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Simultaneously ‘national medicine’ and ‘East Asian medicine’: A cross-boundary network of medical exchange in wartime East Asia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 March 2024

Yun Xia*
Affiliation:
Department of History, College of Liberal Arts, Shanghai University, China

Abstract

This article examines a transnational network of advocates for Kampō (traditional) medicine in Japan, occupied China, and Manchukuo during the Sino-Japanese War (1931–1945), shedding new light on collaborationism, Asianism, and the modernization of traditional medicine in East Asia. In the 1930s, despite deteriorating Sino-Japanese relations, the Kampō revival movement in Japan joined forces with the struggle to preserve traditional medicine in China. In 1938, the Association of East Asian Medicine was founded in Japan, gathering together Chinese, Korean, and Japanese advocates under the banner of ‘East Asian medicine’. This article delineates the evolution of what I call ‘medical Asianism’ and how it was institutionalized in different parts of the Japanese empire. Participants in this network differed in their priorities and ideological commitments, yet they tactfully utilized the Japanese imperial infrastructure and wartime circumstances to promote traditional medicine. Their work laid important intellectual and institutional foundations for the postwar development of traditional medicine across East Asia. This study also contributes to a more nuanced understandings of collaborationism. The type of collaboration examined in this article was preceded by a long history of intellectual exchange, based on a shared body of knowledge and morals, motivated by mutual empathy, and for a cause that was much valued in postwar Asia. As a result, unlike most Chinese collaborators who were prosecuted as ‘traitors’, protagonists in this study continued to prosper professionally and became valuable assets in the postwar rebuilding of Sino-Japanese relations.

Type
Forum Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2024. Published by Cambridge University Press.

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References

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18 Zhang Zhongjing (150–219) was one of the most eminent Chinese pharmacologists and physicians of all time. His Shanghan lun 傷寒論 (Treatise of cold damage disorders) was one of the canonical works of traditional medicine and highly regarded across East Asia.

19 Elman, ‘Sinophiles and Sinophobes in Tokugawa Japan’, pp. 94, 112.

20 Lu Yuanlei, Shanghan lun jin shi 傷寒論今釋 (A contemporary annotation of Shanghan Lun) (Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2011), Preface by Zhang Taiyan.

21 Lei, Neither donkey nor horse, Chapter 4.

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26 For this reason, Kampō is sometimes translated as ‘traditional Japanese medicine’ or ‘Sino-Japanese medicine’.

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35 Yu Yunxiu, ‘Huanghan yixue piping’ 皇漢醫學批評 (A criticism of ‘Imperial Han Medicine’), Yilin Xinzhi, no. 1, 1931, pp. 13–15.

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38 Yakazu mistakenly attributed this quotation to Shijing (Book of odes). Judging from his quotation, 道は時と偕に行わる, it should be ‘凡益之道, 與時偕行’ from Yijing (Book of change).

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40 Gotō was successively appointed the director of civil administration in Taiwan and the first president of the South Manchurian Railway, and he demonstrated a unique Japanese ingenuity in colonial management. See Shinichi, Kitaoka, Gotō Shinpei: Statesman of vision. Research, public health, and development, (trans.) Arthy, Lain (Tokyo: Japan Publishing Industry Foundation for Culture, 2021)Google Scholar.

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44 Andrews, The making of modern Chinese medicine, p. 12.

45 Wang Wenqiao, ‘Fu Chen Yueqiaojun han’ 覆陳樾樵君函 (A reply to Chen Yueqiao), Shaoxing Yixue Xuebao, no. 12, 1909, pp. 10–11.

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49 For the syncretism of medical systems and Yu’s proposed partitioning of Chinese medicine, see Lei, Neither donkey nor horse, Chapter 4.

50 Zheng Hong, ‘Mingfen youguan: jindai zhengzhi zhong de zhongxiyi chengwei zhizheng’ 名分攸关: 近代政治中的中西医称谓之争 (Naming matters: The debate on how to name Chinese and Western medicine in modern political institutions), Zhongguo Shehui Lishi Pinglun, no. 13, 2012, p. 342.

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52 Ibid., p. 68.

53 Wang Yizhen, ‘Wuxing Guoyishe chengli xuanyan’ 吳興國醫社成立宣言 (Declaration of the founding of Wuxing National Medicine Association), Wuxing Guoyi Zhoukan, no. 1, 1911, p. 1.

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64 Ōtsuka Keisetsu, ‘Sensō wa bunka no haha’ 戦争は文化の母 (War breeds new culture), Tōa Igaku, no. 2, 1939, p. 2. The ‘incident’ in this paragraph referred to the Sino-Japanese War.

