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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 August 2013
The research for this article was made possible by the award of a Balsdon Senior Research Fellowship by the British School of Rome, and by grants from the Wolfson Foundation, the British Academy and the research fund of the University of Leeds. I am very grateful to all of these organisations, as I am to Prof. Elio Galasso and Mgr Laureato Maio, Direttori respectively of the Museo del Sannio and the Biblioteca Capitolare at Benevento, the staff of the manuscript reading room of the Vatican Library, and to Patrick Zutshi and Wendy Childs for their palaeographical assistance. Those who heard papers at the University College of North Wales at Bangor in September 1989 and the Institute of Historical Research, London, in February 1990 will recognise them as earlier versions of this article.
1 Vehse, O., ‘Benevent als Territorium des Kirchenstaates bis zum Beginn der Avignoneschischen Epoche I Bis zum Ausgang der Normannischen Dynastie’, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken xxiii (1930–1931) 87–160Google Scholar, especially 99–107 for the papal acquisition of the city, and 159–60 for the position c. 1200. The 1202 statutes are known from their re-issue in 1230, for the text of which Borgia, S., Memorie istoriche della pontificia città di Benevento (3 vols, Rome 1763–1769) ii.409–34Google Scholar. A commune had earlier been established in 1129 after the murder of the then papal rector, and it was notable that despite his fury at these events Pope Honorius II had been powerless to intervene, Falconis Beneventani Chronicon, ed. Del Re, G., Cronisti e scrittori sincroni napoletani (2 vols, Naples1845–1868) i.200–1Google Scholar. For the background, Vehse, art. cit. 125–37.
2 Deér, J., Das Papsttum und die süditalienischen Normannenstaaten 1053–1212 (Gottingen 1969) 63Google Scholar. Falco 209–10, 241.
3 Falco 194–5. Boso, , ‘Vita Adriani IV’, in the Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, L. (3 vols Paris 1886–1957) ii.389–90, 395Google Scholar. Romuald of Salerno, Chronicon sive Annales, ed. Garufi, C. A. (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 2nd ed., Città di Castello 1935) 238Google Scholar, who recorded the murder of the archbishop, Peter, by the townspeople who felt him to be too favourable to the king. Vehse, art. cit. 155–7.
4 Santifaller, L., Quellen und Forschungen zum Urkunden und Kanzleiwesen Papst Gregor VII i (Vatican City 1957) 261–5 no. 217Google Scholar.
5 ‘Trascrizioni delle Tavv. 1–39 del vol. xiv dell' Archivio paleografico italiano’, Bullettino dell'archivio paleografico italiano n.s. i (1955) 176–8Google Scholar. Pratesi, A., in his commentary to this document, I Documenti originali dei re normanni di Sicilia (Archivio paleografico italiano xiv, 1956)Google Scholar plates 31–2, suggests that it is a forgery, but at least one of the grounds for so stating, that Abbot John IV was not a cardinal (as the charter describes him), is demonstrably wrong. See Ganzer, K., Die Entwicklung des auswärtigen Kardinalats im Hohen Mittelalter (Tubingen 1963) 119Google Scholar. Until the publication of the new critical edition of William II's charters by H. Enzensberger the question must remain open, but the list of the monastery's property would seem to be genuine and largely confirmed by other sources.
6 Ripalonga was given or confirmed to St Sophia by Guiscard, Robert in March 1065, Recueil des Actes des Ducs Normands d'Italie (1046–1127) i Les Premiers Ducs (1046–1087), ed. Menager, L. R. (Bari 1981) 62–5 no. 14Google Scholar. The five donated between 1085 and 1130, all of which were in Molise, were as follows: (i) Toro, given by Robert, de Principatu filius Tristayni in 1092Google Scholar, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4939 fols. 161r–162v. (There is a very bad transcript in Ughelli, F.Italia Sacra (2nd ed. by Colletti, N., 10 vols, Venice 1717–1721) x.504–5.)Google Scholar; (ii) Castelvecchio, given by Count Rodulf of Boiano before January 1094, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4939 fols. 188v–189v (Ughelli x.523–4); (iii) Farneto, given by Count Herbert of Ariano in February 1100, Cod. Vat. Lat. 4939 fols. 183v–184v (Ughelli x.519–20); (iv) Cantalupo, given by Richard de lu guastu before July 1120 or 1121 when it was confirmed by his overlord Robert, filius Ricardi, Benevento, Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 2 no. 5Google Scholar; (v) Archipresbitero, given by Raieri son of Aimeric in August 1127, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana [henceforth BAV], Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario I no. 57Google Scholar.
7 BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario II no. 25.
8 Clementi, D. R., ‘Calendar of the diplomas of the Hohenstaufen Emperor Henry VI concerning the Kingdom of Sicily’, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken xxxv (1955) 106–7 no. 8Google ScholarTancredi et Willelmi III Regum Diplomatum, ed. Zielinski, H. (Codex Diplomaticus Regni Siciliae, Ser. I.v, Cologne 1982) 85–7 no. 35Google Scholar.
