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The Voice of the Manuscripts on the Silence of Women: The External Evidence for 1 Cor 14.34–5

  • Curt Niccum (a1)

The prohibition of women's speech at 1 Cor 14.34–5, in a letter which elsewhere presumes female prophetic activity, has intrigued scholars. Although some attempt to resolve this apparent inconsistency by interpreting the text as it stands, others resort to interpolation theories. Of the latter, the large majority employ only a few of the traditional text-critical criteria. For example, Hans Conzelmann relies solely on intrinsic probability to dismiss 1 Cor 14.33b–36 as a later insertion,2 despite the external evidence which recognizes no omission. Gordon Fee, a noted text critic, has recently examined this passage employing all the text-critical criteria. Surprisingly, Fee still considers vv. 34–5 an interpolation.

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1 Gottfried Fitzer provides a notable exception, Das Weib schweige in der Gemeinde (ThExH 10; Munich: Kaiser,1963).

2 Conzelmann H., Der erste Brief an die Korinther (MeyerK; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1969) 289–90. Günther Zuntz argues similarly for 14.33b–35, The Text of the Epistles: A Disquisition upon the Corpus Paulinum (London: Oxford University, 1953) 17 Gerhard Dautzenberg extends the interpolation through v. 38, Urchristliche Prophetie, ihre Erforschung, ihre Voraussetzungen im Judentum und ihre Struktur im ersten Korintherbrief (BWANT 6/4; Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1975) 253–7.

3 Fee G. D., The First Epistle to the Corinthians (NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987), relying heavily upon Fitzer, Weib schweige.

4 Cited by Fee , Corinthians, 699.

5 Fee , Corinthians, 701–2.

6 Fee , Corinthians, 700 n. 7.

7 Paper presented to the NT Textual Criticism Section at the 1990 annual meeting of the SBL.

8 Osburn C. D., ‘The Interpretation of 1 Cor. 14:34–35’, Essays on Women in Earliest Christianity 1 (ed. Osburn C. D.; Joplin: College, 1993) 219–42. Antoinette Clark Wire also questions whether ‘the gradual extension of the interpolation theory … does not indicate that the two verses are more tightly welded to their context than first appears’, The Corinthian Women Prophets: A Reconstruction through Paul's Rhetoric (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990) 231.

9 ‘Fuldensis, Sigla for Variants in Vaticanus, and 1 Cor 14.34–5’, NTS 41 (1995) 240–62.

10 The most thorough accounts are those of Fitzer, Weib schweige, and Wire , Women Prophets, 149–52.

11 Payne also suggests that Clement of Alexandria used a text which lacked 1 Cor 14.34—5. He bases this on the ‘citation’ of six other verses in 1 Cor 14 and a discussion by Clement on ‘the behaviour of women inchurch’, ‘Fuldensis’, 247–8. Since Clement obviously knows 1 Cor 14, his failure to employ vv. 34–5 in this section is supposedly significant.

Clement, however, does not discuss women's behaviour in church, but the Christian couple's proper demeanour while going to church and the impressions given to outsiders. Clement was also familiar with 1 Tim 2, yet Clement never cites vv. 11–12. Following Payne's line of reasoning, one could argue that Clement's NT text also lacked these verses! One cannot determine the text of a Church Father in this manner.

For the proper use of patristic evidence, consult G. D. Fee, ‘The Text of John in The Jerusalem Bible’ ‘The Use of Greek Patristic Citations in New Testament Textual Criticism: The State of the Question’ in Epp E. J. and Fee G. D., Studies in the Theory and Method of New Testament Textual Criticism (SD 45; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993) 335–59; and Ehrman Bart D., Didymus the Blind and the Text of the Gospels (NTGF 1; Atlanta: Scholars, 1986) 429.

12 MSS will be named with alternate identifications provided in parentheses (designations of Latin MSS are italicized). See Kurt Aland, Kurzgefaβte Liste der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1994); and Fischer Bonifatius, Verzeichnis der Sigel für Handschriften und Kirchenschriftsteller (VL 1; Freiburg: Herder, 1949); and Nouum Testamentum Domini Iesu Christi Latine Secundum Editionem Sancti Hieronymi 2: Epistulae Paulinae (ed. J. Wordsworth and H. J. White; Oxford: Clarendon, 1941).

