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BURYING, REPATRIATING, AND LEAVING THE DEAD IN WARTIME AND POSTWAR CHINA AND TAIWAN, 1937–1955*

  • Rebecca Nedostup (a1)

Abstract

The burial of war dead was a key element of displacement and community formation during wartime and postwar China and Taiwan, 1937–1955. Reckoning with the physical burial and spiritual pacification of civilian as well as military dead posed practical and epistemological problems for the tens of millions forced to migrate amid shifting political and military boundaries. Various populations of living and dead refugees became increasingly politicized on the national and international levels, affecting local rituals and family burials. The accumulation of unidentified or lost bodies raised the stakes for the incorporation of the known dead into local, translocal, or national communities. The moral imperative of families and lineages to reconstitute themselves in the aftermath of war was made concrete via the extensive networks of locally-identified charitable organizations who worked to transport coffins back “home” from China's interior. The Nationalist government, meanwhile, prioritized symbolic control over military heroes in ways that ignored or eschewed burial and family ritual. The KMT and those who fled with them to Taiwan in 1949 were then cut off from their national as well as family graves, and struggled to find ritual and practical methods of overcoming or temporarily ameliorating political boundaries, geographic distance, and the passage of time.

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Footnotes

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My gratitude to Janet Y. Chen, Kevin Kenny, Rana Mitter, Nicholas Stargardt, and the participants of the Columbia Modern Chinese History Seminar, the Oxford Workshop on Relief and Reconstruction in Wartime and Postwar China, 1937–1949, the Approaching War Seminar at Brown University's Pembroke Center, the Davis Seminar at Princeton University, and the members of the Genealogy and Local History Section of the International Federation of Library Associations, all of whom commented on earlier versions of this work, as did faculty and students in the history departments at Columbia, National Tsing Hua (Taiwan), and Peking Universities and the Center for Chinese Studies, National Central Library, Taiwan. Portions of this research were conducted under a fellowship from Center for Chinese Studies, National Central Library, Taiwan. I also owe a debt to Roger Shih-chieh Lo and Chiang Chia-ping for enabling fieldwork, and to the journal's reviewers and editors for helping me to clarify my argument.

Footnotes

References

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1 In The Last of the Whampoa Breed: Stories of the Chinese Diaspora, edited by Chi, Pang-yuan and Wang, David Der-wei (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 247–48.

2 Watson, Rubie S., “Remembering the Dead: Graves and Politics in Southeastern China,” in Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China, edited by Watson, James L. and Rawski, Evelyn S. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 203–27, 207.

3 In his definitive account of the war, for instance, Rana Mitter notes that 14 million is the conservative estimate, but that the toll that the war inflicted on China is still being calculated.Forgotten Ally: China's World War II, 1937–1945 (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2013), 5 .

4 On the former, Chongqing Municipal Archives (hereafter CMA) 0081:3:657, 104–105_1; on the latter, Waldron, Arthur, “China's New Remembering of World War II: The Case of Zhang Zizhong,Modern Asian Studies 30:4, Special Issue: War in Modern China (Oct., 1996), 945–78.

5 Henriot, Christian, “Invisible Deaths, Silent Deaths: “Bodies without Masters’ in Republican Shanghai,Journal of Social History 43:2 (2009), 407–37, and Scythe and the City: A Social History of Death in Shanghai (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016).

6 Leading the way on Henan is Micah Muscolino's environmental study, The Ecology of War in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014); Kathryn Edgerton-Tarpley's research focuses more specifically on refugee aid, e.g. Saving the Nation, Starving the People? The Henan Famine of 1942–1943,” in 1943: China at the Crossroads, edited by Esherick, Joseph W. and Combs, Matthew (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015), 323–64. On Hong Kong and the overall context of China in the postwar international refugee regime, see Peterson, Glen, “Sovereignty, International Law, and the Uneven Development of the International Refugee Regime,Modern Asian Studies 49 (2015), 439–68, 445–57, doi:10.1017/S0026749X14000341 ; and Mitter, Rana, “Imperialism, Transnationalism, and the Reconstruction of Post-war China: UNRRA in China, 1944–7,Past and Present 218 (suppl. 8) (2013), 5169, doi:10.1093/pastj/gts034 . On the IRO and UNRRA's activity regarding people of Chinese descent outside of China, see Oyen, Meredith, “The Right of Return: Chinese Displaced Persons and the International Refugee Organization, 1947–56,Modern Asian Studies 49 (2015), 546–71. doi:10.1017/S0026749X14000420 .