9 Jamison, E. M., Admiral Eugenius of Sicily (London 1957) 319–21 no. 2Google Scholar. For the Count and Ascoli, Richard of S. Germano, Chronicon, ed. Garufi, C. A. (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 2nd ed., Bologna 1935) [henceforth RSG] 10Google Scholar.
10 Clementi, ‘Calendar’ 109 no. 13.
11 Benevento, , Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 13 no. 18 (May 1180)Google Scholar, Jamison, E. M., ‘The administration of the County of Molise in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’, English Historical Review xliv (1929) 557–9 no. 3 (May 1185)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 Count Roger witnessed Henry's charter for Montecassino of May 1191, Clementi, ‘Calendar’ 99–101 no. 4. Cf. RSG 12.
13 Clementi, ‘Calendar’ 151–2 no. 64.
14 Winkelmann, E., Acta Imperii Inedita Saeculi XIII et XIV (2 vols, Innsbruck 1880–1885) i, 194–7 no. 214Google Scholar.
15 Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 doc. no. 22.
16 RSG 17–18.
17 Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 13 no. 26Google Scholar.
18 Falco 194–5. The genealogy of this family is somewhat confused. There appear to have been three successive Hugh Infans. Hugh I died before 1112, De Donato, V., ‘Le carte del secolo XII della biblioteca capitolare di Benevento’ (Università di Roma, Istituto di paleografia, thesis, 1952) 25–7 no. 4Google Scholar, cf. Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 12 no. 38. (1118)Google Scholar. His son, Hugh II, was still alive in 1126, Codice Diplomatico Normanno di Aversa, ed. Gallo, A. (Naples 1927) 38–40 no. 25Google Scholar, but whether it was he or his son, Hugh III, who so troubled Benevento in the years immediately afterwards is not clear. For Thomasius the key text is Le Più antiche carte dell'abbazia di San Modesto di Benevento (secoli VIII–XIII), ed. Bartoloni, F. (Rome 1950) 24–8 no. 9Google Scholar (1144), which reads ‘Ego Hugo dictus Infans de castello Fenuculi filius quondam Hugonis Infantis quam et ego Thomasius filius ipsius domini Hugonis Infantis’. Cuozzo, E., Catalogus Baronum. Commentario (Fonti per la storia d'Italia, Rome 1984) 278Google Scholar assumes that Thomasius was son to the elder (Hugh II) and brother to the younger (Hugh III), but the document seems ambiguous and if anything suggests that he was Hugh III's son.
19 Chronicon Ignoti Monachi Cisterciensis S. Mariae de Ferraria, ed. Gaudenzi, A. (Naples 1888) 27Google Scholar. Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 13 no. 11 (August 1154)Google Scholar.
20 Catalogus Baronum, ed. Jamison, E. M. (Fonti per la storia d'Italia, Rome 1972) 176–7Google Scholar, arts 982–4.
21 Clementi, D. R., ‘Further documents concerning the administration of the provinces of Apulia and Terra Laboris during the reign of the Emperor Henry VI’, Papers of the British School at Rome xxvii (1959) 171–6 nos. 2–3Google Scholar.
22 Winkelmann, , Acta Imperii Inedita i, 223–5 no. 257Google Scholar.
23 The only scholar to have noticed these transactions, but without placing them in context, has been Hagemann, W., ‘Benevento nel periodo svevo’, in Hagemann, W. and Zazo, A., La Battaglia di Benevento (Benevento 1967) 34–9Google Scholar. Hagemann based his comments on a projected edition by D. Girgensohn which never materialised.
24 Rogerii II Regis Diplomata Latina, ed. Brühl, C. R. (Codex Diplomatici Regni Siciliae, Ser. I.ii (1), Cologne 1987) 106–8 no. 38Google Scholar, and cf. above no. 5.
25 BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario III no. 27, Cartolario IV no. 37 (the latter edited in the appendix, document no. 6).
26 BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario IV no. 53.
27 Winkelmann, , Acta Imperii Inedita i, 194–7 no. 214Google Scholar. Ries, R., ‘Regesten der Kaiserin Constanze, Königin von Sizilien’, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken xviii (1926) 52Google Scholar described this privilege, which Winkelmann published only from a late copy, as ‘zum mindesten verfälscht’. There can however be no doubt as to its authenticity, for the original still survives, BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario III no. 51, and it is expressly referred to in the 1222 charter printed below (appendix no. 1), ‘Presentavit etiam idem dominus abbas sancte sophie privilegium nuper ipsum vestrum monasterium a prephato domino imperatore indultum’. For the Constitutions, RSG 91.
28 RSG 83.
29 Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 doc. no. 23, edited below, appendix no. 1.
30 Winkelmann, , Acta Imperii Inedita i. 233–5 no. 257Google Scholar. For the Sicilian campaigns, Van Cleve, T. C., The Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, Immutator Mundi (Oxford 1972) 151–3Google Scholar.
