In any religion unique authority is assigned by its adherents to the words of its founder, whether written by the founder himself or narrated of him by others; and Christianity is no exception to the rule. The circulation in the Primitive Church of Sayings of Christ is an indication that this was so from very early days. Dr Dibelius has given reasons for believing that the words of Jesus were collected at an early date explicitly as words of the Lord, and therefore inspired; that these collections were definite as regards both their authority and their limits; and that they were almost certainly in Greek; for no trace has been found of any written Aramaic tradition, unless we suppose that Papias had such a collection in mind in what he wrote (about A.D. 140) about St Matthew's Gospel. If the document known as Q existed, then it was such a collection, perhaps the most authoritative of several.

Luc a-t-il puisé ses informations sur l'enfance de Jean-Baptiste dans un document provenant de cercles johannites, disciples du Précurseur? Beaucoup le pensent, et cette opinion se Présente volontiers comme une solution acquise, qui n'a plus besoin d'être prouvée.1. Il me semble pourtant qu'elle est discutable et je me propose dans cette communication de l'examiner.

In den letzten 30 Jahren sind viermal Repertorien der literarischen Papyri verffentlicht worden: von Oldfather 1923, von Reggers 1942, von Giabbani 1947 und von Pack 1952, ein Zeichen dafr, da, die Neigung, die sogenannten literarischen Papyri von der Papyruskunde auszuschlieen (W. Schubart) geringer geworden ist. So verschieden diese Zusammenstellungen nach Herkunft und Art sind, in einem sind sie sich jedoch gleich: keine von ihnen verzeichnet christliche literarische Papyri.! Die ersten drei gehen stillschweigend ber sie hinweg und begrnden es nicht einmal, weshalb sie von ihnen ausgelassen sind. Pack schreibt, er habe sie nicht aufgenommen, well sie zu den klassischen Texten nicht passen wὓrden. Zu beidem ist ein Kommentar wohl nicht ntig. Wie schwierig es meist ist, die in den Katalogen oft nur mit dem lakonischen Zusatz christlich versehenen Fragmente zu identifizieren, ist bekannt. Welche Bedeutung den Papyri jedoch fr manche altchristliche Schrift zukommt, beweist z. B. die soeben in den Griechischen Christlichen Schriftstellern erschienene neue Ausgabe des Hirten des Hermas von Molly Whittaker (Nottingham). Auer dem bekannten Papyrus Michigan 129, dem dritten Hauptzeugen fr den griechischen Text, konnten dabei noch zwlf andere Papyri bzw. Papyrusfragmente fr die Ausgabe benutzt werden. Hier handelt es sich jedoch, was die Erschlieung und Heranziehung der Papyri fr patristische Editionen betrifft, um eine Ausnahme. Der Schatz, der uns in den zahlreichen griechischen literarischen Papyri christlichen Inhalts vorliegt, ist im wesentlichen noch ungehoben.

This article springs in part from a critical consideration of Professor F. L. Cross's I Peter, a Paschal Liturgy (Mowbray, 1954), and is an attempt, first, to define difficulties which seem to me to stand in the way of accepting his thesis, and then to offer an alternative suggestion. But first of all, I must express my gratitude to Dr Cross for the stimulus of his lecture and my admiration for the skill and brilliance with which he handles the material. My only hope is that my own attempts at a solution of the problem of I Peter are advanced with anything like as much modesty as his: for I have no doubt that they will need the more clemency.

L'pisode vanglique des tentations de Jsus dans le dsert (Marc i. 1213; Matt. iv. 111; Luc iv. 113) soulve des problmes sur lesquels les exgtes n'ont pas encore pu se mettre d'accord:2 problme littraire de la relation tablir entre les trois rcits, problme de la signification de cet pisode dans la pense de ceux qui nous l'ont transmis. La discussion n'est pas toujours mene avec beaucoup de mthode; on tranche les questions de dpendance sur des impressions trop personnelles, on interprte le rcit en fonction de proccupations psychologiques qui lui sont certainement trs trangres. Le point de dpart d'une solution valable devrait tre cherch dans une confrontation attentive de ce rcit avec les sources qu'il utilise. C'est en tenant compte de ces sources qu'on peut se faire une ide un peu prcise de la manire dont il a t compos et des intentions dont il tmoigne.