7 Examples of recent work dealing with the subject of refugees include Lary, Diana, The Chinese People at War: Human Suffering and Social Transformation, 1937–1945 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010); Lu Liu, “A Whole Nation Walking: The ‘Great Retreat’ in the War of Resistance, 1937–1945” (PhD diss., University of California, San Diego, 2002); MacKinnon, Stephen R., Wuhan, 1938: War, Refugees, and the Making of Modern China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008); Mitter, Rana, “Classifying Citizens in Nationalist China during World War II, 1937–1941,Modern Asian Studies 45:2 (2011), 243–75; as well as Schoppa, R. Keith, In A Sea Of Bitterness: Refugees During the Sino-Japanese War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2011.)

8 Peterson, “Sovereignty, International Law.”

9 For example, it is primarily the Hong Kong and Tibet cases that are addressed in Gatrell's, Peter influential The Making of the Modern Refugee (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). On background and influence of the IRR, see Peterson, Glen, “To Be or Not to Be a Refugee: The International Politics of the Hong Kong Refugee Crisis, 1949–55,Journal Of Imperial & Commonwealth History 36:2 (June 2008), 171–95, and Peterson, “Sovereignty, International Law”; Makodoro, Laura, “Surveying Hong Kong in the 1950s: Western Humanitarians and the ‘Problem’ of Chinese Refugees,Modern Asian Studies 49 (2015), 493524, doi:10.1017/S0026749X14000365 ; Ballinger, Pamela, “Entangled Histories or ‘Extruded’ Histories? Displacement, Refugees, and Repatriation after World War II,Journal of Refugee Studies 25:3 (2012), 366–86; Hsu, Madeleine, The Good Immigrants: How the Yellow Peril Became the Model Minority (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015).

10 The most obvious rivalry of symbolism and legitimacy was between the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, or KMT) led government, with its wartime capital in Chongqing, and the rival “national government” established in 1940 Nanjing by Wang Jingwei with the support of the Japanese. The larger battle for wartime political legitimacy, however, also featured the Communist base areas, the most famous of which was at Yan'an, and Japan's regime of Manchukuo, among other contestants. The latter lie outside the geographic scope of this study.

11 A preliminary survey of the holdings of the Shanghai Library genealogy collection, for instance, yields a little under 200 editions produced in Jiangsu province alone between 1945 and 1951, peaking in 1948. A similar pattern holds for the smaller collection of the National Library in Beijing.

12 Danyang dongmen Ding shi zupu ershiliu juan 丹陽東門丁氏族譜二十六卷 (丹陽 1948), preface 1, 1b.

13 Meyer-Fong, Tobie, What Remains: Coming to Terms with Civil War in 19th Century China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013), 2728 ; Wooldridge, Chuck, City of Virtues: Nanjing in an Age of Utopian Vision (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2015), 119–22.

