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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 April 2026
[A morphological and syntactic analysis of Ḫurrian verb forms reveals three verbal types: an action-verb (interpreted as active, in opposition to Speiser) and two kinds of impersonal-intransitive verb. See the concluding paragraphs.]
1 JAOS 59.289-324 (1939); also separately as American Oriental Society Offprint Series No. 10.
2 They indicate tenses, modes and other variations and are not all clear yet as to their force and use.
3 The y of this suffix forms perhaps part of the stem; it is visible only in the present, which consists of stem plus pronominal indicator, and there only in the 3d person. There is no reason to ascribe to forms of the type tanya a potential force, as do Bork (Die Mitannisprache 49, 52) and Gustavs (Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte 8.221; Namenreihen aus den Kerkuk-Tafeln 57 f.). Speiser (297), and before him Friedrich (Kleine Beiträge zur churritischen Grammatik, hereafter quoted as Kl.B., 8) have correctly returned to the opinion of Messerschmidt (Mitanni-Studien 15 f.) that tanya corresponds as 3d person to tanau 1st person.
4 As far as is known, numbers are not differentiated.
5 In an article soon to appear in JAOS, I have shown that the suffix -n of this form is detached from its noun in certain circumstances and appears as an enclitic after the first word of the sentence. This implies a denial of Friedrich's (Kl.B. 9) and Speiser's (BASOR 74.6; JAOS 59.291) belief that the -n appears only occasionally.
6 More rarely the ‘effectum’. The terms ‘subject’ and 'object’ have been avoided for reasons that will presently become clear.
7 Details of transliteration, not directly connected with the subject of this paper, will not be discussed here.
8 Speiser would literally translate here (and analogous adjustments should be made in the other examples), 'and Mane by my brother (was) loved-pret.-by-him'.
9 Cf. Lang. 15.215 ff.
10 The quotation marks are Speiser's (318 f.).
11 Thus, without an object, according to Speiser 317 f.
12 Cf. my own translation below, p. 133.
13 As to pisanti, the theory could be advanced that the enlargement consists of the incorporation of the pronominal ant- (cf. Friedrich, RHA 5.96) in the verb. But, when II 55 is compared with IV 44 in this connection, it must not be overlooked that an-du-ú-a . . . of the former corresponds with gi-el-ti-i-w∂ of the latter. Nor are there other examples of such a treatment of pronouns; and, finally the shift from (II)—note particularly pí-su-uš-ta II 62—to (III) would remain unexplained. The forms pí-su-uš-ta-iš (I 80) and pí-sa-an-ti-iš-tén-na-a-an (IV 44) have been omitted for the time being; the imperative forms which they represent deserve special treatment.
14 Clearly verbal are ma-a-an-nu-uk-kal-la-a-an (IV 2) and ma-a-an-nu-li-e-wa-a-al-la-a-an (II 122); furthermore, because of structural identity of the context, ma-a-an-ni-i-ni-i-in (IV 13), ma-a-an-nu-uk-ku (II 91), and ma-a-an-nu-uk-ka-ti-la-an (III 17).
15 The remark may be in order that this would point to a meaning of -ew∂ which modifies the respective tense modally, as the negation does. I have come to consider this form tentatively as a modus potentialis, an opinion which to some extent coincides with that of Messerschmidt, Bork and Friedrich.
16 The restoration is justified by the following example.
17 A word with two enclitics is needed (see the article mentioned in fn. 5); another possibility is [a-ti-i-ni-i-in], see example (4) below.
18 Cf. fn. 5.
19 See particularly Friedrich, Kl.B. 14 ff.
20 Speiser (313) translates: 'and my brother should send (a message) to me', indicating by the parenthesis that he feels that some object is needed but missing.
21 My own analysis of the passage III 110 ff. differs slightly but significantly from Speiser's (313 ff.). It is evident that the lines III 110 ff. and 115 ff. correspond to each other, the earlier part prescribing a certain procedure to be applied when an emergency arises in Egypt, the later, when in the Mitanni country. Each part consists of four sentences (a), (b), (c), and (d), which appear in the earlier part in the sequence a-b-c-d, but in the later in the sequence b-a-c-d. The sentence under discussion is (c); in the earlier part it contains the n-form še-e-ni-iw-w∂(-en) and the directive šu-ú-ú-ta 'to me'. In the reciprocal sentence one has the directive še-e-ni-iw-w∂-ta ‘to my brother’ and must postulate some form of the pronoun ‘I’.
