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Discussion: the futures of global history

  • Richard Drayton (a1) and David Motadel (a2)


Global history has come under attack. It is charged with neglecting national history and the ‘small spaces’ of the past, with being an elite globalist project made irrelevant by the anti-globalist politics of our age, with focusing exclusively on mobile people and things, and with becoming dangerously hegemonic. This article demonstrates that global history is intertwined with the histories of the nation and the local, individuals, outsiders, and subalterns, and small and isolated places. Moreover, global history has directly addressed immobility and resistances to flow, and remains relatively weak in the discipline, versus the persistent dominance everywhere of national history. The article offers a new short history of the rise of the contemporary idiom of global history, and a prospect for a future in which scholars may find, through collaboration, alternatives to the European weights and measures of the past, and to the dominance of Anglophone historians. It argues that we should no more reverse the ‘global turn’ than we should return history’s gaze only to propertied white men. Rather than a retreat from global history, we need it more than ever to fight against myths of imperial and national pasts, which often underpin nationalist populisms.

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1 Jeremy Adelman, ‘What is global history now?’, Aeon, 2 March 2017.

2 David Bell, ‘This is what happens when historians overuse the idea of the network’, New Republic, 26 October 2013.

3 Keddie, Nikki R., ‘The revolt of Islam, 1700 to 1993: comparative considerations and relations to imperialism’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 36, 3, 1994, pp. 463487 ; and, more detailed, the contributions in Motadel, David, ed., Islam and the European empires, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014 . For a brilliant more general account of this dialectic, see Aydin, Cemil, The politics of anti-Westernism in Asia: visions of world order in pan-Islamic and pan-Asian thought, New York: Columbia University Press, 2007 .

4 Karl, Rebecca, Staging the world: Chinese nationalism at the turn of the twentieth century, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002 ; Belich, James, Replenishing the earth: the settler revolution and the rise of the Anglo-world, 1783–1939, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 ; and Conrad, Sebastian, Globalisation and the nation in imperial Germany, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010 , provide fascinating case studies of the emergence of national consciousness (and nationalism) as the result of global connections. Similarly, scholars have emphasized the importance of transnational and trans-imperial connections in the history of anti-imperial nationalism, see, for example, Schneer, Jonathan, ‘Anti-imperial London: the pan-African conference of 1900’, in Felix Driver, ed., Imperial cities: landscape, display and identity, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999, pp. 254267 ; Anderson, Benedict, Under three flags: anarchism and the anti-colonial imagination, London: Verso, 2005 ; Manela, Erez, The Wilsonian moment: self-determination and the international origins of anticolonial nationalism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007 ; Bose, Sugata, A hundred horizons: the Indian ocean in the age of global empire, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009 ; James, Leslie, George Padmore and decolonization from below, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015 ; and Goebel, Michael, Anti-colonial metropolis: interwar Paris and the seeds of Third World nationalism, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015 . Middell, Matthias and Naumann, Katja, ‘Global history and the spatial turn: from the impact of area studies to the study of critical junctures of globalization’, Journal of Global History, 5, 1, 2010, pp. 149170 , discuss the phenomenon in more general terms.

5 Drayton, Richard, ‘Of empire and political economy’, in Sophus Reinert and Pernille Røge, eds., The political economy of empire in the early modern world, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, pp. viixi ; Vilar, Pierre, A history of gold and money, 1450–1920, New York: Verso, 1991 ; and Grice-Hutchinson, Marjorie, Early economic thought in Spain, 1177–1740, London: Allen and Unwin, 1978 .

6 O’Brien, Patrick, ‘Historiographical traditions and modern imperatives for the restoration of global history’, Journal of Global History, 1, 1, 2006, pp. 339 , provides a discussion of the problem of global history that leans heavily towards the comparative. For perhaps the most ambitious major recent work in comparative history, see Victor Lieberman, Strange parallels, vol. 1 (Integration on the mainland: Southeast Asia in global context, c.800–1830) and vol. 2 (Mainland mirrors: Europe, Japan, China, South Asia, and the Islands: Southeast Asia in global context, c.800–1830), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003 and 2010. For one transit from comparative to global history, see Valéria Guimarães, ‘Da história comparada à história global: imprensa transnacional e o exemplo do le Messager de São Paulo (From comparative history to global history: the transnational press and the example of the São Paolo Messager)’, Revista Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, 466, 2015, pp. 87–120.