31 Cat. Bar. 207–8, arts 1082–4. For the early history of the family, Rivera, C., ‘Per la storia dei Borelli, Conti di Sangro’, Archivio storico per le provincie napoletane xliv (1919) 48–92Google Scholar, and Jamison, E. M., ‘The significance of the earlier medieval documents from S. Maria della Noce and S. Salvatore in Castiglione’, Studi in onore de Riccardo Filangieri (3 vols, Naples 1959) i. 51–80Google Scholar.
32 Cat. Bar. 141–2, arts 780–7. Le Cartulaire de S. Matteo di Sculgola in Capitanate, ed. Martin, J. M. (Codice Diplomatico Pugliese xxx, Bari 1987) 80–2 no. 45Google Scholar. Cat. Bar. Commentario 214–5.
33 Archivio Segreto Vaticano [henceforth ASV], Collectoriae 61, fols. 3v–4r. For the family of Julian of Castropignano, Catalogus Baronum, Commentario 206–7Google Scholar. The relationship between Burrellus and Richard is made clear in a charter of Burrellus's widow and her other sons, Benedict and Archbishop Roger of Siponto, to the Cistercian abbey of Casanova in 1231, and a further charter of the archbishop to the same house in 1255, Ughelli vii. 835–40. See also Kamp, N., Kirche und Monarchie im Staufischen Königreich Siziliens (4 vols, Munich 1973–1982) ii. 535Google Scholar.
34 Since William of Agnone, who first appeared in 1144 and whose father was active at the beginning of the century, must have been very elderly by 1187, and his brother Oderisius is known to have held a quite different set of fiefs, at Castiglione and Belmonte, Cat. Bar. art 1082, Jamison, ‘S. Maria della Noce’ 59, the probability is surely that the Burrellus of Agnone of 1195 was his son rather than either another brother or a nephew, but in default of further evidence the identification must remain conjectural.
35 BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario III no. 67, edited in the appendix, document no. 3.
36 Winkelmann, , Acta Imperii Inedita i. 223–5 no. 257Google Scholar. Frederick II was in general very reluctant to allow churches to exercise criminal jurisdiction in the regno, and abrogated such rights wherever possible, Pybus, H. J., ‘The Emperor Frederick II and the Sicilian Church’, Cambridge Historical Journal iii (1929–1930) 139, 159Google Scholar.
37 Bartoloni, F., ‘Due documenti per la storia della terra sancta’, Bullettino del archivio paleografico italiano n.s. i (1955) 137–8 nos. 1–2Google Scholar. Jamison, E. M., ‘The administration of the County of Molise in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries II’, English Historical Review xlv (1930) 28–30 no. 5Google Scholar.
38 ‘pro immoderate quantitate que deberetur de eo quod tenent ab nostro magnifico cesare exhibere’ etc. The government was clearly very anxious not to abdicate its rights over men or property of the imperial demesne. In 1232 an inquest was held on the Montecassino lands to find men whose parents or grandparents had belonged to the demesne, RSG 186, and cf., ibid. 189–90.
39 Cf. RSG 110–3. According to the first recension of Richard's chronicle the collection on the Terra Sancti Benedicti continued until mid-January 1224, but a further levy took place in May of that year. Frederick was also, or so he alleged to Honorius III, making substantial naval preparations for his forthcoming crusade at this period, Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi, ed. Huillard-Breholles, J. L. A. (6 vols in 12, Paris 1852–1861) ii(1), 409–10Google Scholar.
40 Les Registres de Gregoire IX, ed. Auvray, L. (3 vols, Paris 1890–1955) i, 650, 880Google Scholar, nos. 1154, 1599. For a further record of complaints about the abbot of St Sophia, apparently of a disciplinary nature, Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 doc. no. 25 (October 1232) recording a papal letter of March 1231 not included in Gregory's register. This document is badly damaged and hard to decipher. Bishop Andrew of Caserta was also, at about this period, instructed to mediate in a dispute between St Sophia and the Bishop of S. Agata dei Goti, Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 docs no. 26–7.
41 Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 28 no. 15.
42 Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 36 no. 23. The next recorded St Sophia purchase came only in 1271, ibid no. 24.
43 BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario IV no. 23.
44 Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 21 no. 1.
45 Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 8 no. 41, ‘non nullis clericis et laycis aliquibus eorum ad vitam. quibusdam vero ad non modicum temporis et aliis perpetuo ad firmam vel sub censu annuo concesserent’. This document referred specifically to a perpetual lease of the tenement of Leoncello by Abbot Matthew.
46 RSG 157.
47 BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario IV no. 24.
48 Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 no. 28. ‘Clarefacimus monasterium nostrum habere quodam casale(m) quod dicitur sancti Salvatoris abbatis aldi in pertinentiis Florentini. Quod nuper ab incolis suis desertum; modice nobis hutilitatis (sic) existit. Cuius etiam possessiones deserte videtur a sarracenis Lucerie occupari; in nostri monasterii lesione. Cum itaque nobilis vir Riccardus de Montefusculo imperialis iusticiarius honoris montis sancti angeli et Capitanatae dictum casale(m) a nobis petierit in locatione tenere’.
