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Between conformity and innovation: China’s and India’s quest for status as responsible nuclear powers

  • Nicola Leveringhaus (a1) and Kate Sullivan de Estrada (a2)

Abstract

China and India, as rising powers, have been proactive in seeking status as nuclear responsibles. Since the 1990s they have sought to demonstrate conformity with intersubjectively accepted understandings of nuclear responsibility within the global nuclear order, and have also sought recognition on the basis of particularistic practices of nuclear restraint. This article addresses two puzzles. First, nuclear restraint is at the centre of the pursuit of global nuclear order, so why have China and India not received recognition from influential members of the nuclear order for the full spectrum of their restraint-based behaviours? Second, why do China and India nonetheless persist with these behaviours? We argue that the conferral of status as a nuclear responsible is a politicised process shaped by the interests, values, and perceptions of powerful stakeholder states in the global nuclear order. China’s and India’s innovations are not incorporated into the currently accepted set of responsible nuclear behaviours because, indirectly, they pose a strategic, political, and social challenge to these states. However, China’s and India’s innovations are significant as an insight into their identity-projection and preferred social roles as distinctive rising powers, and as a means of introducing new, if nascent, ideas into non-proliferation practice and governance.

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Corresponding author

*Correspondence to: Nicola Leveringhaus, Department of War Studies, School of Security Studies, King's College London, Strand Campus, London, WC2R 2LS. Author’s email: nicola.leveringhaus@kcl.ac.uk
**Correspondence to: Kate Sullivan de Estrada, School of Interdisciplinary Area Studies, 12 Bevington Road, Oxford, OX2 6LH. Author’s email: kate.sullivan@area.ox.ac.uk

References

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1 Walker, William, Perpetual Menace: Nuclear Weapons and International Order (London: Routledge, 2011), p. 5 , emphasis in original.

2 Ibid.

3 Drawing on Bukovansky et al., we define a responsible nuclear power as a nuclear-armed state that objectively upholds responsibilities that ‘constitute the possibilities of legitimate action’ within the domain of nuclear politics. See Bukovansky, Mlada, Clark, Ian, Eckersley, Robyn, Price, Richard, Reus-Smit, Christian, and Wheeler, Nicholas J., Special Responsibilities: Global Problems and American Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), p. 81 .

4 Larson, Deborah Welch, ‘Will China be a new type of Great Power?’, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 8:4 (2015), pp. 323348 ; Sullivan, Kate, ‘India’s ambivalent projection of Self as a global power: Between compliance and resistance’, in Kate Sullivan (ed.), Competing Visions of India in World Politics: India’s Rise Beyond the West (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), pp. 1533 .

5 Larson, Deborah Welch and Shevchenko, Alexei, ‘Status seekers: Chinese and Russian responses to U.S. primacy’, International Security, 34:4 (2010), pp. 6395 ; Larson, Deborah Welch, Paul, T. V., and Wohlforth, William C. (eds), Status in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014); Basrur, Rajesh and de Estrada, Kate Sullivan, Rising India: Power and Status (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017).

6 Bukovansky et al., Special Responsibilities.

7 Ibid.; Nicola Horsburgh, ‘What Does it Mean to be a Responsible Nuclear Weapons State? A Conceptual Study with a View to Contemporary China’, unpublished paper presented at ISA annual conference (4 April 2013); Kate Sullivan, ‘Is India a Responsible Nuclear Power?’, RSIS Policy Report (March 2014a), available at: {https://www.rsis.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/PR140301_Is_India_a_Responsible_Nuclear_Power.pdf} accessed 5 September 2015; Walker, William, ‘The UK, threshold status and responsible nuclear sovereignty’, International Affairs, 86:2 (2010), pp. 447464 .

8 Nel, Philip, ‘Redistribution and recognition: What emerging regional powers want’, Review of International Studies, 36:4 (2010), pp. 951974 .

9 Basrur, Rajesh, ‘Low-profile deterrence: Lessons from the Indian experience’, RUSI Journal, 156:5 (2011), pp. 3843 ; Chalmers, Malcolm, ‘Less is Better: Nuclear Restraint at Low Numbers’, RUSI Whitehall Papers (London: Routledge, 2012); Michael Krepon, ‘Uncommon Strategic Restraint’, Arms Control Wonk (26 August 2014), available at: {http://www.armscontrolwonk.com/archive/404250/uncommon-strategic-restraint/} accessed 26 August 2014.