14 At the national level, this was visible in the “Plan for Executing Refugee Settlements” (Nanmin kenzhi shishi dagang 難民墾殖實施大綱) (1938–41) (File of March-June, 1938, National Government Office of the President archives 270–0925, pp. 1039–65; Judicial Yuan ruling 216, March 3, 1941, Judicial Ministry for the Executive archives 154; Academia Historica, Taiwan. On October 4, 1938, the Military Affairs High Commission revised and replaced the original prewar measure.) For descriptions of plans in various regions of China, see Nanchuan Jinfoshan kenzhi weiyuan hui choubei hui 南川金佛山墾殖委員會籌備會, Nanchuan Jinfoshan kenzhi jihua shu 南川金佛山墾殖計畫書 (Nanchuan? 1938); Sichuan dongnan bianqu Xi Xiu Qian Peng Shi wuxian kenzhi diaocha baogao shu 四川東南邊區西秀黔彭石五縣墾殖調查報告書 (Chongqing?, 1938?); Liu, “A Whole Nation Walking,” 272–73, 276–77; Muscolino, Micah S., “Refugees, Land Reclamation, and Militarized Landscapes in Wartime China: Huanglongshan, Shaanxi, 1937–45,Journal of Asian Studies 69 (2010), 453–78; Rodriguez, Andres, “Building the Nation, Serving the Frontier: Mobilizing and Reconstruction China's Borderlands during the War of Resistance (1937–1945),Modern Asian Studies 45 (2011), 345–76.

Land reclamation plans were executed in late 1940s Jiangsu both to receive returnees from the interior and bear those escaping civil battle in the north of the province (Archives of the Jiangsu Provincial Government Department of Social Services, June 1946–August 1947, Jiangsu Provincial Archives 1009 jia 200, 1513–1639.)

15 Yongshu, Zhou 周永澍, Wo suo jiandao de nanmin yiken wenti 我所見到的難民移墾問題 (Nanchang, 1938), 2528 . Qiyu, Tang 唐啓宇, Nanmin yu kenzhi 難民於墾殖 (Nanchang?, 1938), 4 . The CCP produced its own version of political arguments promoting the idea that refugees could contribute to productivity and not wallow in sorrow or nostalgia for homes left behind. One example is the Yan'an era pamphlet Nanmin laodong yingxiong Chen Chang'an 難民勞動英雄陳長安 (Yan'an, 1944).

16 Mitter, “Classifying Citizens”; Brook, Timothy, Collaboration: Japanese Agents and Local Elites in Wartime China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005).

17 See the round-up of contemporary accounts of refugee experiences in Lary, Chinese People at War, 56–59. Chen, Janet Y., Guilty of Indigence: The Urban Poor in China, 1900–1953, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), and “Will the Real Refugees Please Stand Up? War, Revolution and the Politics of the Subei Refugee Crisis, 1940–1948,” Twentieth-Century China 38:2 (May 2013), 99–118; Lary, Chinese People at War, 32–40; Liu, “A Whole Nation Walking,” 228. Chen describes the deployment of yimin and nanbao as terms of political and moral art by and against Subei refugees in Shanghai. The effects of civil conflict and Cold War politics on the politicization of refugees as it affected diasporic communities is increasingly well studied; see Lai, Him Mark, Chinese American Transnational Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2010), chapter 5, as well as the introduction by Madeleine Y. Hsu; and Hsu, The Good Immigrants. A recent effort to theorize the integration of Taiwan's 1949 migrants into the larger history of Chinese diaspora is Dominic Meng-Hsuan Yang and Mau-Kuei Chang, “Understanding the Nuances of Waishengren: History and Agency,” China Perspectives 2010:3, http://chinaperspectives.revues.org/5310.

18 McKeown, Adam M., Melancholy Order: Asian Migration and the Globalization of Borders (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), chapter 9.

19 Such is the argument of Lu Liu's thesis, for example, which puts forth the idea that the war proved a decisive turning point in the rise of nationalism and the decline of the power of native-place associations. Xu Wancheng 許晚成, Shanghai cishan jiguan gaikuang 上海慈善機關概況 (Shanghai, 1946).

20 CMA 0064:5:108, 265–7; 0053:13:162, 90–96, 98–100; 0061:15;4019, 169–125; 0053:2:1124:65–67–1.

21 CMA 0234:1:42, 49. 1942.4.27.

22 A sample February 1944 municipal order to clear out more than twenty coffins stored in a temple since the beginning of the war can be found in CMA 61:15:1875, 58–61 (Feb. 2, 1944, and Apr. 20, 1944). For the broader context of wartime public health in Chongqing, see Nicole E. Barnes, Protecting the National Body: Gender and Public Health in Southwest China during the War with Japan, 1937–1945 (PhD diss., Univeristy of California, Irvine, 2012), 417. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/1112073960?accountid=13314.