49 RSG 200–1. BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario I no. 9.
50 RSG 206–8. Reg. Greg. IX iii, 221, 323Google Scholar, nos. 5133–4, 5306, this last is printed also in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistolae Selectae Saeculi XIII (3 vols, Berlin 1883–1894) i, 692Google Scholar. (Gregory wrote to console the Beneventans for the calamities which had befallen their city.) Vehse, O., ‘Benevent als Territorium des Kirchenstaates bis zum Beginn der Avignonesischen Epoche II Benevent im Dreizehnten Jahrhundert’, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken xxiii (1931–1932) 102–4Google Scholar. The destruction of the walls of Benevento was cited as one of the many charges against Frederick in Innocent IV's bull of deposition in 1245, MGH Ep. Sel. Saec. XIII, ii, 90Google Scholar. For the hanging of prisoners, Benevento, , Biblioteca Capitolare, Cartella 376Google Scholar no. 15 (4th September 1240).
51 The removal of the city's privileges: ASV, Arm. XXXV, 105Google Scholar fol. 7r (an inquiry into the rights of the Roman Church in Benevento, 1272). Beneventan charters dated by Frederick's regnal years include: Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 13 no. 34 (August 1241)Google Scholar; Benevento, , Biblioteca Capitolare, Cartella 92Google Scholar (olim 392) nos. 23 (October 1243), 24 (March 1248). For the new administrative arrangements: Huillard-Breholles, , Historia Diplomatica vi(1), 435, 444, 474Google Scholar, vi(2), 572; ASV, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Prot. 271 nos. 18 (October 1240), 19 (February 1242). Cf. Vehse, , ‘Benevent im Dreizehnten Jahrhundert’ 105Google Scholar.
52 Kamp, , Kirche und Monarchie i, 208, 211–5Google Scholar. I Registri della cancellaria angioina riconstruiti, ed. di Candida, R. Filangieri et al. (36 vols, Naples 1950 to date) [henceforth Reg. Ang.] viii, 28–9 no. 3Google Scholar. ASV, Arm. XXXV, 105Google Scholar fols. 37v–38r. Of the suffragan sees Tertiveri was ‘long vacant’ in November 1254, and Lucera had been vacant for ‘eight or more years’ in 1255, Les Registres d'Innocent IV, ed. Berger, E. (3 vols, Paris 1884–1921) iii, 540 no. 8213Google Scholar, Les Registres d'Alexandre IV, ed. de la Ronciere, C. Bourel (3 vols, Paris 1895–1959) i, 208 no. 684Google Scholar.
53 ASV, Arm. XXXV, 105Google Scholar fol. 10r, ‘Solum Sacri Beneventani Palatii good totaliter est dirutum et destructum’, cf. other references in this sources to ruined houses, especially fols. 10r, 11v, 14v, and 15r.
54 Benevento, , Biblioteca Capitolare, cartella 376 no. 16Google Scholar.
55 Annales Cavenses ad. an. 1249, MGH Scriptores iii, 194Google Scholar. Vehse, art. cit. 105–6. Cf. Archbishop Capoferro's later account (1279), Ughelli, viii, 137. Cava seems to have been much favoured by Frederick in his last years, cf. Huillard-Breholles, , Historia Diplomatica vi(1), 420–3, 435–6, 444–5, 474–7Google Scholar, vi(2), 571–2.
56 Reg. Inn. IV iii, 529Google Scholar no. 8127 (3rd November 1254). Cf. Reg. Alex. IV i, 23 no. 89Google Scholar (21st January 1255).
57 Le Più antiche carte di S. Modesto 117–8 no. 47 (13th November 1254).
58 ASV, Arm. XXXV, 105Google Scholar fols. 35v, 37r.
59 Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 10 no. 6.
60 Jamison, E. M., I Conti di Molise e di Marsia nei secoli XII e XIII (Casalbordino 1933) 99–100 no. 12Google Scholar.
61 Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 no. 70.
62 Winkelmann, , Acta Imperii Inedita i, 777 no. 1005Google Scholar. Sthamer, E., Die Verwaltung der Kastelle in Königreich Sizilien unter Kaiser Friedrich II und Karl I von Anjou (Leipzig 1914) 112Google Scholar. The men of the barony of Finicchio were assessed to repair the fortifications of Tocco.
63 Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 doc. no. 31, edited in the appendix, document no. 4.
64 ASV, Arm. XXXV, 105Google Scholar fols. 36v, 37v, 39r, 40r, Vehse, ‘Benevent in Dreizehnten Jahrhundert’ 87 n. 2. The rector named here, Roffredo Oberti, was the one named in the 1230 statutes of the city, cf. ibid 82 n. 1 and Borgia, , Memorie istoriche ii, 409Google Scholar, and in addition on fol. 39r a witness testified that this occurred under the direction of Cardinal Pelagius (of Albano) as papal legate (i.e. 1229–30, for which see RSG 155–7). One witness alleged that ‘ipse vidit Beneventanos tenere Castrum Potonis a xl annis citra et bene sunt xxx anni et plus q(uod) Imperator abstulit eis violenter’ and went on to say that it was well-known that certain Beneventans had held Torrecuso, Torre Palatii and Finicchio in the name of St Sophia and been violently deprived of them by the Emperor, ibid. fol. 36r. This would seem to refer also to the events of 1229–30, perhaps somewhat exaggerated to favour the maximum extension of the city's contado claims.