13 33 of 39 occurrences, or 85%. The significance of his observation extends beyond attested variation. If correct, markings not corresponding to known variation units could provide bases for conjectural emendation, ‘Fuldensis’, 259–60.

14 Payne, ‘Fuldensis’, 251.

15 Payne admits this possibility, ‘Fuldensis’, 259.

16 Thompson Edward Maunde, An Introduction to Greek and Latin Palaeography (Oxford: Clarendon, 1912) 58–9.

17 Nearly four hundred occur in the Gospels alone. Examples of these lone occurrences appear on the photographs provided by Payne, ‘Fuldensis’, 262.

18 See Skeat T. C., ‘The Codex Vaticanus in the Fifteenth Century’, JTS 35 (1984) 456–65. The minuscule text (listed as MS 1957) belongs to those MSS considered constant witnesses to the Majority text in NA26.

19 The textual character and location of sigla were determined through personal collation using the facsimile edition, H KAINH ΔIAΘHKH (Vatican City: s.n., 1965).

20 Evidence suggests Sepulveda introduced these ‘umlauts’. In 1533 he wrote Erasmus: ‘Estenim Graecum exemplar antiquissimum in bibliotheca Vatieana, in quo diligentissime et accuratissime literis maiusculis conscriptum vtrumque Testimentum continetur, longe diuersum a vulgatis exemplaribus … Sic enim habeto, raro vulgatam Graecorum editionem a veteri translatione nostra discrepare, (discrepat autem, vt nostri, saepissime) vt a Vaticano illo exemplari non dissentiat. Ac ne te teneam, trecentis sexaginta quinque locis scripturae diuersitatem adnotauimus’, Opus Epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami (ed. H. M. Allen and H. W. Garrod; Oxford: Clarendon, 1941) 10. 307–8. Sepulveda's statement that he found 365 agreements with the Vg does not limit the number of notations he might have made.

Sepulveda must have shared this list of readings with Erasmus for in 1535 Erasmus remarks on the reading καδα at Acts 27.16 found in a ‘Vatican’ MS (attested only in Vaticanus and Sinaiticuscorr), Erasmus' Annotations on the New Testament: Acts – Romans – I and II Corinthians. Facsimile of the Final Latin Text with All Earlier Variants (ed. A. Reeve and M. A. Screech; SHCT 42; Leiden: Brill, 1990) 331. Since Codex Vaticanus has one of these marginal notations at that verse, it seems likely that the ‘umlauts’ originated with Sepulveda.

21 Erasmus, for example, makes no mention of it in any of the editions of his Annotations. In 1535 he does remark concerning 14.33: ‘Apud Chrysostomum æditionis Veronensis, additur: sed in enarrando non attingit: unde adiectitium esse uidetur. In æditione Aldina, non additur. Ne que uero Paulus docebat in omnibus ecclesiis, sed in omnibus ecclesiis sanctorum ordine & absque tumulta res agebatur’, Annotations, 509. This could explain the location of the ‘ umlaut’ at 14.33 (expected at 14.34) and provide additional support for identifying Sepulveda as the one who introduced the markings.

22 Fischer , ‘Bibelausgaben des frühen Mittelalters’, Settimane di studio del Centro Italiano di studi sull'alto Medioeva (Spoleto: II Centro, 1963) 553–5.

23 For a full description, see Ranke E., Codex Fuldensis (Marburg: Elwert, 1868) i–xvi. See also Fischer B., ‘Bibelausgaben’, 545–7; Epistula ad Ephesios (ed. H. J. Frede; VL 24/1; Freiburg: Herder, 1964) 1516, and Frede Hermann Josef, Pelagius, der irische Paulustext Sedulius Scottus (AGLB 3; Freiburg: Herder, 1961) 37. On dating consult Dobschütz E. von, ‘Wann las Victor Capua sein Neues Testament?’, ZNW 10 (1909) 90–6; and Corssen P., ‘Die Subskription des Bischofs Victor in dem Codex Fuldensis’, ZNW 10 (1909) 175–7.