23 Sinn, Elizabeth, Pacific Crossing: California Gold, Chinese Migration, and the Making of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012) 268, 281–82; Goodman, Bryna, Native Place, City, and Nation: Regional Networks and Identities in Shanghai, 1853–1937 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 252–53. Janet Chen (2013) also points out that—in a particularly poignant turn of events—Shanghai coffin storage facilities served as makeshift shelters for wartime refugees.

24 Wuxi-in-Chongqing Native Place Association 無錫旅渝同鄉會, minutes of board meeting 6:2, May 11, 1945, and Reconstruction Conference, June 13, 1945; CMA 0091:2:5, 9, 12–13. Other native place associations performed this service for members—for instance the Ningbo association in Chongqing. Yanyou, Zhong 鍾豔攸, Zhengzhi xing yimin de huzhu zuzhi—Taibei shi de waisheng tongxiang hui 政治性移民的互助組織 : 台北市之外省同鄉會, 1946–1995, ed. by Manhong, Lin and Jiayin, Wen 林滿紅主編; 翁佳音副主編 (台北縣板橋市 : 稻鄉出版社 1999), 252 .

25 Wuxi-in-Chongqing Native-Place Association to Relief and Reconstruction Office, draft, CMA 0091:1:4, 52. This was the base amount per coffin charged by middlemen who arranged the boat transport. The trips incurred other expenses, including the cost of longshoremen and ambulances to transport the coffins (all the better to meet the standards of public health and propriety). Most incidentals seem to have been initially borne by the association rather than the families of the deceased, who nonetheless paid a fee for the transport. By the time of a planned sixth transport in the spring of 1947, which was meant to clear out the association's Chongqing cemetery so that the land could be sold, inflation had caused this fee to spiral to Y400,000 per coffin (Wuxi-in-Chongqing Native Place Association, board meeting minutes 7:2, 8/9/46 and 7:6, 3/3/47. CMA 0091:2:5, 54–56, 81).

26 Wuxi-in-Chongqing Native-Place Association, minutes of emergency meeting of the standing committee, 10/3/46. CMA 0091:2:5, 68–9.

27 Wuxi-in-Chongqing Native-Place Association, minutes of board meeting 7:5, 10/17/46. CMA 0091:2:5, 78a. Wuxi-in-Chongqing Native-Place Association, permits, coffin repatriation shipments, 1946, CMA 0091:2:1.

28 Ma Jingqing to Wuxi-in-Chongqing Native-Place Association, CMA 0234:1:149:174–75, 19XX, 6.14.

29 Elizabeth Sinn demonstrates how this process of corpse repatriation functioned in international migration as well; Moving Bones: Hong Kong's Role as ‘In-Between Place’ in the Chinese Diaspora,” in Cities in Motion: Interior, Coast and Diaspora in Transnational China, edited by Strand, David and Cochran, Sherman (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 247–71; and Sinn, Pacific Crossing, chapter 7.

30 Minzheng jianbao 民政簡報 1944 (18). National Government Archives, Academia Historica 6953A. Yunwu zhoubao 運務週報 no. 16 (1946), 319, and no. 48 (1947), 1402.

31 Executive Yuan archives, February 1946; Academia Historica 062:649.

32 See Duara, Prasenjit, “Superscribing Symbols: The Myth of Guandi, Chinese God of War,Journal of Asian Studies 47 (Nov. 1988), 778–95, and Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Glosser, Susan, Chinese Visions of Family and State, 1915–1953 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003); Musgrove, Charles, China's Contested Capital: Architecture, Ritual, and Response in Nanjing (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2013); Nedostup, Rebecca, Superstitious Regimes: Religion and the Politics of Chinese Modernity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Asia Center, 2009), chapter 7; and Linh Vu's forthcoming PhD dissertation in the Department of History, University of California, Berkeley.