65 Jamsilla, Nicolo, De Rebus Gestis Frederici IIImperatoris eiusque filiorum Conradi et Manfredi Apuliae et Siciliae Regum, in Del Re, , Cronisti [above p. 1] ii, 124–6Google Scholar, Saba Malaspina, Rerum Sicularum Historia, lib. i c. 5, in Del Re, op cit., ii, 213. The date comes from Nicholas of Calvi, Vita Innocenti IV c. 41, ed. Pagnotti, F.Google Scholar, ‘Niccolo da Calvi e la sua vita d'Innocenzio IV, Archivio della reale società romana di storia patria xxi (1898) 117Google Scholar. A letter of 23rd October described Burrellus as ‘of distinguished memory’, Reg. Inn. IV iii, 522 no. 8093Google Scholar.
66 Del Re ii, 126–7, 132.
67 Malaspina, ‘suis illico imperavit armigeris quod in dictum B. irruerent gladiis, eumque ignominiose tractarent’, Del Re ii, 213, cf. above n. 65. Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 9 no. 2Google Scholar, edited in the appendix, document no. 5.
68 E.g. Annales Placentiae Gibellini ad. an. 1254, MGH SS xviii, 507Google Scholar. Annales Genovese di Caffaro e de'suoi continuatori, iv, ed. Belgrano, L. T. and di Sant Angelo, C. Imperiale (5 vols, Fonti per la storia d'Italia, Rome 1890–1930) iv. 13–4Google Scholar.
69 He died in Naples on 7th December 1254, Vita Innocenti IV c. 43, 119. Jordan, E., Les Origines de la Domination Angevine en Italie (Paris 1909) 94Google Scholar. Cf. the inscription on his tomb in the north transept of Naples cathedral.
70 Jamsilla 157. MGH Ep. Sel. Saec. XIII, iii, 342–3Google Scholar, ‘nobilem virum Manfredum principum Tarantinum, qui postquam a Tiano propter mortem condam Burelli de Anglona ab ecclesia illicentiatus recessit, rebellionis spiritum assumpsit’.
71 Capasso, B., Historia Diplomatica Regni Siciliae inde ab anno 1250 ad annum 1266 (Naples 1874) 102, 167Google Scholar. According to the 1259 sentence, ‘Olim Manfredus quondam princeps tarantinus contra iuramentum fidelitatis, quo felicis recordationis Innocentio pape predecessori nostro prestiterat, temere veniens, post illam enormam offensam, que interfectione quondam Burelli de Anglona, viri utique nobilis et potentis”.
72 Capasso, , Historia Diplomatica 217–8Google Scholar = Les Registres d'Urbain IV, ed. Guiraud, J. (4 vols, Paris 1899–1958) ii, 29–31 no. 94Google Scholar, ‘tamen, quasi e vestigio tantorum beneficiorum oblitus, q. Burrello de Anglone, comite fideli Ecclesiae, in conspectu quasi ipsius predecessoris sui crudeliter interempto’.
73 Reg. Alex. IV i, 4 no. 11Google Scholar.
74 Le Pergamene della società napoletana di storia patria, ed. Mazzoleni, J. (Naples 1966) 104 no. 46Google Scholar. Cf. Benevento, , Biblioteca Capitolare, cartella 92Google Scholar (olim 392) nos. 25 (March 1255), 26 (June 1255), 28 (25th December 1255).
75 Reg. Inn. IV iii, 534Google Scholar no. 8168 (9th November 1254).
76 Benevento, , Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 8 no. 11Google Scholar, a copy of 1269. Borgia, , Memorie istoriche iii, 61Google Scholar mistakenly dates this case to 1244. Cf. Zazo, A., ‘Per la storia di Venticano’, Samnium xxvi (1953) 60Google Scholar (a not wholly accurate summary).
77 Jamsilla 193. An illustration can be taken from the excellently documented see of Caiazzo in the Terra di Lavoro, the most pro-papal part of the kingdom; from March 1256 onwards all its surviving documents are dated by the regnal years of Conradin (i.e. implicitly acknowledging Manfred as his representative), Le Pergamene dell'archivio vescovile di Caiazzo (1007–1265), ed. Salvati, C. et al. ( Caserta 1982) nos. 162–8Google Scholar.
78 Schneider, F., ‘Toscanische Studien, Teil V’, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken xiii (1910) 19–20Google Scholar. The genealogy of the Lancia family is extremely difficult to disentangle. Schneider, art. cit. 5, 8–9 suggests that this was Manfred III Lancia, King Manfred's cousin, and ‘probably’ son of Galvano Lancia, an opinion accepted by Waley, D. P., The Papal State in the Thirteenth Century (London 1961) 157Google Scholar.
