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The Revised Alternation Condition in Lexical Phonology*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 December 2008

Gregory K. Iverson
Gregory K. Iverson
Affiliation:
Department of Linguistics, University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa 52242, USA.
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Abstract

The present paper makes a case for retention of the (Revised) Alternation Condition in Lexical Phonology, a theory in which any single rule which presebts beytralizing, lexical effects restricted to derived forms along with allophonic, derivationally unterstricted dffects is cominally impossible. However, Korean obstruent palatalization does display both of these properties, whereby /t, th/ neutralize with /ĉ, ĉh/ before [i], but only if the [i] occurs in another morpheme (cf. /path + i/→ [paĉhi] ‘field-SUBJ’ vs. monomorphemic [pathi] ‘endure’), whereas / s / acquires the palatal allophone [∫[ before [i] both within ([∫i] ‘poem’) and between (/os + i/→ [o∫i] ‘cloth-SUBJ’) morphemes. The Revised Alternation Condition alone imposes just this restriction on a single palatalization rule functioning both lexically and post-lexically in Korean, which suggests that its removal from the theory is premature.

Type
Research Article
Information
Nordic Journal of Linguistics , Volume 10 , Issue 2 , December 1987 , pp. 151 - 164
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1987

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References

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