33 Ministry of Interior archives, September 2, 1939, Academia Historica 129:313. Ministry of Interior archives, March 21, 1940, Academia Historica 129:262.

34 A contrast can be drawn to the Chinese Red Cross's efforts to establish common burial grounds during earlier conflicts such as the 1911 Revolution, where the universal and national was combined with connections to locality and family ritual. Caroline Reeves, “Grave Concerns: Bodies, Burial and Identity in Early Republican China,” in Cities in Motion, edited by Strand and Cochran, 27–52.

35 April 7, 1941, Archives of the Executive Yuan, Academia Historica, 062:533.

36 Plans dated February 1944, Archives of the Executive Yuan, Academia Historica, 062:533. Also see Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes, and Two Tombs: Thoughts on Zhu Yuanzhang, the Kuomintang, and the Meanings of National Heroes,” in Long Live the Emperor! The Uses of the Ming Founder Across Six Centuries of East Asian History, edited by Schneewind, Sarah K. (Minneapolis: Society for Ming Studies, 2008), 355390 .

37 Files on renovation of Yuanshan Martyrs’ Shrine, 1958–69, Archives of the Office of the President, Academia Historica 2212101/10/1.

38 The definitive research on the social and political evolution of the Dachen islanders on Taiwan has been conducted by a research group led by Chang Mau-kuei, much of which is collected at two Academia Sinica databases: “Zhuisou Dachen: shehui wenhua wang” 追尋大陳: 社會文化網, http://dachen.ios.sinica.edu.tw/, and the newer “Taiwan waisheng ren—shengming jiyi yu xushi” 台灣外省人 - 生命記憶與敘事, http://ndweb.iis.sinica.edu.tw/TWM/Public/index.html. On the state's role in shaping identity formation for the Dachen displaced during subsequent decades, see Wei-hua, Chen and Mau-kuei, Chang 陳緯華、張茂桂, “Cong ‘Dachen yibao’ dao ‘Dachen ren’: shehui leishu de shengcheng, zhuanbian yu yiyi”, 從「大陳義胞」到「大陳人」:社會類屬的生成、轉變與意義〉,Taiwan shehui xue 27 (2014), 5195 .

39 There is some contradiction among sources overall regarding the total number of civilians evacuated, but 18,000 is the iconic number claimed by the Nationalists at the time and repeated in Dachen histories and by the evacuees themselves ever since. Bruce Ellemann's account of the evacuation, drawn from US military sources, for example, puts the number of civilian evacuees at only 11,000 ( Ellemann, Bruce A., Taiwan Straits: Crisis in Asia and the Role of the US Navy [Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015], 6265). The ROC Ministry of Defense, on the other hand, put the population of the archipelago at the time of evacuation at 14,416 (Guofang bu shizheng bianyiju 國防部史政編譯局,Guojun waidao diqu jieyan yu zhandi zhengwu jishi [vol. 2] 國軍外島地區戒嚴與戰地政務紀實(下)[Taipei:國防部史政編譯局, 1996], 888, cited at http://dachen.ios.sinica.edu.tw/moving.htm). 17,132 residents of the island registered for evacuation after Yijangshan fell in later January 1955, effectively receiving a certification as ROC citizens that, presumably, many had formally lacked (Chen Jen-ho 陳仁和, Min zhi gui ren: yi wan ba qian ren mie jia xuan ziyou 民之歸仁 : 一萬八千人毀家選自由 [台北中和:大陳地區文獻委員會, 1977], 149). As for military personnel, a CIA report on the eve of the crisis in the fall of 1954 put the Nationalist forces in Dachen at 15,000, although according to a later report—based on information relayed by the US Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG), some guerrilla forces were maintained in Nanji and other positions after the civilian evacuation in February 1955. Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Current Intelligence, “The Chinese Offshore Islands,” September 8, 1954, CIA-RDP79R00890A00400050004-4; and Central Intelligence Agency, NSC Briefing February 16, 1955, CIA-RDP80R01443R000300250007-6; CREST, National Archives at College Park, College Park, Md.