22 An objection (see Speiser 312) to this may be raised on the ground that this pronoun should appear spelled with double tt, particularly since the double spelling of stops indicates phonemically different sounds. The objection must be rejected; the first person is absolutely necessary (see fn. 21), and the passage includes one of the rare occurrences of the sign -tan. Such signs act strangely as to doubling of their first components in Old Babylonian likewise (cf. Orientalia 6.12 fn. 4).
23 A certain difficulty arises from the following situation. In sentences which contain the Tatverbum one has, as stated above, besides the agens characterized by -š, the affectum in -n. Whenever the nominal n-form is replaced by an enclitic pronoun, one gets not merely -tta ‘me’, or -lla ‘them’, but -tta-n and -lla-n. Is this apparently superfluous -n due to the analogy of the constant use of the noun with -n in the same syntactical context?
24 309 f.
25 317.
26 291.
27 317 f.
28 The restoration is doubtful; the fact that ša-a-la-pa-an, the second word, contains the n of the n-form may indicate that the first word already carried two suffixes. The verb a-ri has since Messerschmidt (Mitanni-Studien 18, 31) been rendered as an imperative ‘give’. But Messerschmidt remarks rightly: 'Für die Übersetzung . . . durch Imperativ . . . bieten die anderen Formen auf i keinen Anhalt, da sie sämtlich an noch unverständlichen Stellen stehen.1 Our present knowledge of the forms in -i counsels against an imperative.
29 The sentence in question starts a new section and is immediately followed by the sentence quoted above on p. 126, which means (in Speiser's translation) 'Mane was sent by my brother.'
30 Cf. Lang. 15.253.
31 I want to emphasize particularly that the varying translation is merely due to the inability of the English language to express the relationship in question by a uniform expression.
32 To the examples Mit. II 58 and N 297.37 (Lewy, Revue des Études Sém. 1938, 68 fn. 8) add now N 636.13 ff. a-na-ku fḪi-in-zu-ri a-ḫa-ti-ia a-šar iI-in-ni a-gu 5-ka 4-ru-um-ma DÚ-šu ‘I transferred Ḫinzuri, my sister, to Inni.’ In genuine Akkadian one would expect ušērib.
33 Mit. I 21, III 110. I am inclined to connect pittu- with pe(n)ti which interchanges with the ideogram zag ‘straight, right’ in the proper name Penti-šna.
34 pu-ḫu-ka 4-ra of N 646.5 is instead of ana ḫubulli (HAR- r a) elsewhere (e.g. N 535.4; 538.9; 540.3; 541.3). The word has nothing to do with puḫizari (Orientalia 7.55).
35 For the meaning of ḫill see Speiser 311 and cf. Ungnad, Subartu 155.
36 The rendering of the form in -iš by the 3d sg. imper. is based on the assumption that this form is identical with the form in -a-eš, -i-eš, -i-iš (after -ul-) which is frequent in the Ḫurrian text from Bogazköy. See RHA 35.103 ff. It accords well with this opinion that the imperative also displays elsewhere its special system of suffixes.
37 See Messerschmidt, Mitanni-Studien 23.
38 In slight modification of Speiser's view (307 fn. 56) I analyze this form as tadukar-ul-(i)ew∂. The suffix -ul- (meaning still unknown) can be compared with the Urarṭean -ul- (Friedrich, Einführung ins Urartäische §23) which is used in an analogous fashion and is likewise unexplained.
39 The quoted words are probably only the second part of a longer sentence to which also the preceding words, so far incomprehensible, may belong.
40 For waḫru- ‘good, beautiful, lucky’ see von Brandenstein, Orient. 8.82 ff., where Speiser's (fn. 29) interpretation is anticipated.
41 Since Messerschmidt (Mitanni-Studien 23) attarti has been translated ‘the one becoming to the father, gift presented to the father (of the bride)’ and elarti 'the one belonging to the sister'. I have become suspicious of this translation and seriously consider whether the formation in -arti may not represent abstract nouns like abūtu ‘fathership’ and aḫūtu (aḫatūtu) ‘sistership’.