79 Novum Glossarium Mediae Latinitatis M–N, ed. Blott, F. (Copenhagen 1959–1969) 1210–2Google Scholar cites examples of its use for grandson, great-nephew and even cousin. Cf., for a south Italian example of nepos as grandson, Cava dei Tirreni, Badia di S. Trinità, Arm. Mag. C. 20 (June 1089), ‘Ego emma commitissa … et domino guigelmii filio meo, una cum consensu et voluntate ruggerii et robbetti [sic] et rau nepotum meorum qui fuerunt filii ispius guilgelmi’. [The barbarous spelling is all too typical of the period.]
80 Reg. Alex. IV i., 23Google Scholar no. 89 (21st January 1255). He was first recorded in June 1231, Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 28 no. 15, and as cellarer in 1235 and 1236, BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario IV no. 23, Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 no. 28.
81 Reg. Inn. IV iii, 519 no. 8080Google Scholar (Termoli), 522 no. 8093 (Lesina), 540 no. 8213 (Tertiveri).
82 Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 no. 29. The new abbot may well have been the monk Philip who, as Abbot Matthew's representative, presented a document for copying and authentication at Apice in July 1239, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 13 no. 33. Bishop Alferius of Lucera, who witnessed this document, was a former Dean of St Sophia, appointed to the see by Capoferro, Archbishop-Elect in 1255, Reg. Alex. IV i, 208 no. 684Google Scholar.
83 Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 no. 31, edited in the appendix, no. 4.
84 Les Registres de Gregoire X et Jean XXI, ed. Guiraud, J. and Cadier, L. (2 vols, Paris 1892–1960) i, 154 no. 403Google Scholar. Vehse, , ‘Benevent im Dreizehnten Jahrhundert’ 108–9Google Scholar. Kamp, , Kirche und Monarchie i, 215Google Scholar. BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario III no. 22. This acquiescence in Manfred's usurpation was shared by the majority of south Italian bishops, even those appointed by Innocent, IV, Kamp, N., ‘Politica ecclesiastica e struttura sociale nel regno svevo di Sicilia’, Archivio storico per le provincie napoletane xcv (1977) 18–20Google Scholar.
85 Richard of Cantalupo also held St Sophia's casale of St Agnellus near Pietrafinda through his marriage to the daughter of William, Capellanus in 1255Google Scholar, Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 no. 70 (cf. above n. 61). Richard was a descendant of the Unfredus de Cantalupo who in the twelfth century held Salcito (mentioned in the agreement) and Cantalupo in the Terra Burrellensis, Cat. Bar. arts 796, 1087, pp. 145, 209. This Cantalupo was not the same place as the castellum held by St Sophia, which was southeast of Isernia.
86 Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 8 no. 40, BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario III no. 22. The casale had in fact been leased to St Lawrence, Aversa, for much of the twelfth century, see Girgensohn, D., ‘Documenti beneventani inediti del secolo XII’, Samnium xl (1967) 290–6 no. 5, 800–2 no. 8Google Scholar.
87 Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 10 no. 10.
88 Zazo, , ‘Per la storia di Venticano’ 66Google Scholar.
89 He had appointed Manfred Lancia his ‘captain’ in the Terra d'Otranto in January–February 1255, and subsequently made Federico Lancia (who was largely responsible for his securing control of Sicily) Count of Squillace, and Galvano Lancia Count of the Principato, Capasso, , Historia Diplomatica 100, Jamsilla 159, 161, 193Google Scholar. ASV Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Prot. 271 no. 20 (December 1260).
90 Reg. Ang. iv, 86 no. 560Google Scholar, vi, 128 no. 616. de Adam, Salimbene, Chronica, ed. Holder-Egger, O.Google Scholar, MGH SS xxxii (1905–1913) 472Google Scholar, described Manfred Maletta as ‘Comes Camerarius, qui magnus erat et potens in curia ipsius Manfredi et dives multum et dilectus ab ipso Manfredi’. The monastery of Sta Maria in Gualdo, near Benevento, also suffered from his depredations, Codice Diplomatico del Regno di Carlo I e Carlo II d'Angio, ed. del Giudice, G. (3 vols, Naples 1863–1869) i, 204–11 no. 60Google Scholar.
91 MGH Ep. Sel. Saec. XIII iii, 518Google Scholar.
92 Malaspina, lib. iii c. 12, Del Re, op. cit. ii, 256, del Giudice, , Codice Diplomatico, i, 129–33 no. 45Google Scholar.
93 Jamison, E. M., ‘Notes on S. Maria della Strada at Matrice. Its history and sculpture’, Papers of the British School at Rome xiv (1938) 81 n. 3Google Scholar, from the already destroyed Reg. Ang. 1271D fol. 8.
94 Benevento, , Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 8 no. 11Google Scholar.
95 Reg. Ang. iv, 86 no. 560Google Scholar, vi, 128 no. 616. Annales Parmenses Maiores ad. an. 1266, MGH SS xviii, 679Google Scholar. Les Registres de Clement IV, ed. Jordan, E. (2 vols, Paris 1893–1945) i. 375 no. 1035Google Scholar = Capasso, , Historia Diplomatica 317Google Scholar. (The same letter refers to the capture of Manfred Lancia at S. Germano.) Maletta had fled, along with Federico and Galvano Lancia, to Conradin by February 1267, Hampe, K., Geschichte Konradins von Hohenstaufen (Innsbruck 1894) 120Google Scholar. But unlike nearly all the rest of the Staufen partisans he survived the disaster at Tagliacozzo and died in extreme old age in Naples in 1310. On his career see Palumbo, P. F., Contributi alla storia dell'età di Manfredi (Rome 1959) 111–225Google Scholar, reprinted from Archivio storico pugliese viii (1954) 24–57, 179–259Google Scholar.