40 The Chiangs made a well-documented visit to the Dachens on May 8, 1954; see, among others, Chen Jen-ho 陳仁和, Minzu zhengqi:Yijiang yishi xue, Dachen minzhong xin 民族正氣:一江義士血,大陳民眾心(台北中和:大陳地區文獻委員會, 1975) and Min zhi gui ren. Laudatory news accounts in various Taiwan newspapers, including the Central Daily News (Zhong yang ribao 中央日報), Xin sheng bao 新生報, Zhonghua ribao 中華日報, Lianhe bao 聯合報 and Minzu wan bao 民族晚報, are collected in Xin xingshi yu xin bushu 「新形勢與新部署」(台北:海外出版社, 1955)31–62. A wealth of detail can also be found in He Zhengxin, “Dachen guo Taiwan – 1950 niandai xin yimin de ge an yanjiu” [Dachen goes to Taiwan: A case study of new migrants of the 1950s] (MA thesis, Tamkang University, 2005).

41 British Pathé, “Evacuation of Tachens Ends” (1955), https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=qm7-XpLZI-E .

42 Faces of the Formosan Crisis”, LIFE 38 (1955), 2633 . This essay is uncredited, but the follow-up ran under Sochurek and Bristol's byline, A Gamble that the Reds Won't Fight – and We Win,LIFE 38 (1955), 4246 .

43 The main record is He Dingxin 何鼎新, Yijiangshan xun guo zhong lie lu 一江山殉國忠烈錄 (Taipei : 東方出版社, 民國 46 [1957]); Chen 1977 and Xin yingshi also contain extensive reprints and information.

44 “President Chiang Chung-cheng [Kai-shek] mourns the loyal martyrs of Yijiangshan,” February 1955, Chiang Kai-shek Presidential Archives, Academia Sinica 002-050101-023-204 and 002-050101-023-205. The photograph of Chiang and the families is also reproduced in Chen, Min zhi gui ren, and can be found along with the photograph of the altar at the online memorial site “Yijiang lieshi xunguo liushi zhounian jinian” 一江烈士殉國六十週年紀念, http://www.ichiang60.org/web/SG?pageID=40976. The six photos visible at the altar but not fully identifiable presumably included Yijiangshan District Commander and Hunan native Wang Shengming 王生明. I owe a debt to Yu-chi Chang and Marc Moscowitz for helping me advance my interpretations of KMT funerary structure and this photographed encounter in particular.

45 “Anniversary commemoration ceremony for Yijiangshan KIA,” January 20, 1956, Chiang Kai-shek Presidential Archives, Academia Sinica, 002-050101-00025-194.

46 Chen, Min zhi gui ren, 195–98. The CCP fought back; the Beijing-based Chinese Red Cross alleged that the Nationalists carried out atrocities during the evacuation: see Calamity on Dachen [Dachen hao jie 大陳浩劫] (Beijing, 1955), which, ironically, copied many of the photos seen in LIFE.

47 This is not to say that air force widows did not grieve. Their public image, however, was managed to exclude such expressions. Indeed, it would take the seminal works of “mainlander” fiction to probe the emotional lives of such communities; notable in this regard is Pai Hsien-yung's short story “A Touch of Green” (Yi ba qing 一把青), in Taipei People, trans. by the author and Patia Yasin [Hong Kong: Chinese University Presss 2000], 37–79.

48 He, “Dachen guo Taiwan,” 1957.

49 He, “Dachen guo Taiwan,” 162.

50 Wang, Li-wen (Joy), “Beyond Political Propaganda: Performing Anticommunist Nostalgia in 1950s’ Taiwan,Theatre History Studies 33 (2014), 193208, 309. She cites (205) the estimate of the playwright Li Mangui 李曼瑰 that under this system of incentives and subsidies, more than one thousand plays were produced during the first two decades of ROC control of Taiwan ( Mangui, Li, foreword to Collections of Chinese Drama [Taipei: Center of Chinese Theater and Arts, 1970], 1:2).