7 Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, ‘Connected histories: notes towards a reconfiguration of early modern Eurasia’, Modern Asian Studies, 31, 3, 1997, pp. 735762 ; Gruzinski, Serge, ‘Les mondes mêlés de la monarchie catholique et autres connected histories’, Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 56, 1, 2001, pp. 85117 ; Douki, Caroline and Minard, Philippe, ‘Histoire globale, histoires connectées: un changement d’échelle historiographique?’, Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, 54–4bis, 5, 2007, pp. 721 ; Werner, Michael and Zimmermann, Bénédicte, ‘Vergleich, Transfer, Verflechtung: der Ansatz der Histoire croisée und die Herausforderung des Transnationalen’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 28, 4, 2002, pp. 607636 ; and Werner, Michael and Zimmermann, Bénédicte, ‘Beyond comparison: histoire croisée and the challenge of reflexivity’, History and Theory, 45, 1, 2006, pp. 3050 . Or see, as an example, one classic connective work of global history written from the perspective of Latin America: Adelman, Jeremy, Sovereignty and revolution in the Iberian Atlantic, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006 .

8 Nienhauser, William J., ed., The Grand scribe’s records, 9 vols. (to date), Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1994. On Sima Qian, see Stuurman, Siep, ‘Herodotus and Sima Qian: history and the anthropological turn in ancient Greece and Han China’, Journal of World History, 19, 1, 2008, pp. 140 ; and Benjamin, Craig, ‘“But from this time forth history becomes a connected whole”: state expansion and the origins of universal history’, Journal of Global History, 9, 3, 2014, pp. 357378 .

9 El-Mas’udi’s historical encyclopedia, entitled ‘Meadows of gold and mines of gems’, 8 vols., London: Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1841; The history of al-Tabari: an annotated translation, 40 vols., New York: State University of New York Press, 1985–98; Khaldūn, Ibn, The Muqaddimah: an introduction to history, trans. Frank Rosenthal, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1958 ; and Thackston, W. M. (trans. and ed.), Rashiduddin Fazlullah’s Jami’u’t tawarikh: compendium of chronicles, 3 vols., Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, 1998–99 .

10 Ranke, Leopold, ‘Die großen Mächte’, Historisch-Politische Zeitschrift, 2, 1833, pp. 151 .

11 Ranke’s ‘eigentlich’ is not merely a positivistic claim; it is an Aristotelian assertion of how that which was actual was the concrete expression of the universal or general, see Ranke, Leopold, Geschichten der romanischen und germanischen Völker von 1494 bis 1535, Leipzig and Berlin: Reimer, 1824 . The essays in Mommsen, Wolfgang J., ed., Leopold von Ranke und die moderne Geschichtswissenschaft, Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1988 , provide some further insights.

12 Williams, Eric, Capitalism and slavery, Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1944 . For a discussion of Williams and other Caribbean and Latin American nineteenth- and early twentieth-century precursors to global history, see Marquese, Rafael and Pimenta, João Paulo, ‘Tradições de história global na América Latina e no Caribe (Global history traditions in Latin America and the Caribbean)’, História da Historiografia, 17, 2015, pp. 3049 .

13 Trevor-Roper, Hugh, ‘The rise of Christian Europe’, The Listener, 70, 1963, p. 871 .

14 Thompson, E. P., ‘Time, work-discipline, and industrial capitalism’, Past & Present, 38, 1, 1967, pp. 5697 .

15 Drayton, Richard, Nature’s government: science, imperial Britain and the ‘improvement’ of the world, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000 ; and Morss, Susan Buck, ‘Hegel and Haiti’, Critical Inquiry, 26, 4, 2000, pp. 821865 .

16 McNeill, William P., The rise of the West: a history of the human community, Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1963 ; McNeill, William P., Plagues and peoples, New York: Garden Press, 1976 ; Marshall Hodgson’s extraordinary 1960s essays, collected posthumously as Hodgson, Marshall G. S., Rethinking world history: essays on Europe, Islam, and world history, ed. Edmund G. Burke III, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993 ; Hodgson, Marshall G. S., The venture of Islam: conscience and history in a world civilization, 3 vols., Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1974 ; Curtin, Philip, Cross-cultural trade in world history, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984 ; and Mintz, Sidney, Sweetness and power: the place of sugar in modern history, London: Allen Lane, 1985 .