42 More literally 'an instruction was made (given) by me to Mane'. The same verbal form appears in the mutilated passage II 26.
43 Perhaps 'secret, confidential'. Cf. Korošec, Heth. Staatsverträge 71.
44 Friedrich (Kl.B. 37) interprets this form as a negated 1st person singular of form (I). The lack of the noun in -š can, of course, be accounted for in this manner. But, whoever denies the existence of -man ‘and’ has to admit the existence of a second -n suffix in this sentence; it indicates pertinence of the verb to form (II) or (III). Form (III) is in the case under consideration excluded by the fact that corresponding forms of type (I) exist (II 115; III 76, 85, 89, 95). Pertinence to (III) is furthermore confirmed by the existence of ta-a-nu-ši-uw-w∂ (II 13) besides ta-a-nu-ši-i-w∂-al-la-a-an-ni (IV 10). Because of the š-form še-e-ni-iw-w∂-uš by which it is preceded, the latter certainly belongs to form (I). The peculiar spelling of the former, then, indicates pertinence to a form other than (I) which because of the identity of the stem can only be (III). The argument is to be extended to the other analogous forms which include besides ku-zu-u-š-uw-w∂-la-an (IV 46, see below) also ú-ú-ri-uw-w∂-un-na-a-an (IV 56). The last mentioned form presents some difficulty inasmuch as the u after the negative -uw- is not easily explained except by some additional hypothesis. It must, however, be emphasized that a 1st person should end everywhere in -au.
45 With ti-ši-iw-wa-an ma-a-na šu-e-ni compare Akkad. at-tu-ia libbi E(l) A(marna) 19.65.
46 Cf. fn. 33 above.
47 tuppi- adj. 'being in a resting position, established, firm'; cf. Speiser 299 and fn. 39.
48 I do not enter here into a discussion of the meaning of manna. . . . . etc. (cf. Speiser 303 ff.); it must be reserved for special treatment.
49 Compare lu-ú bá-li-iṭ it-ti šamē ù erṣeti EA 29.59.
50 It appears that I accept Speiser's translation of the verb (300 f.), but propose a divergent analysis of the passage (cf. Speiser 314). The preceding sentence (as I divide it) is quoted below as the last example under (2).
51 I do not dare as yet to propose a translation of this passage.
52 The force of the -kk-suffix is unexplained so far. A similar occurrence of ú-ru-uk-ku is found in III 46; but the passage is too obscure as to be profitably quoted.
53 So far I have failed to find any reason for the difference between pè-te-eš-ti-e-na-an with only one n and ši-ri-en-na-a-an with two.
54 It will be shown in another article that tup-pí-aš is a form of the accusative plural.
55 The case in -še will be demonstrated in another paper to be the genitive plural.
56 Adjective of appurtenance in grammatical agreement with ni-ḫa-a-ri-a-a-še and based upon a genitive singular.
57 See above fn. 41.
58 niḫarre- is from *niḫarne- < *niḫari-ne- (see Speiser 307 fn. 56), i.e. niḫari plus the article of the singular.
59 See Lang. 15.217 fn. 16.
60 For meaning and construction see Speiser 294 ff. and Goetze, Lang. 15.215 ff.
61 Goetze, Lang. 15.218 ff.
62 In Ḫurrian expressed by a verb.
63 The syntactical structure of this sentence, which may or may not be correctly divided, is not clear to me (cf. Speiser 315).
64 The passage II 9 ff. with the probably pertinent forms ú-ru-u-muš-te-e-wa-a-tan and u-u-lu-u-ḫé-e-wa-a-ti-la-an has been omitted, since it is still incomprehensible.
65 This pronoun refers to Tušratta's daughter, who is given to the Pharao. This is particularly clear from the parallel III 11 f.: un-du-ma-a-an še-e-ni-iw-w∂-ú-e-en aš-ti a-ru-u-ša-ú id-du-uš-ta-ma-a-an (12) še-e-ni-iw-w∂-ta 'whereas I gave my brother's wife, she is on her way to my brother'.
66 For the force of the suffix -ša cf. Speiser fn. 29.
67 Adjective based on a genitive.
68 Similar seems III 28 ff., a passage which is, however, not yet translatable. Cf. furthermore III 3, where šu-e is not yet clear.