51 Qian, Gao 高前, Zai hui ba! Dachen! 在會吧! 大陳 (Taipei: 1955), 5859 .

52 Quoted in Xin xing, 3.

53 Dominic Meng-hsuan Yang makes a convincing case that the Dachen islanders were placed under a state of increasing state of terror during the period of intense militarization of the area after 1950. “From the Ashes of History: War, State Narrative, and the Displacement of Dachen Islanders in Coastal Zhejiang, 1950–1955,” conference paper for “The Turmoil of History: Memories, Narratives, Representation, and Mid-Twentieth Century China,” Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica and The School of History, Philosophy, and Religion, Oregon State University, May 28–29, 2015.

54 The photo can be seen in Dachen yibao lai Tai Wenling tongxianghui chengli shisi zhou nian jinian tekan 大陳義胞來台溫嶺同鄉會成立十四週年紀念特刊 (Yongho: Dachen yibao lai Tai Wenling tongxianghui, 1969).

55 Shen, Yaochu 沈耀初, Wuwang Dachen 毋忘大陳 (Tainan: Yiming shuju, 1955).

56 Chen and Chang, “Cong ‘Dachen yibao.’”

57 Interview with Mr. A., Baishu Village, Gaoshu township, Pingtung county, Taiwan, June 16, 2016. Information about the temple is included in the “Taiwan waisheng ren” database: http://ndweb.iis.sinica.edu.tw/TWM/Public/content/story/collectable.jsp?pk=534. See also Wu Zhongjie 吳中杰, “Duo zu qun hunju xia de yuyan yu kongjian bianqian—yi Gaoshu xiang Dongzhen, Dapu cun wei li” “多族群混居下的語言與空間變遷-以高樹鄉東振、大埔村為例,” in National Sun Yat-sen University 國立高雄師範大學, Nan Taiwan de Kejia yuyuan yu zuqun guanxi yanjiu jihua「南臺灣的客家語言與族群關係研究計畫」 (Taipei: Kejia weiyuanhui, 2010), 137–84.

58 Chi Chang-hui, “The Politics of Deification and Nationalist Ideology: A Case Study of Quemoy” (PhD diss., Boston University, 2000); Szonyi, Michael, Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Front Line (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 181–97.

59 T'ien-hsin, Chu, The Old Capital: A Novel of Taipei, trans. by Goldblatt, Howard (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007). A fine analysis of the role of memory in Chu T'ien-hsin and other “mainlander” literary works is Hsiao-Yen, Peng, “Representation Crisis: History, Fiction and Post Martial-Law Writers from the ‘Soldiers’ Villages’,positions 17 (2009), 375410 .

60 Daojin, Wang 王道謹, Nanmin de zhaodai yu shusong 難民的招待與輸送 (Wuhan: Xing zong E shu Wuhan banshi chu, 1946), 6 .

* My gratitude to Janet Y. Chen, Kevin Kenny, Rana Mitter, Nicholas Stargardt, and the participants of the Columbia Modern Chinese History Seminar, the Oxford Workshop on Relief and Reconstruction in Wartime and Postwar China, 1937–1949, the Approaching War Seminar at Brown University's Pembroke Center, the Davis Seminar at Princeton University, and the members of the Genealogy and Local History Section of the International Federation of Library Associations, all of whom commented on earlier versions of this work, as did faculty and students in the history departments at Columbia, National Tsing Hua (Taiwan), and Peking Universities and the Center for Chinese Studies, National Central Library, Taiwan. Portions of this research were conducted under a fellowship from Center for Chinese Studies, National Central Library, Taiwan. I also owe a debt to Roger Shih-chieh Lo and Chiang Chia-ping for enabling fieldwork, and to the journal's reviewers and editors for helping me to clarify my argument.

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Journal of Chinese History 中國歷史學刊
  • ISSN: 2059-1632
  • EISSN: 2059-1640
  • URL: /core/journals/journal-of-chinese-history
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