17 Bentley, Jerry H., ‘A new forum for global history’, Journal of World History, 1990, 1, 1, pp. iiiv .

18 Hopkins, A. G., ed., Globalization in world history, London: Pimlico, 2002 ; see also Hopkins, A. G., ‘The historiography of globalization and the globalization of regionalism’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 53, 1/2, 2010, pp. 1936 ; and Hopkins, A. G., American empire: a global history, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018 .

19 Pomeranz, Kenneth, The great divergence, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000 ; and Bayly, Christopher, The birth of the modern world, London: Wiley-Blackwell, 2004 . Strikingly, the image of Citoyen Belley also appeared on the cover of Jürgen Osterhammel, Sklaverei und die Zivilisation des Westens, Munich: Carl Friedrich von Siemens Stiftung, 2000, which was published around the same time.

20 Pomeranz was only the best-known historian on this terrain. See also Wong, Bin, China transformed: historical change and the limits of European experience, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000 ; Inikori, Joseph, Africans and the industrial revolution in England: a study in international trade and economic development, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002 ; and Parthasarathi, Prasannan, Why Europe became rich and Asia did not: global economic divergence, 1600–1850, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011 .

21 Rediker, Marcus and Linebaugh, Peter, The many-headed hydra: sailors, slaves, commoners, and the hidden history of the revolutionary Atlantic, London: Verso, 2000 ; and Bailyn, Bernard, Atlantic history: concept and contours, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005 .

22 Wigen, Kären, ‘Introduction: Oceans of History forum’, American Historical Review, 111, 3, 2006, pp. 717721 ; Vink, Markus P. M., ‘Indian Ocean studies and the “new thalassology”’, Journal of Global History, 2, 1, 2007, pp. 4162 ; Hofmeyr, Isabel, ‘The Black Atlantic meets the Indian Ocean: forging new paradigms of transnationalism for the Global South: literary and cultural perspectives’, Social Dynamics, 33, 2, 2007, pp. 332 ; Matsuda, Matt K., Pacific worlds: a history of seas, peoples, and cultures, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012 ; Gabaccia, Donna R. and Hoerder, Dirk, eds., Connecting seas and connected ocean rims: Indian, Atlantic, and Pacific Oceans and China Seas migrations from the 1830s to the 1930s, Leiden: Brill, 2011 .

23 See, inter alia, Cohen, Robin, Global diasporas: an introduction, London: University College London Press, 1997 ; the essays in Freitag, Ulrike and Clarence-Smith, W. G., eds., Hadrami statesmen, scholars and statesmen in the Indian Ocean, 1750s to 1960s, Leiden: Brill, 1997 ; Thornton, John, Africa and the Africans in the making of the Atlantic world, 1400–1800, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ; McKeown, Adam, Melancholy order: Asian migration and the globalization of borders, New York: Columbia University Press, 2008; and Arsan, Andrew, Interlopers of empire: the Lebanese diaspora in colonial French West Africa, London: Hurst, 2014 .

24 Clarence-Smith, William Gervase, Pomeranz, Kenneth, and Vries, Peer, ‘Editorial’, Journal of Global History 1, 1, 2006, pp. 12 .

25 For the global turn in British imperial history, see Darwin, John, The empire project: the rise and fall of the British world-system, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009 ; and Darwin, John, ‘Empire and globe’, in Maxine Berg, ed., Writing the history of the global: challenges for the 21st century, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013, pp. 197199 . For a discussion of the politics of the relationship between imperial and global history, see Drayton, Richard, ‘Where does the world historian write from? Objectivity, moral conscience and the past and present of imperialism’, Journal of Contemporary History, 46, 3, 2011, pp. 671685 .

26 In 2003, Richard Drayton had already changed the faculty web page to describe ‘Extra-European history’ as ‘a Cambridge name for two things: the histories of Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Pacific, on the one hand, and comparative approaches to world history, which often intrude into the histories of Europe and the United States, on the other’.

27 James, C. L. R., The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L’Ouverture and the San Domingo revolution, London: Secker and Warburg, 1938 .