24 That vv. 36–10 were written in the margin and not vv. 34–5 was first ‘rediscovered’ by Wire , Women Prophets, 285 n. 19. This MS does not support E. Earle Ellis' theory of a Pauline marginal notation, ‘The Silenced Wives of Corinth’, New Testament Textual Criticism: Essays in Honour of Bruce M. Metzger (ed. E. J. Epp and G. D. Fee; Oxford: Clarendon, 1981) 219.

25 Payne, ‘Fuldensis’, 241–5.

26 Payne makes much of the fact that Victor provides no notation signalling the reader to omit vv. 36–40 in the text of Fuldensis. This argument from silence hardly carries the weight Payne wishes to place upon it. Although some texts to be replaced are marked by erasures (1 Cor 15.33; 16.19), single dots over letters (2.6,13), or a triangular pattern of three dots over letters (7.17; 8.6) or words (6.13; 7.19), others lack such notation (1.16!; 2.8; 8.10). In addition, Payne himself admits that the longer corrections elsewhere in the NT have no notation signalling the need for deletion, ‘Fuldensis’, 242–3.

27 Determined by collation from microfilm of the text of Reginensis (vac. 11.20–14.24) with Fuldensis.

Several readings are attested only by these two MSS (according to Wordsworth/white [W/V]), underlining their close relationship (2.6,13; 4.9; 8.11; 14.33; 15.33; see also 2.3 [W/W errs]; 5.1, 10; 8.7; 10.19; 15.2). Also, of the six genetically significant corrections at variance with Reginensis, half are singular readings (5.6; 10.13; 16.1).

28 Fee , Corinthians, 699 n. 1.

29 See Frede , Ephesios, 2938; Altlateinische Paulushandschriften (AGLB 4; Freiburg: Herder, 1964) 140–4; and Fischer , ‘Das Neue Testament in lateinischer Sprache’, Die alten Übersetzungen des Neuen Testaments, die Kirchenväterzitate und Lektionare (ed. Aland K.; ANTF 5; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1972) 24–6.

30 Ambrosiastri qui dicitur commentarius in Epistulas Paulinas, part 2: In Epistulas ad Corinthios (ed. H. J. Vogels, CSEL 81; Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1968).

31 Berger Samuel, Histoire de la Vulgate pendant les premiers siècles du Moyen Age (Paris: Hachette, 1893) 139; Souter A., The Earliest Latin Commentaries on the Epistles of St Paul (Oxford: Clarendon, 1927) 43; and Vogels H. J., Das Corpus Paulinum des Ambrosiaster (BBB 13; Bonn: Hanstein, 1957) 11, 13. Heinrich Zimmermann concludes that Ambrosiaster's text, ‘trotz seiner eindeutigen Zugehörigkeit zum δ-Typus ein durchaus eigenständiges Textgebilde ist, wie es bis zum Ende des 4. Jahrh. in Norditalien gewachsen war’, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altlateinischen Überlieferung des zweiten Korintherbriefes (BBB 16; Bonn: Hanstein, 1960) 102. Zimmermann's conclusion stands though he unfortunately subsumed the I-text under his ‘δ-Typus’. See Frede , Paulushandschriften, 140–4.

32 Ambrosiaster distrusted Greek MSS and so preserves a purely Latin text. See Comm. Rom. 5.14. Cf. Zelzer M., ‘Zur Sprache des Ambrosiasters’, Wiener Studien 4 (1970) 196213.

33 Ambrosiaster apparently published three editions. The first, however, commented only on Romans. See Vogels , Corpus Paulinum, 1314; and for the textual tradition see his ‘Die Überlieferung des Ambrosiasterkommentars zu den Paulinischen Briefen’, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen aus dem Jahre 1959 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &Ruprecht, 1959) 107–2.

34 In 2 Corinthians, at least, many of the departures from this text agree with Codex Boernerianus Zimmermann, Untersuchungen, 8399, especially 96–9.

35 For a description and history see Codex Claromontanus sive Epistulae Pauli Omne Graece et Latine (ed. Constantine Tischendorf; Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1832) i–xxix.

