of Tseng's bandit suppression). Some party leaders went along with the new veneration for Chinese tradition but refused to condemn the Taiping (e.g., Chi, Chang, Chung-kuo Kuo-min-tang shih (History of the Kuomintang) (Taipeh, 1952), 5–6.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Lu-shan hsün-lien chi, 1:200Google Scholar and passim.

²⁰ Lu-shan bsün-lien chi, 1:212–13Google Scholar; see also 310.

²¹ Documents of the First Four Kuomintang Congresses, 48–51, 77–78, 93–95.Google Scholar

²² List of those recently readmitted, with the original crime and punishment, Kuo-wen chou-pao, 9. 1 (1932)Google Scholar, ncp.

²³ Letter of T'an Yen-k'ai (T'an Tsu-an) to T'ang Sheng-chih (T'ang Meng-hsiao) quoted in Hsu I-shih, “Tseng Hu t'an-wei,” Pt. 1, Kuo-wen chou-pao, 6.26 (1929)Google Scholar, ncp.

²⁴ Chu Ch'i-hua (Chu Hsin-fan) I-chiu erh-ch'i nien ti hui-i (A Retrospect of 1927) (Shanghai, 1933), 63.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ch'i-hua, Chu, Retrospect, 45.Google Scholar

²⁶ Wieger, Leon, Chine Moderne (Hsien-hsien, 1921–1931), 7:79.Google Scholar

²⁷ Chine Moderne, 7:67.Google Scholar

²⁸ Chine Moderne, 8:143.Google Scholar

²⁹ Chiang Kai-shek's order of May 1933 to troops in Hupeh, Hunan and Kweichow. Chung-kuo tao-te hui (Chinese Virtue Society), Li-tai tsun-K'ung chi (The Veneration of Confucius in successive ages) (Shanghai, 1934), 50b.Google Scholar

³⁰ Tung-fang tsa-chih, 31 (1934), 19Google Scholar, photographs of the ceremonies, unnumbered pages. See also Republic section of Li-tai tsun-K'ung chi, 36–51Google Scholar, and Confucius and Present-Day China, by Shao Yuan-chung, Director of the Kuomintang Information Department, (Peiping, 1934).Google Scholar

³¹ Ch'en Li-fu, in Tung-fang tsa-chih, 32.1 (1935), 25–29.Google Scholar

³² Tang-shih shih-liao pien-tsuan wei-yuan hui, Chung-kuo kuo-min tang-shih kai-yao, quoted in Wang Te-liang, Tseng Kuo-fan, 13.Google Scholar

³³ Chi, Chang, Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang shih, 5–6Google Scholar (originally a 1943 lecture to Central Training Corps). Chang was chairman of the commission to compile the party history and chief of the bureau of national history.

³⁴ T'ao's postface (ca. 1943) to Te-liang, Wang, Tseng Kuo-fan, 79.Google Scholar

³⁵ T'ao, “Chung kuo she-hui tsu-chih chien-shu” (Precis of Chinese social organization) in Chung-kuo wen-hua lun-chi (Symposium on Chinese culture). Essays in honor of Wu Chih-hui's ninetieth birthday (Taipeh, 1953), 106Google Scholar. Ching-shih is a superb example of conservative theory, and the antithesis of revolution of any type. According to Hsiao I-shao (Tseng Kuo-fan [Nanking, 1946], ch. 9 passim) ching-shih meant that every class developed its own potentialities under the guidance of scholars, while local officials and local gentry were in a position to ensure harmony and prevent any conflict of interest. Hsiao was a well-known historian and prominent member of the Kuomintang Right.

³⁶ Shih, Hu, “Wu-shih nien-lai Chung-kuo chih wen-hsüeh”Google Scholar (Chinese literature in the last fifty years) in Shen-pao kuan ed., Tsui-chin chih wu-shih nien (The last fifty years), Vol. 2, Wu-shih nien-lai chih Chung-kuo (China in the last fifty years) (Shanghai, 1922)Google Scholar, ncp.