96 BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario IV no. 44, ‘quod per divisas partes exemplum ipsius privilegii expediebat pro negociis monasterii destinari’.
97 ASV, Arm. XXXV, 105 fol. 42vGoogle Scholar. ‘Petrus monachus monasterii sancte Sophie Beneventane … dicet tamen quod castra Baronie concessit monasterio sancte Sophie Henricus Imperator et hec dominus F. Imperator confirmavit, et dixit idem de loco qui dicitur turris palatii. Interogatus quo modo scit dixit quia vidit et legit et inspexit privilegia de his confecta’.
98 BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario IV no. 41, which reports an otherwise unrecorded royal mandate of August 1267, accusing Manfred of other alienations of the abbey's property, Reg. Ang. iii, 80 no. 19Google Scholar, vi, 128 no. 616 (both 1270), xv, 72 no. 40 (1271), viii, 158 no. 343 (1271–2), ix, 257 no. 223 (1272), xviii, 210 no. 439 (1277–8).
99 ASV, Arm. XXXV, 105 fol. 36rGoogle Scholar reports that Apollosa, which was part of the barony was then (1272) in the hands of Giovanni Frangipane. Subsequently (November 1274) Charles I ordered that Manuel Frangipane and his nephews be placed in possession of the barony, Reg. Ang. xii, 66 no. 206Google Scholar. Zazo, A., ‘Chiese, feudi e possessi della badia di Santa Sofia di Benevento nel sec. XIV’, Samnium xxxvii (1964) 8Google Scholar. For the betrayal of Conradin see for example Thesider, E. Dupré, Roma dal comune del popolo alla signoria pontificia (1252–1377) (Bologna 1952) 178–9Google Scholar.
100 Reg. Ang. ii, 243 no. 23Google Scholar. For him see Dykmans, M., ‘D'Innocent III à Boniface VIII. Histoire des Conti e des Annibaldi’, Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome xlv (1975) 37–40Google Scholar. I owe this reference to John Doran of Royal Holloway and Bedford New College, London.
101 Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 8 no. 41. Reg. Ang. xxvii, 95 no. 621 (1284)Google Scholar. Zazo ‘Chiese, feudi e possessi’ 9. For the de Sus, family, Bridges, S. F., Langue d'Oil to volgare siciliano: three followers of Charles of Anjou’, Papers of the British School at Rome xxiii (1955) 170–81Google Scholar, especially 171–2 on Amaury himself.
102 Reg. Ang. xxvii, 36 no. 200 (1284)Google Scholar, Zazo, , ‘Chiese, feudi e possessi’ 18, 21, 37Google Scholar.
103 Zazo, , ‘Venticano 61Google Scholar. Benevento, , Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 10 no. 28Google Scholar, partly edited by Bridges, , ‘Three followers’ 187 no. 5Google Scholar.
104 Bridges, , ‘Three followers’ 189Google Scholar no. 9. Zazo, , ‘Venticano’ 62–3Google Scholar.
105 Leocubante was already at farm in 1272, ASV, Arm. XXXV, 105 fol. 35vGoogle Scholar. Ripalonga was leased to Filippo Carraciolo of Naples from 1273 onwards, Zazo, , ‘Chiese, feudi e possessi’ 31–2Google Scholar, cf. Reg. Ang. xiii, 268 no. 264 (1276)Google Scholar, xviii, 258 no. 550 (1277). The casale of S. Angelo in Altissimo was leased in March 1270, BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario IV no. 45, though ownership of this property was later to be much disputed, Reg. Ang. xviii, 86–7 no. 170Google Scholar, xx, 108–9 no. 139 (both 1278), Jamison, ‘Notes on S. Maria della Strada; 38–44. Cantalupo was leased to Floresia, wife of Amaury de Sus, in 1287, Bridges, ‘Three followers’ 196–7 nos. 11–12.
106 See for example Vitolo, G., Insediamenti Cavensi in Puglia (Galatina 1984)Google Scholar especially 28–34. This subject needs further investigation however.
107 See especially Vehse, O., ‘Benevent und die Kurie unter Nicholas IV. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Kirchenstaates im XIII Jahrhundert’, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken xx (1928–1929) 57–113Google Scholar, and the ‘Processus contra d. Iohannem archiepiscopum Beneventanum’, ASV, Collectoriae 61 fols. 10r–101vGoogle Scholar.
108 In 1289 for example the Abbot of St Sophia received the Rector of Benevento's oath of office on the pope's behalf, Borgia, , Memorie istoriche iii, 257–62Google Scholar.