Die folgenden Ausführungen wollen keine systematisch-theologische Würdigung der in dem Thema liegenden Problematik liefern. Sie sind vielmehr die einfache Interpretation einiger Denkmäler aus vorchristlicher und frühchristlicher Zeit, mag es sich um literarische oder auch um Denkmäler im eigentlichen Sinne handeln. Diese Interpretation knüpft an das an, was ich vor zwei Jahren in den Neutestamentlichen Studien für R. Bultmann ausgeführt habe. Mir liegt daran, das fast unlösliche Ineinander von biblischem Glauben an die Offenbarung Gottes in der Schöpfung and von griechischphilosophischer Theologie, die ich mit einem Ausdruck E. Sprangers Weltfrömmigkeit genannt habe, an diesen Denkmälern zu zeigen.

The relationship between the New Testament and the Qumran Literature is much more basic and fundamental than occasional words and phrases reminiscent of one another; for the messianic motifs of the Qumran Community are combined, modified, and adapted in the New Testament portrayal of Jesus the Christ. As we here use the term Messianic, we intend to include all that relates to the great eschatological figures of the sect, the Teacher of Righteousness, the coming prophet like unto Moses, and the two Messiahs of Aaron and Israel.

An important aspect of messianism among the Covenanters is the presence of messianically charged variants in the complete Qumran Isaiah Scroll (IQIsa). This was first pointed out by D. Barthélemy,1 but the most complete study of the subject has been by John V. Chamberlain.2 The most outstanding passage is probably not the reading ‘anointed’ (for ‘marred’) in Isa. lii. 14 (because of possible equivocation),3 but rather Isa. li. 4–5:4

Did Jesus believe in a doctrine of Universal Fatherhood? Such a belief not many years ago was almost axiomatic in Liberal Christian circles. ‘In the combination of these ideas—God the Father, Providence, the position of men as God's children, the infinite value of the human soul—the whole Gospel is expressed.’ But lately, after an examination of the gospel evidence, it has been denied that Jesus believed that God was the Father of all men. ‘In spite of what is commonly supposed, there is no ground whatever for asserting that Jesus taught a doctrine of “the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of man”…There is no hint anywhere, either that he himself believed, or that he taught a doctrine of Universal Fatherhood.’ Professor Sparks arrives at this conclusion by considering all the times that Jesus is recorded as having used Father as a word for God. ‘The bulk of his recorded references to God as Father are Messianic; and apart from one, at the best ambiguous, reference in Matthew, all his references to God as the Father of men are in passages where he is speaking to his disciples’ (p. 260). With this we may compare the words of Dalman: ‘Much rather is God regarded as the Heavenly Father of His own disciples or else as the Heavenly Father of Jesus himself.’ Dalman indicates the unique personal relationship which subsists in the first place between God and Jesus himself, and also between God and those who are his, who can be spoken of as ‘sons of the theocracy’ (Matt. xiii. 38).

In this paper I wish to maintain that behind the two passages, Eph. i. 3–14 and I Pet. i. 3–12, lie forms of liturgical prayer, similar in structure, though not identical in content. I shall argue that the relation between each passage and the form which lies behind it is the same, namely that what we have is homily based on a form of prayer, and to some extent reproducing its words. Taken by itself, the evidence for the Ephesians passage is, I think, much stronger. It is possible there, with some show of plausibility, to restore, in its main outline, and some of its details, the original form. When taken together, the two passages add strength to each other.

Jesus and his disciples spoke a form of Semitic speech known as Palestinian Aramaic. This does not preclude their acquaintance with other languages in use in first-century Palestine, such as Hebrew or Greek. It seems on the whole unlikely, however, that Greek was ever used by Christ as a teaching medium, but he may have used Hebrew as well as Aramaic, on such solemn occasions, for instance, as at the Institution of the Last Supper.

This article is an attempt to trace the course of events in the closing stages of Paul's ministry in Asia. I have in mind the period described in Acts xix. 2I-xx. I; viewed from another angle, it is the period following the writing of I Corinthians.

In IQH iii. I ff. haben wir die wohl schwierigste aller erhaltenen Qumranhymnen vor uns. Im Folgenden wird eine neue Deutung versucht.

The publication of the text of Papyrus Bodmer II,1 in the official list of New Testament papyri given the siglum 66, is very important not only for the history of the text of Egypt, but also for textual criticism in general.