³⁷ Hsü I-shih, “Tseng Hu t'an-wei,” Pt. 1, gives a number of examples. Note Chiang Kai-shek's emphasis in sLu-shan hsün-lien chi, 1933–1934, 1:356–57Google Scholar and passim and his speech at the Nan-yo Military Council in 1938, Te-liang, Wang, Tseng Kuo-fan, 76.Google Scholar

³⁸ Li Hsü Ts'ai Sung-p'o, Models for Youth Series, compiled by order of the Generalissimo, (Nanking, 1946), 23, 27–29.Google Scholar

³⁹ Note the elevation of the characters for Chiang's title, tsung-ts'ai, in Wang Teliang's eulogy of Tseng, Tseng Kuo-fan, 76.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Hu Che-fu Tseng kuo-fan (Chungking, 1944).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Chiang based the party code of behavior on Tseng's code of behavior. Teliang, Wang, Tseng Kuo-fanGoogle Scholar, preface and 76–77.

⁴² Kai-shek, Chiang, China's Destiny, trans. Wang Chung-hui (New York: Macmillan, 1947), 20.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ch'en Ch'ing-ch'u ed., Tseng Ti-sheng chih tzu-wo chiao-yü (Tseng Kuo-fan's self-education) (Chungking, 1942)Google Scholar, preface.

⁴⁴ Li-fu, Ch'en, in Tung-fang tsa-chih, 32.1 (1935), 25–29.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Text of Chiang's address quoting this passage, which he called China's supreme political theory and the goal of national reconstruction, in Tung-fang tsa-chih, 36.6 (1939), 56Google Scholar. For the text see Legge, James, trans., The Li Ki (Oxford, 1885), 364–366Google Scholar. The passage, made famous by K'ang Yu-wei and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and beloved by Sun Yat-sen, has become the subject of considerable controversy. To many who have read it casually, it has seemed to represent a liberal and democratic Utopia. It has been praised by the Kuomintang—portions of it were set up in neon lights in Nanking in 1946 to celebrate the convening of the National Assembly—and attacked by the Chinese Left. Leading Japanese scholarly opinion considers the doctrine highly authoritarian. (Chōhachi, Itano, “Kō Yū-i no daidō shisō” in Kindai Chūgoku kenkyū, [Tokyo, 1948], 167–204Google Scholar). There can be little doubt that Chiang himself regards it so.

⁴⁶ Kai-shek, Chiang in Min-chung yün-tung fang-an fa-kuei hui-pien, (n.p., ca. 1936)Google Scholar, authorized by the Kuomintang as a guide to party workers in popular movements, Vol. 2, Appendix, 6.

⁴⁷ Kai-shek, Chiang, Lu-shan hsün-lien chi 1:356—357Google Scholar, et passim.

⁴⁸ Chiang Kai-shek, broadcast to the nation, text in Tung-fang tsa-chih, 38.6 (1941), 41–44.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Li-fu, Ch'en, in Tung-fang tsa-chih, 32.1 (1935), 25–29.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Kai-shek, Chiang, “The cause and cure of rural decadence,”Google Scholar summary of his appeal to the people of Szechwan following his June 1935 conference with the gentry and elders of the province, in Ching-wei, Wang and Kai-shek, Chiang, China's leaders and their policies (Shanghai, 1935), 31–36Google Scholar; and Min-chung yün-tung, 2Google Scholar, Appendix, 6.