28 Wiesner-Hanks, Merry E., ed., The Cambridge world history, 7 vols. in 9 books, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015 ; and Iriye, Akira and Osterhammel, Jürgen, eds., A history of the world, 6 vols. (to date), Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012, for guides to the state of play in this rapidly changing field.

29 Bayly, C. A., Beckert, Sven, Connelly, Matthew, Hofmeyr, Isabel, Kozol, Wendy, and Seed, Patricia, ‘AHR conversation: on transnational history’, American Historical Review, 111, 5, 2006, p. 1447 .

30 It is particularly striking how Comparativ: Zeitschrift für Globalgeschichte und vergleichende Gesellschaftsforschung, founded in 1990 (making it almost as old as the Journal of World History) and which has engaged over 28 volumes with all the international developments in global history, is very rarely cited by Anglophone historians. Only two chapters of Belich, J., Darwin, John, and Frenz, Margret, eds., The prospect of global history, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016 , appear to engage seriously with historical work not in English.

31 Studies which problematized the phenomenon are Cooper, Frederick, ‘What is the concept of globalization good for? An African historian’s perspective’, African Affairs, 100, 2001, pp. 189213 , for the case of African history; and Samuel Moyn, ‘On the nonglobalization of ideas’, in Moyn, Samuel and Sartori, Andrew, eds., Global intellectual history, New York: Columbia University Press, 2013, pp. 187204 , for the case of intellectual history.

32 Tombs, Robert, The English and their history, London: Penguin, 2015 .

33 Boucheron, Patrick, ed., Histoire mondiale de la France, Paris: Seuil, 2017 ; for the review, see Nora, Pierre, ‘Histoire mondiale de la France’, L’Obs, 2734, 30 March 2017, pp. 6869 . For a review in English, see Darnton, Robert, ‘A buffet of French history’, New York Review of Books, 64, 8, 11 May 2017 .

34 Gruzinski, Serge, La Pensée métisse, Paris: Fayard, 1999 ; and Gruzinski, Serge, Les Quatres Parties du monde: Histoire d’une mondialisation, Paris: La Martinière, 2004 .

35 Finn, Margot, ‘Frictions of empire: colonial Bombay’s probate and property networks in the 1780s’, Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 65, 5, 2010, pp. 11751204 .

36 The essays in Hazareesingh, Sandip and Maat, Harro, eds., Local subversions of colonial cultures: commodities and anti-commodities in global history, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016 , provide a good overview.

37 Bayly, Birth of the modern world; Osterhammel, Jürgen, Die Verwandlung der Welt: eine Geschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts, Munich: C. H. Beck, 2009 . For the earlier works, see Hodgson, Rethinking world history; and Mann, Michael, The sources of social power, 4 vols., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986–2013 .

38 Parthasarathi, Why Europe grew rich.

39 James, Harold, The creation and destruction of value: the globalization cycle, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009 .

40 Ogle, Vanessa, The global transformation of time: 1870–1950, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015 . For the fractured time of globalization, its contradictory flows which integrate ‘una pluralidad de temporalidades, con diferentes ritmos’, see also Fazio, Hugo, ‘La historia global: ¿encrucijada de la contemporaneidad?’, Revista de Estudios Sociales, 23, 2006, pp. 5972 .

41 Singaravélou, Pierre, Tianjin cosmopolis: une autre histoire de la mondialisation, Paris: Seuil, 2017 .

42 van der Linden, Marcel, Workers of the world: essay toward a global labor history, Leiden: Brill, 2008 ; and, for an excellent case study, Yekani, Minu Haschemi, Koloniale Arbeit: Rassismus, Migration und Herrschaft in Tansania (1885–1914), Cologne: Campus, 2018 .

43 Robson, L. L., The convict settlers of Australia: an enquiry into the origin and character of the convicts transported to New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land 1787–1852, Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1976 ; Ekrich, A. Roger, Bound for America: the transportation of British convicts to the colonies, 1718–1775, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990 ; Anderson, Clare, Legible bodies: race, criminality and colonialism in South Asia, London: Bloomsbury, 2004 ; and Anderson, Clare, Subaltern lives: biographies of colonialism in the Indian Ocean world, 1790–1920, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012 .