109 Archbishop Capoferro of Benevento was twice excommunicated and suspended from office. The archbishop of Otranto was suspended for six years for accepting Manfred and celebrating mass for his partisans, while Cardinal Raoul imprisoned the Bishop of Gravina in 1266, Reg. Greg. X i, 154 no. 403Google Scholar, 151 no. 397, Kamp, , Kirche und Monarchie ii, 792Google Scholar.
110 Registrum Bernardi I Abbatis Casinensis Fragmenta, ed. Caplet, A. M. (Montecassino 1890) 145 no. 364Google Scholar.
111 Matthew can be attested as abbot of St Sophia between April 1219 and July 1239, BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario III no. 45, Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 13 no. 33.
112 The first two-thirds of the next two lines are completely obliterated by damp marks.
113 Henry de Morra became master justiciar in July 1221 and died in August–December 1242, RSG 108 n. 2, 216 n. 2. In 1226 he acted as the emperor's regent in the Kingdom of Sicily, ibid. 125–6.
114 Frederick was in Palermo in the early part of July 1223 (up to at least the 10th), and then went to the siege of Jato, Winkelmann, Acta Imperii Inedita nos. 257–9. He was at Catania from December 1223 until the end of May 1224, ibid. nos. 260–6. Other documents issued at Catania in March 1224 can be found in Huillard-Breholles, , Historia Diplomatica ii(1), 409–427Google Scholar.
115 Roger was archbishop of Siponto 1219–56, Kamp, , Kirche und Monarchie ii, 534–7Google Scholar.
116 Simon of Pettorano was a cousin of the Agnone branch of the Burrells, descended from Oddo, the brother of Burrellus IV, cf. Cat. Bar. 246, art. 1197, and Commentario 361–2. Rivera, , ‘Borelli’ 84Google Scholar.
117 Tagliacozzo, to the west of Avezzano and south of L'Aquila, the site of Conradin's defeat in 1268.
118 There appear to have been several families called Manescalcus or Marescalcus in southern Italy. It seems unlikely that this Robert was related to the one among the vassals of the Count of Lecce, for which Cat. Bar. Commentario 48, but he might perhaps have been a relative of the William Marescalcus in St Sophia charters of 1172–3, Les Chartes de Troia (1024–1266), ed. Martin, J. M. (Codice Diplomatico Pugliese xxi, Bari 1976) 265–70 no. 88Google Scholar, BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario II no. 27.
119 Gaderisius Spytameta came from a family of Beneventan judges. He was presumably a descendant of the Poto Spitameta who was a partisan of Anacletus II in the civil disturbances of the early 1130's, Falco 200, 202. He was active from c. December 1254 through to February 1274, and died before 1280, Benevento, , Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 8 no. 11Google Scholar, Più antiche carte di S. Modesto 162–5, 171, nos. 67, 69. He was the syndic who represented the city during Guido de Zena's inquiry into the Curia's rights in Benevento in 1272, ASV, Arm. XXXV, 105 fols. 6v–7rGoogle Scholar, and his relative Peter Spytameta, another judge, was one of the city's syndics during Nicholas IV's attack on its self-government in 1291, ASV, Collectoriae 61 fol. 11r.
120 John Oculusbovis was a relative, and quite possibly the son, of the man of the same name who was one of the city's consuls in 1216. He had a long career, acting as a notary from December 1230 onwards, and was still alive in July 1273, by which time he had been promoted to be one of the city judges. He was dead by September 1283, and his death was commemorated on 30 August. BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario IV no. 18. Borgia, , Memorie istoriche iii, 187, 253–4Google Scholar, Più antiche carte di S. Modesto 193–4 nos. 76. L'Obituarium S. Spiritus della Biblioteca Capitolare di Benevento (sec. XII–XIV), ed. Zazo, A. (Naples 1963) 73Google Scholar.
121 Raoul, formerly bishop of Evreux, was one of the cardinals who crowned Charles of Anjou in St Peter's on 6 January 1266. His appointment as apostolic legate in the kingdom of Sicily was announced on 15 February of that year. He died before August 1274. Jordan, , Origines de la Domination Angevine, 302, 600Google Scholar. Reg. Clement IV i, 71 no. 258Google Scholar. Vendola, D., Documenti vaticani relativi alla Puglia i Documenti tratti dai registri vaticani da Innocenzio III a Nicola IV (Trani 1940) 300–1 no. 385Google Scholar.
122 Nicholas can be attested as abbot of St Sophia from July 1269 until September 1279, Museo del Sannio, Fondo S. Sofia, vol. 8 no. 11, Cod. Vat. Lat. 13491 nos. 6–7. One might be tempted to think that he had been installed as a more acceptable candidate than the previous abbots who had acquiesced in Manfred's rule, but the evidence for the 1260's is too sparse to prove such a conjecture. Indeed BAV, Pergamene Aldobrandini, Cartolario IV no. 41 suggests that the abbot's position was vacant as late as October 1267, and this hardly suggests therefore the prompt installation of a ‘reliable’ abbot. Nicholas may anyway have been the Fr. Nicholas who accompanied Abbot Philip in the legal case resulting from Manfred's mandate of 1257, above document no. 4.