⁵¹ Tung-fang tsa-chih, 36.6(1939), 55–56.Google Scholar

⁵² Chiang's exact words on this point were: “The disastrous military reverses on the mainland were not due to the overwhelming strength of the Communists but due to the organizational collapse, loose discipline and low spirits of (Kuomintang) Party members.” Chiang Kai-shek, “Reform of the Kuomintang,” speech of July 22, 1950, authorized English translation in Selected Speeches and Messages of President Chiang Kai-shek, 1949–1952 (Taipeh: Office of the Government Spokesman, 1952), 45–54.Google Scholar

⁵³ Kai-shek, Chiang, “Reform of the Kuomintang.”Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Kai-shek, Chiang, Lu-shan hsün-lien chi, 2:84Google Scholar. Chiang's nationalistic Confucianism marked the culmination of a process which had alarmed Liang Ch'i-ch'ao as early as 1902 (Liang, “Lun pao-chiao chih shuo,” Chinese text and French translation in Chine Moderne, 1:161–171.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ According to Chiang, Hu had been the author of the plan which Tseng and all the other Restoration leaders used, but he had died too young to achieve the fame he deserved. Lu-shan hsün-lien chi, 2:241–245.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Chiang's 1932 preface to Hu Lin-i chün-cheng lu. Chiang stated that he had understood these truths since 1924.

⁵⁷ Quoted in Chiang's preface to Hu Lin-i chün-cheng lu.

⁵⁸ Min-chung yün-tung, 2Google Scholar, Appendix, 6. Chiang here attributes this “error” to Kuantzu, but it is Mencius who is most often quoted on the necessity of meeting economic needs before the virtues are taught. (Legge, Mencius, [Oxford, 1895], 148–149Google Scholar, par. 22–24). It was presumably impolitic to attack Mencius by name.

⁵⁹ See Hu Shih's detailed account of this interview with Ch'en Chi-t'ang , Tu-li p'ing-lun, 142 (1935), 17–24Google Scholar. This citation from 17–18.

⁶⁰ Wei-chou, Lai, Tseng Kuo-fan chih-t'ao yao-lüehGoogle Scholar. For an account of the steps taken by the Kuomintang to strengthen the upper classes and re-establish local control in Kiangsi, see Taylor, George, “Reconstruction after Revolution: Kiangsi Province and the Chinese Nation,” Pacific Affairs, 8:3 (09 1953), 302–311.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Kai-shek, Chiang, “The cause and cure of rural decadence.”Google Scholar

⁶² Text of Chiang's telegram, Jan. 19, 1939, Tung-fang tsa-chih, 36.4 (1939), 61–62.Google Scholar

⁶³ The compilation Ch'ien-tai yü-k'ou liang-kuei (Kuomintang publication, ca. 1930)Google Scholar, ncp., opens with this plan which was originated by Kung Ching-han.

⁶⁴ Ching-han, Kung, in Ch'ien-tai yü-k'ou liang-kuei, 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Nai, Hsü, in Ch'ien-tai yü-k'ou liang-kuei, 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Text and annotation, Ch'ien-tai yü-k'ou liang-kuei, 2.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ch'ien-tai yü-k'ou liang-kuei, 2.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Texts of the regulations, Chün-t'ien, Wen, Chung-kuo pao-chia chih-tu (The Chinese pao-chia system) (Shanghai, 1935), 547–575.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ See review of tecent government statements in Chin Ching , “Lun yung-jen” (On the use of men), Kuo-wen chou-pao, 13.17 (1932), 7–12.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Ts'ai's preface to Tseng-Hu chih-ping yü-lu, all editions.

⁷¹ See Chiang Kai-shek's preface to the combined edition of Ch'i Chi-Kuang , Chi-hsiao hsin-shu and Lien-ping shih-chi (n.p., n.d.). In his preface of Jan. 1929 Chiang wrote that these Ming works were the most practical military manuals since Sun-tzu. Tseng and Hu had studied them, and Chiang now instructed the “junior and senior officers of my whole army to do the same.”