44 Echenberg, Myron J., Colonial conscripts: the Tirailleurs Sénégalais in French West Africa 1857–1960, London: James Currey, 1991 ; Parsons, Timothy H., The African rank-and-file: social implications of colonial military service in the King’s African Rifles, 1902–1964, London: James Currey, 1999 ; Mann, Gregory, Nativesons: West African veterans and France in the twentieth century, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006 ; Killingray, David, Fighting for Britain: African soldiers in the Second World War, Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2012 ; and Barkawi, Tarak, Soldiers of empire: Indian and British armies in World War II, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017 .

45 Andaya, Barbara Watson, ‘Between empires and emporia: the economics of Christianization in early modern Southeast Asia’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 52, 4–5, 2009, pp. 963997 ; Clarence-Smith, William Gervase, Islam and the abolition of slavery, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006 ; Slight, John P., The British empire and the hajj, 1865–1956, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015 ; and the contributions in Ryad, Umar, ed., The hajj and Europe in the age of empire, Leiden: Brill, 2016 . The chapters in Abigail Green and Vincent Viaene, eds., Religious internationals in the modern world: globalization and faith communities since 1750, New York, 2012, provide further insights into the globalized worlds of faith communities in modern history.

46 McKeown, , Melancholy order ; and Amrith, Sunil, Crossing the Bay of Bengal: the furies of nature and the fortunes of migrants, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013 .

47 What we might call the Warwick school of global economic history has explored in particular how luxury goods opened and thickened Eurasian connections with consequences which reached deep into the commercial hinterlands, see Berg, Maxine, ‘Asian luxuries and the making of the European consumer revolution’, in Maxine Berg and Elizabeth Eger, eds., Luxury in the eighteenth century: debates, desires and delectable goods, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, pp. 228244 ; Riello, Giorgio, Cotton: the fabric that made the modern world, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013 ; Berg, Maxine, Gottmann, Felicia, Hodacs, Hanna, and Nierstrasz, Chris, eds., Goods from the East, 1600–1800: trading Eurasia, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015 ; and McNeil, Peter and Riello, Giorgio, Luxury: a rich history, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016 .

48 Braudel, Fernand, ‘Monnaies et civilisations: de l’or du Soudan à l’argent d’Amérique’, Annales: Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations, 1, 1, 1946, pp. 922 . For a more recent and wider-ranging intervention, see Green, Toby, ‘Africa and the price revolution: currency imports and socio-economic change in West and West-Central Africa during the seventeenth century’, Journal of African History, 57, 1, 2016, pp. 124 ; and Green, Toby, A fistful of shells: money, power and revolution in Africa during the Atlantic slave trade era, London: Allen Lane, forthcoming 2019 .

49 Braudel, Fernand, Civilisation matérielle, economie et capitalisme, vol. 2 (Les jeux de l’échange), Paris: Armand Colin, 1979, pp. 310317 ; and Richard Drayton, ‘The collaboration of labour’, in Hopkins, Globalization in world history, p. 102. For an explanation of the vital connection between export of sugar and coffee to the Baltic hinterlands of the Hanse cities and the French colonial economy, see Drayton, Richard, ‘The globalisation of France: provincial cities and French expansion, 1500–1800’, History of European Ideas, 34, 4, 2008, pp. 424430 .

50 Norton, Marcy, Sacred gifts, profane pleasures: a history of tobacco and chocolate in the Atlantic world, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008 .

51 Rothschild, Emma, ‘Isolation and economic life in eighteenth-century France’, American Historical Review, 119, 4, 2014, pp. 10551082 .

52 Armitage, David, ‘Three concepts of Atlantic history’, in David Armitage and M. Braddick, eds., The British Atlantic world, 15001800 , New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, pp. 1127 .

53 Trivellato, Francesca, ‘Microstoria, storia del mundo e storia globale’, in Paola Lanaro, ed., Microstoria: a venticinque anni da l’eredità immateriale, Milan: Franco Angeli, 2011, pp. 119132 , for a discussion of the problematic. De Vito and Gerritsen have framed a manifesto for a ‘micro-spatial’ global history, see De Vito, Christian G. and Gerritsen, Anne, eds., Micro-spatial histories of global labour, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017 .

54 Zemon-Davis, Natalie, Trickster travels: a sixteenth-century Muslim between worlds, London: Faber and Faber, 2006 .

55 Ghobrial, John-Paul, ‘The secret life of Elias of Babylon and the uses of global microhistory’, Past & Present, 222, 1, 2014, pp. 5193 .