36 Frede , Paulushandschriften, 20–3. Cf. Tischendorf , Claromontanus, xiv–xv.

37 Frede , Paulushandschriften, 1729. For other theories, see Tischendorf , Claromontanus, xvii–xviii (Alexandria); Souter A., ‘The Original Home of Codex Claromontanus’, JTS 6 (1904/1905) 240–3; and Diehl E., ‘Zur Textgeschichte des lateinischen Paulus’, ZNW 20 (1921) 97132 (Southern France).

38 Frede , Paulushandschriften, 2631, 45.

39 The Greek and Latin texts are closely related, but the occasional differences require themto be considered separate witnesses.

40 On provenance (probably Pavia) and possible Irish connections, see Dold Alban, Die im Codex Val.Reg.Lat. 9 vorgeheftete Liste paulinischer Lesungen für die Messfeier (TA 35; Beuron: Beuroner Kunstverlag, 1944).

41 In addition to the evidence from 1 Corinthians, all of Victor's corrections in Galatians and Ephesians agree with Reginensis, Fischer, ‘Bibelausgaben’, 553–4. See also Corssen P., Epistula ad Galatas ad fidem optimorum codicum Vulgate recognovit prolegomenis instruxi Vulgatam cum antiquioribus versionibus (Berlin: Weidmann, 1885) 1617.

42 Frede , Ephesios, 1718.

43 Frede H. J., Ein neuer Paulustext und Kommentar (2 vols.; AGLB 7–8; Freiburg: Herder, 19731974) 1. 13–16.

44 Frede , Neuer Paulustext, 1.153, 247–59.

45 Frede , Neuer Paulustext, 1.34–5, 82–3, 153.

46 For a description, detailed history, and transcription, see Gwynn J., Liber Ardmachanus:The Book of Armagh (Dublin: Hodger, Figgis and Co., 1913). Consult also Graves Charles, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 3 (1846/1847) 316–24, 356–9.

47 Frede , Ephesios, 11; and Paulushandschriften, 61.

48 Gwynn identified the MS as Vg, Liber Ardmachanus, ccxxiii–iv. Souter mistakenly associated it with Pelagius (PELB), Pelagius's Expositions of the Thirteen Epistles of St Paul (3 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1922) 1.128–9. See Frede's corrections, Pelagius, 60–86.

49 Frede , Paulushandschriften, 3549.

50 Frede , Paulushandschriften, 6776.

51 Zimmermann , Untersuchungen, 256.

52 Frede , Ephesios, 1213.

53 See Der Codex Boernerianus (ed. A. Reichardt; Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1909); also Frede , Paulushandschriften, 5079.

54 Frede , Paulushandschriften, 5464. On types of grammatical sources, consult Metzger B M., ‘Bilingualism and Polylingualism in Antiquity; with a Check-List of New Testament MSS Written in More than One Language’, The New Testament Age: Essays in Honor of Bo Reicke (2 vols.; ed. Weinrich W. C.; Macon: Mercer, 1984) 2.329–31. But cf. Rönsch H., ‘Die Doppelübersetzungen im lateinischen Texte des cod. Boernerianus der paulinischen BriefeZWT 25 (1882) 488517, 26 (1883) 73–98, 309–44; and Soden Hermann von, Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments in ihrer ältesten erreichbaren Textgestalt hergestellt auf Grund ihrer Text-geschichte (2 parts in 4 vols.; 2nd ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1911/1913) 1/3.1938.

55 Frede , Paulushandschriften, 63.

56 See An Exact Transcript of the Codex Augiensis (ed. F. H. Scrivener; Cambridge: Deighton Bell, 1859) xxiii–xxxiii.

57 They even share the same lacunae, Scrivener, Augiensis, xxiii. See also Zimmer F., ‘Der Codex Augiensis (FPaul), eine Abschrift des Boernerianus (GPau1)’, ZWT 30 (1887) 7691; Smith W. B., ‘The Pauline Manuscripts F and G. A Text-critical Study’, AJT 7 (1903) 454–85, 662–88; and Hatch W. H. P., ‘On the Relationship of Codex Augiensis and Codex Boernerianus of the Pauline Epistles’, HSCP 60 (1951) 187–99.