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66 Ibid., pp. 3–4.

67 Arai Kinzō, ‘ShinTōa kensetsu no ichiyoku tare’ 新東亜建設の一翼たれ(An important role in constructing the New East Asia), Tōa Igaku, no. 1, 1939, p. 2.

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69 As for how such research was carried out, see Zhang, ‘Goujian zhiminyixue’.

70 ‘Tōa igaku kyōkai sōritsu gokujū shūnen shuyō nenbyō’.

71 Nakashima Nori, ‘Senjin nisshi’ 戦陣日誌 (Diaries on the warfront), Tōa Igaku, no. 1, 1939, p. 6.

72 Membership of the Xinminhui alone constituted the ‘hanjian’ crime as stipulated in the ‘Regulations on handling Hanjian cases’, 6 December 1945. See Xia, Down with traitors, 194.

73 Zhang Zhu’an, ‘Lüetan hanyi zhi xuanli’ 略談漢醫玄理 (On the metaphysics of Han medicine), Tōa Igaku, no. 25, 1941, p. 2.

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75 Liu, Prescribing colonization.

76 Ōtsuka, ‘Chūgoku kampōikai no genkyō wo nikkateikei ni tsuite’, pp. 3–4.

77 In early 1937, the Manchukuo government passed the Physicians Act and the Chinese Medicine Practitioners Act. ‘Manjūkoku sefu koho niyaku’ (Japanese translation of the Manchukuo government gazette), Japan Center for Asian Historical Records, Tokyo (hereafter JACAR) (Ajia rekishi shiryō sentaa), Ref. A06031001200 (January 1937, no. 836), p. 88.

78 Zhang, ‘Goujian zhiminyixue’, p. 17.

79 Ibid., p. 19.

80 ‘Tōa igaku kyōkai sōritsu gokujū shūnen shuyō nenbyō’.

81 ‘Invitation of Manchukuo Officials by the Kyushu Okinawa Medical Association’, JACAR, Ref. B0515776700, October 1940.

82 ‘Shouci quanguo hanyi kaoshi chengji lianghao yuanman zhongliao’, Shengjing Ribao, 22 November 1941.

83 Li, ‘Zhang Jiyou yishi jingli yu xueshu sixiang shulüe’, p. 963.

84 Chu Minyi, ‘Tizi’ (Accolades), Suzhou Guoyi Yiyuan Yuankan, no. 1, 1939, p. 8.

85 Ye published hundreds of articles in Xinwenbao, a widely circulated newspaper, and self-identified as ‘a doctor of national medicine’. See, for instance, ‘Heli de minjian danfang (42)’ (Effective folk formula: no. 42), Xinwenbao, no. 1, July 1935.

86 For Ye’s criticisms of shifang, see Ye Juquan, ‘Zhiliao shili’ (Cases of treatment with national medicine), Suzhou Guoyi Yiyuan Yuankan, no. 1, 1939, p. 32. For a more detailed discussion of shifang in secondary literature, see pp. 171–174.

87 Cao Lijuan introduced in detail the institutional set-up, management, as well as the professional background of doctors and nurses employed in the hospital, yet overlooked the inherent ambiguities in the hospital’s background. Cao Lijuan, ‘Mingguo zhongyi kexuehua de dianfan: Suzhou Guoyi Yiyuan’, 民国中医科学化的典范: 苏州国医医院 Yatai Chuantong Yiyao, no. 1, 2007, pp. 27–31.

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89 Keiko and Karchmer, ‘The case of the Suzhou Hospital of National Medicine’, p. 168.

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92 Chu, ‘Tizi’ 題字 (Accolades), p. 11.

93 ‘Ibid., p. 7.

94 Chen Zemin, ‘Yuanqi’ 緣起 (Origin of the hospital), Suzhou Guoyi Yiyuan Yuankan, no. 1, 1939, pp. 21–22.

95 Chu, ‘Tizi’ 題字 (Accolades), p. 8.

96 Chen Kangsun, ‘Benyuan choubei jingguo baogao’ 本院籌備經過報告 (Report on the launching of this hospital), Suzhou Guoyi Yiyuan Yuankan, no. 1, 1939, p. 24.

97 The price of tea increased quite a lot after 1941, and a pot of tea cost 20 cents at Wuyuan Teahouse. Even before the war, a pot of tea cost 7–8 cents, sometimes 10 cents. Wu Renshu, Jiehou ‘tiantang’: Kangzhan lunxian hou de Suzhou chengshi shenghuo 劫后天堂: 抗战沦陷后的苏州城市生活 (A fallen heaven: Urban life in occupied Suzhou during the War of Resistance) (Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2019), pp. 26, 111.

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