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What the Progressives Had in Common

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 June 2011

Glen Gendzel*
Affiliation:
San Jose State University

Extract

When Professor Benjamin Parke De Witt of New York University sat down to write the first history of the progressive movement in 1915, he promised “to give form and definiteness to a movement which is, in the minds of many, confused and chaotic.” Apparently it was a fool's errand, because confusion and chaos continued to plague historians of early twentieth-century reform long after Professor De Witt laid his pen to rest. The maddening variety of reform and reformers in the early twentieth century has perpetually confounded historians' efforts to identify what, if anything, the progressives had in common. Back in the 1950s, Richard Hofstadter charitably allowed that progressives were “of two minds on many issues,” whereas Arthur Link argued that “the progressive movement never really existed” because it pursued so many “contradictory objectives.” In the 1960s, Robert Wiebe concluded that the progressives, if they constituted a movement at all, showed “little regard for consistency.” In the 1970s, Peter Filene wrote an “obituary” for progressivism by reasserting Link's claim that the movement had “never existed” because it was so divided and diffuse. In the 1980s, Daniel Rodgers tried to recast the “ideologically fluid” progressive movement as a pastiche of vaguely related rhetorical styles. By the 1990s, so many competing characterizations of progressivism had emerged that Alan Dawley wondered if “they merely cancel each other out.” In 2002, Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore declared emphatically that “historians cannot agree” on progressivism. In 2010, Walter Nugent admitted that “the movement's core theme has been hard to pin down” because progressivism had “many concerns” and “included a wide range of persons and groups.”

Type
Forum: La Follette's Wisconsin in Perspective
Copyright
Copyright © Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2011

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References

1 De Witt, Benjamin Parke, The Progressive Movement: A Non-Partisan, Comprehensive Discussion of Current Tendencies in American Politics (1915; Seattle, 1968)Google Scholar, viii.

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7 See, for example, Frankel, Noralee and Dye, Nancy S., eds., Gender, Class, Race, and Reform in the Progressive Era (Lexington, KY, 1991)Google Scholar; and Deverell, William and Sitton, Tom, eds., California Progressivism Revisited (Berkeley, 1994)Google Scholar.

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18 Lears, Jackson, Rebirth of a Nation: The Making of Modern America, 1877–1920 (New York, 2009)Google Scholar, 200, 310. The classic statement of the anticorruptionist animus behind progressivism remains McCormick, Richard L., “The Discovery that Business Corrupts Politics: A Reappraisal of the Origins of Progressivism,” American Historical Review 86 (Apr. 1981): 247–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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23 Addams, Jane, “Henry Demarest Lloyd: His Passion for the Better Social Order,” The Commons 9 (Jan. 1904)Google Scholar: 20. Addams was paraphrasing (without attribution) John Morley, the British liberal politician and philosopher, who had written: “Progress is not automatic… . The world only grows better … because people wish that it should, and take the right steps to make it better.” Morley, John, On Compromise (London, 1886)Google Scholar, 210.

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27 Jørn Brøndal, “The Quest for a New Political Order: Robert M. La Follette and the Genesis of the Direct Primary in Wisconsin, 1891–1904” (MA thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1990); Brett Flehinger, “‘Public Interest’: Robert M. La Follette and the Economics of Democratic Progressivism” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1997); La Follette quoted in Nye, Midwestern Progressive Politics, 189.

28 Unger, Fighting Bob La Follette, 239–62; La Follette in Congressional Record, 65th Cong., 1st sess. (Apr. 5, 1917), 371–72.

29 1See, for example, Sklar, Kathryn Kish, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven, 1995)Google Scholar.

30 Chace, James, 1912: Wilson, Roosevelt, Taft and Debs—The Election that Changed the Country (New York, 2004), 191–97Google Scholar.