58 Frede , Paulushandschriften, 85–7. They usually correspond to the readings of Boernerianus, 81.

59 Hellmann S., Sedulius Scottus (Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters 1/1; Munich: Beck, 1906); and Kenney James F., The Sources for the Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical (New York: Columbia University, 1929) 565.

60 Marginal notations in some MSS of the Collectaneum indicate sources used by Sedulius. None exist for these verses, however. See Souter A., ‘The Sources of Sedulius Scotus’ Collectaneum on the Epistles of St Paul’, JTS 18 (1917) 213.

61 See Frede , Pelagius, 8795.

62 For a description see Salvatore Cyrillo , Codices Graeci Mss. Regiae Bibliothecae Borbonicae descripti atque illustrati (Naples: s.n., 1726) 1.1324.

Ms 88 may have ties to Italy (or at least Sardinia), since it shares a colophon with Codex Coislinianus (H, 015), but this association would not necessarily extend to the text of the Pauline epistles since the scribe apparently had a number of MSS at hand. See Murphy Harold S., ‘On the Text of Codices H and 93’, JBL 78 (1959) 228–37; and Dobschütz Ernst von, ‘A Hitherto Unpublished Prologue to the Acts of the Apostles (probably by Theodore of Mopsuestia)’, AJT2(1898) 355.

63 Both MSS were fully collated in 1 Corinthians from microfilm. See also Murphy H. S., ‘The Text of Romans and 1 Corinthians in Minuscule 93 and the Text of Pamphilus’, HTR 52 (1959) 119–31; and Aland Kurt, ed., Text und Textwert der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments 2/2: Die paulinischen Briefe (ANTF 17; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1991) 4, 32 and 67–8.

64 Peter Corssen has provided the best account of the consanguinity of the bilingual MSS, ‘Epistularum Paulinarum codices Graeca et Latine scriptos Augiensem Boernerianum Claromontanum examinavit inter se comparavit ad communem originem revocavit’, Programme des Gymnasiums Jever 1 (1887) and 2 (1889); and ‘Zur Überlieferungsgeschichte des Römerbriefs’ ZNW10 (1909) 145.

For other studies consult Diehl , ‘Textgeschichte’, 118–27; Vogels H. J., ‘Der Claromontanus’, Amicitiae Corolla: A Volume of Essays Presented to James Rendel Harris(ed. Wood H. G.; London: University of London, 1933) 274–99; Schäfer Karl, ‘Der griechisch-lateinisch Text des Galaterbriefes in der Handschriftengruppe DEFG’, Scientia Sacra: Theologische Festgabe für Kardinal Schulte (Cologne: Bachem, 1935) 4170; Zimmermann , Untersuchungen, 965; Tinnefeld Franz H., Üntersuchungen zur altlateinischen Überlieferung des 1. Timotheusbriefes (Klassisch-Philologische Studien 26; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1963) 162; Frede , Paulushandschriften, 15101; Nellessen Ernst, Untersuchungen zur altlateinischen Überlieferung des ersten Thessalonicherbriefes (BBB 22; Bonn: Hanstein, 1965) 28133; and Frede , Neuer Paulustext, 1.7683.

65 On Irish influence, see Cordoliani A., ‘Le texte de la Bible en Irlande du Ve au Xle siècle’, RB 57 (1950) 22–3; and Kenney , Early History, 372621.

66 Codex Claromontanus and MSS 88 and 915 hardly prove important exceptions. Codex Claromontanus or its text might have originated in northern Italy. In all probability Frede's conjecture of a southern Italian origin for the MS (based primarily on the history of Italian bilingualism) is correct, Paulushandschriften, 16–33. Still, the script only guarantees an Italian provenance and leads to the conclusion ‘daβ sie nicht in den groβen lateinischen Schreibzentren Italiens entstanden kann, sondern nur in einem abgelegenen, provinziellen Scriptorium’, 19. More likely, just as with Fuldensis, a northern text was transported to a southern locale.

The other two MSS are genetically related. 88 and 915 agree 86% in 1 Corinthians (Aland , Paulinischen Briefe, 1.22; confirmed by collation). Significantly, they share a number of marginal readings (see 5.13(?); 7.28; 8.11; 14.16 and 19, but cf. 14.25 in MS 915). They do not represent a family of ‘Western cursives’, a myth dispelled by Thomas C. Geer, Jr, in a paper presented before the NT Textual Criticism Section at the 1989 annual meeting of the SBL. They merely reflect the occasional influence of the bilingual tradition on the Greek text.