56 Colley, Linda, The ordeal of Elizabeth Marsh: a woman in world history, New York: Pantheon, 2007 ; and Rothschild, Emma, The inner life of empires: an eighteenth-century history, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011 .

57 Sood, Gagan, India and the Islamic heartlands: an eighteenth-century world of circulation and exchange, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016 .

58 Scott, Rebecca and Hébrard, Jean M., Freedom papers: an Atlantic odyssey in the age of emancipation, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011 .

59 Motadel, David, ‘Qajar shahs in imperial Germany’, Past & Present, 213, 1, 2010, pp. 191235 , provides some first insights.

60 Allen, Robert C., The British industrial revolution in global perspective, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009 ; Beckert, Sven, Empire of cotton: a global history, New York: Knopf, 2014 . For a global microhistorical approach to economic history, see Christof Dejung, Die Fäden des globalen Marktes: eine Sozial- und Kulturgeschichte des Welthandels am Beispiel der Handelsfirma Gebrüder Volkart 1851–1999, Cologne, 2013.

61 Christian, David, Maps of time: an introduction to ‘Big History’, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004 ; and Christian, David, ‘The return of universal history’, History and Theory, 49, 4, 2010, pp. 526 . Similarly, for the bridging from prehistory and the neurosciences to an explanation of the origins of European modernity, see Smail, Daniel Lord, On deep history and the brain, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2008 .

62 Chakrabarty, Dipesh, Provincializing Europe: postcolonial thought and historical difference, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000 .

63 Charle, Christophe, ‘Histoire globale, histoire nationale? Comment réconcilier recherche et pédagogie’, Le Débat, 3, 175, 2013, pp. 6068 .

64 Boucheron, , Histoire mondiale de la France; and Andrea Giardina, ed., Storia mondiale dell’Italia, Rome: Laterza, 2017 .

65 Desan, Suzanne, Hunt, Lynn, and Nelson, William Max, eds., The French revolution in global perspective, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013 , provides insightful chapters on the global histories of the French revolution.

66 Evans, Richard J., The pursuit of power: Europe, 1815–1914, London: Penguin, 2016 ; Clark, C. M., ‘Power’, in Ulinka Rublack, ed., A concise companion to history, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 131156 ; Clark, C. M., The sleepwalkers, London: Penguin, 2013 ; and Tooze, Adam, The deluge: the Great War and the remaking of global order, 1916–1931, London: Penguin, 2014 .

67 Epple, Angelika, ‘Lokalität und die Dimensionen des Globalen: eine Frage der Relationen’, Historische Anthropologie, 21, 1, 2013, pp. 425 , provides some thoughts on locality and globality, and the contributions in Schäbler, Birgit, ed., Area studies und die Welt: Weltregionen und neue Globalgeschichte, Vienna: Mandelbaum, 2007 , discuss the integration of area studies and global history.

68 Megan Vaughan, ‘Africa and global history’, in Berg, Writing the history of the global, p. 200.

69 Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe. Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra has repeatedly insisted that the problem is not merely one of Eurocentrism but of a distorted North Atlantic Anglophone idea of global history, see, for example, Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge, ‘On ignored global “scientific revolutions”’, Journal of Early Modern History, 21, 2017, pp. 420432 ; and Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge and Masters, Adrian, The radical Spanish empire: petitions and the creation of the New World, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018 .

70 For one ingenious attempt, see Austin, Gareth, ‘Reciprocal comparison and African history: tackling conceptual Eurocentrism in the study of Africa’s economic past’, African Studies, 50, 3, 2007, pp. 128 .

71 For an important attempt to bring into conversation Asian, African, Latin American, and European global history initiatives, see Beckert, Sven and Sachsenmaier, Dominic, eds., Global history, globally: research and practice around the world, London: Bloomsbury, 2018 .

72 The Global Labour History Network offers a model for such sharing of sources and research. For a discussion of a model of a collective global research project, see van Nederveen Meerkerk, Elise, ‘Covering the world: textile workers and globalization, 1650–2000: Experiences and results of a collective research project’, in Marcel van der Linden, ed., Labour history beyond borders: concepts and explorations, Linz: ITH, 2010, pp. 111138 .

73 Hunt, Lynn, Writing history in the global era, New York: W.W. Norton, 2014 .


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