⁷² Lu Ti-p'ing , compiler's preface to Tseng Kuo-fan cbiao-Nien shih-lu (Record of Tseng's extermination of the Nienfei) (n.p., n.d. [preface, 12 10, 1930]).Google Scholar

⁷³ Ch'en Shu-hua , “Ch'ingtai p'ing-Nien tso-chan chih chien-t'ao” (Critique of Ch'ing strategy in pacifying the Nienfei), Shih-cheng chi-k'an, published by the Ministry of National Defense, 1 (03 1948), 23–25.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Cheng-kung tien-fan ts'ao-an (Political Board of the National Military Council, 1942), 80 p.Google Scholar; …Ch'u-kao (Draft). (Central Training Corps, 1941), 159 p.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ See the “Manifesto of the Ten Professors,” the “Manifesto of the Eighteen Professors,” and the sharp rebuttal of the liberals led by Shih, Hu, Tu-li p'ing-lun, 145 (1935), 4–7Google Scholar; I-hsüeh tsa-chih, 14.1 (1935), 1–7, and 2:39–44Google Scholar, Tung fang tsa-chih, 32.4 (1935), 81–83.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Passed and promulgated by the Southwestern Political Council, Tu-li p'ing-lun, 141 (1935), 15Google Scholar. For a wide sampling of views on this “read the Classics” movement, see special issue of Chiao-yü tsa-chih, 25.5 (05 1935).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ E.g., Tu-li p'ing-lun, 138 (1935), 18–21.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Hu's account, Tu-li p'ing-lun, 142 (1935), 17–24.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Chien, Ho, The true spirit of China today (Changsha, 1936), 2–3Google Scholar describes a recent campaign by the “people” of Hunan to overcome disorder by reprinting ethical texts.

⁸⁰ Chiao-yü tsa-chih, 23.4 (1931), 129–130.Google Scholar

⁸¹ See T. F. Tsiang's answer to Ch'en Kuo-fu's proposal on education to the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang, Tu-li p'ing-lun, 4 (1932), 6–8.Google Scholar

⁸² Ch'eng Yü , “Yü Chiang Chieh-shih lun chiao-yü shu” (A talk with Chiang Kai-shek on education) in Chung-kuo tao-te hui, K'ung-chiao wai-lun (Essays on Confucianism), 39–40.Google Scholar

⁸³ For example, the leader of Shansi, Marshal Yen Hsi-shan, had his own personal Restoration model: Hsü Chi-yü, who in addition to his well-known career as a geographer and statesman had also been prominent in organizing Shansi's resistance to the Taiping Rebellion. In 1915, as Shansi tu-tu. Yen published Hsü's works with a preface by himself. (Sung-k'an hsien-sheng ch'üan-chi [preface Nov. 1915]). Subsequently Yen organized what was called the “Confucian administration” of Shansi. (See texts sympathetically collected and translated in Chine Moderne, 4:335–358.) Phrases reminiscent of the Restoration have characterized the public statements of most of the other regional military leaders, e.g., Wu P'ei-fu, Ch'i Yao-lin , Ch'en Chi-t'ang, et al. Even Feng Yü-hsiang considered that Tseng Kuo-fan's methods of troop training, his personal austerity, his love of study, and his diligent attention to duty were worthy of admiration and emulation. And he used Tseng's army songs about love of the people in his own army. See Feng's memoirs. Wo ti tu-shu sheng-buo (n.p., 1947), 1:45, 153–154.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Associated Press version of Li's statement, New York, Mar. 11, 1950, as printed in the San Francisco Chronicle, 03 12, 1950, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ For an excellent review of the various Confucian revivals up to 1925, see Ts'ao Chu-jen , “The meaning and value of Chinese classical studies (kuo-ku hsüeh),” Tung-fang tsa-chih, 22.14 (1925), 65–78Google Scholar. Between 1932 and 1937 the subject was frequently discussed in virtually all the journals of opinion.

⁸⁶ Shih, Hu, Tu-li p'ing-lun, 145:4–7Google Scholar. Reprinted from Ta-kung-pao.

⁸⁷ Shih, Hu, Tu-li p'ing-lun, 145:4–7Google Scholar. Reprinted from Ta-kung-pao.

⁸⁸ Yu-lan, Fung, in Northrop, F. S. C., ed., Ideological Differences and World Order (New Haven, 1949), 21.Google Scholar