67 Ep. 169.2, S. Aureli Augustini Operum (CSEL 44, 2/3; ed. A. Goldbacher; Leipzig: Freytag, 1904).

68 Frede , Ephesios, 34–5. See also Souter , Commentaries, 147–8; and Zimmermann , Untersuchungen, 188–90, 233–5.

69 Souter provides the text in the third volume of Pelagius's Expositions. The apparatus of UBS4 erroneously labels the Balliol MS as OL and as a witness for the traditional order. First, this MS of Pelagius’ commentary, though containing numerous OL readings, is Vg (Souter mistakenly considered it the best representative of Pelagius’ text, Pelagius' Expositions, 1.34–48, despite the fact that the commentary often exposited a Vg reading instead of that in the lemma, 2.7–8. Cf. Frede , Pelagius, 947). Second, the exemplar of the Balliol MS lacked the quaternion which included the text of 1 Cor 14.

70 PL 30, 762. See Souter , Pelagius's Expositions, 265–8.

71 According to Wordsworth/White, Nouum Testamentum; and UBS3. When two MS designations are given, the first refers to the Vetus Latina and the second to Wordsworth/White. MS descriptions come from Frede , Ephesios, 1024.

72 Fortunately, 1 Cor 14.34–5 was chosen as one of the ‘Teststelle’ by the Institut für neu testamentliche Textforschung. See Aland , Paulinischen Briefe, vols. 1–2.

73 See Jenkins Claude, ‘Origen on 1 Corinthians’, JTS 10 (1909) 41–2; Chrysostom 1 Cor Hom. 37; and Theodoret Int. XIVEpist. (PG 82, 348A).

74 Michael Bakker notes that the inclusion of the Slavonic in UBS4 is both ‘misleading and premature’, ‘he Slavonic Version of UBS 4’, NT 37 (1995) 94. This applies equally well to the Latin, Sahidic, Armenian, and Ethiopic versions of 1 Corinthians. See the contributions in Text of the NT in Contemporary Research, 113–87. The following works were consulted: Horner George William, ed., The Coptic Version of the New Testament in the Northern Dialect Otherwise Known as Memphitic and Bohairic (4 vols.; Oxford: Clarendon, 18981905); The Coptic Version of the New Testament in the Southern Dialect Otherwise Known as Sahidic and Thebaic (7 vols.; Oxford: Clarendon, 19111924);Thompson Herbert, ed., The Coptic Version of the Acts of the Apostles and the Pauline Epistles in the Sahidic Dialect (Cambridge: Cambridge Üniversity, 1932);Aland B. and Juckel A., Das Neue Testament in Syrischer Überlieferung 2: Die Paulinischen Briefe, part 1: Römer- und 1. Korintherbrief (ANTF 14; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1991); and The New Testament in Ethiopic (Addis Ababa: American Bible Society, 1968).

75 Work also needs to be done on the lectionaries. See Osburn C. D., ‘The Greek Lectionaries of the New Testament’, Text of the NT in Contemporary Research, 6174. For 1 Cor 14.34–5 in fourteen lectionaries, see Cocroft Ronald A., A Study of the Pauline Lessons in the Matthean Section of the Greek Lectionary (SD 32; Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 1968) 171–2.

76 See Kim Young Kyu, ‘Palaeographical Dating of P46 to the Later First Century’, Bib 69 (1988) 248–57.

77 Wire , Women Prophets, 150–2.

78 See Lorenz Rudolf, ‘Die Anfänge des abendländischen Mönchtums im 4. Jahrhundert’, ZKG 15 (1966) 112, 27–38; and Petersen-Szemérdy Griet, Zwischen Weltstadt und Wüste:Römische Asketinnen in der Spätantike (Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte 54; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993). Cf. Schmitz D. Ph., ‘La première communauté devierges à Rome’, RevBén 38 (1926) 189–95.

79 Claromontanus, Boernerianus, Augiensis, and latinus medii aevi 1 or their exemplars were written colometrically.

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