10 See, for example, Fearon, James D., ‘Domestic political audiences and the escalation of international disputes’, American Political Science Review, 88:3 (1994), pp. 577592 ; Fearon, James D., ‘Signaling versus the balance of power and interests’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 38:2 (1994), pp. 236269 ; Fearon, James D., ‘Signaling foreign policy interests: Tying hands versus sinking costs’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 41:1 (1997), pp. 6890 .

11 Wohlforth, William C., ‘Unipolarity, status competition, and Great Power war’, World Politics, 61:1 (2009), pp. 2857 (p. 35).

12 Nel, ‘Redistribution and recognition’.

13 Larson and Shevchenko, ‘Status seekers’, p. 67.

14 Walker, ‘The UK’, p. 449.

15 Horsburgh, Nicola, China and Global Nuclear Order: From Estrangement to Active Engagement (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015 a). Horsburgh’s interactive take on nuclear order, in turn, draws from Walker, Perpetual Menace, pp. 5-6.

16 Bukovansky et al., Special Responsibilities, p. 52.

17 Ibid., p. 62.

18 Larson and Shevchenko, ‘Status seekers’, p. 74.

19 Ibid., p. 94.

20 Mawdsley, Emma, ‘The changing geographies of foreign aid and development cooperation: Contributions from gift theory’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 37:2 (2012), p. 265 .

21 Nicola Leveringhaus, ‘Problematizing the Idea of a Responsible Nuclear Armed State: China and the Global Nuclear Order’, unpublished paper, presented at the International Studies Association Annual Conference (9 March 2013), p. 12.

22 For example, the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) and the Economist Intelligence Unit offer a Nuclear Materials Security Index, rating countries worldwide, see: {http://ntiindex.org/data-results/2014-findings/} accessed 2 September 2015.

23 We are grateful to one of our reviewers for making this point. See Tannenwald, Nina, The Nuclear Taboo: the United States and the Non-use of Nuclear Weapons since 1945 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2007).

24 Walker, ‘The UK’, pp. 450–1.

25 Tannenwald, Nina, ‘Stigmatising the bomb, origins of the nuclear taboo’, International Security, 29:4 (2005), pp. 549 .

26 Bukovansky et al., Special Responsibilities.

27 Gusterson, Hugh, ‘Nuclear weapons and the Other in the Western imagination’, Cultural Anthropology, 14:1 (1990), pp. 111113 ; Medeiros, Evan S., Reluctant Restraint: The Evolution of China’s Nonproliferation Policies and Practices, 1980–2004 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007).

28 Sullivan, ‘Is India a Responsible Nuclear Power?’.

29 Basrur and Sullivan de Estrada, Rising India, p. 8.

30 Wade, Robert H., ‘Emerging world order: From multipolarity in the G20, the World Bank and the IMF’, Politics and Society, 39:3 (2011), pp. 347378 .

31 Ibid., pp. 352–3.

32 Bukovansky et al., Special Responsibilities.

33 Larson and Shevchenko, ‘Status seekers’, p. 69.

34 Bukovansky et al., Special Responsibilities, p.64.

35 Biswas, Shampa, ‘“Nuclear apartheid” as political position: Race as a postcolonial resource?’, Alternatives, 26:4 (2001), pp. 485522 .

36 Gusterson, ‘Nuclear weapons’.

37 Bukovansky et al., Special Responsibilities, p.63.

38 A form of conformist behaviour might be traced even earlier to the 1960s. China acted in an unexpectedly restrained manner after testing in 1964, defying US expectations that it would be a revisionist nuclear power. Our thanks to one of the reviewers for this point.

39 Malik, Mohan J., ‘China and the intermediate-range nuclear forces talks’, Contemporary Security Policy, 10:3 (1989), pp. 235274 ; Horsburgh, China and Global Nuclear Order, pp. 84–9.

40 Government of the People’s Republic of China, China’s National Statement on Security Assurances, 5 April 1995, in letter from Permanent Representative of China to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations (6 April 1995), available at: {http://www.reachingcriticalwill.org/resources/S1995-265.pdf} accessed 20 March 2011; and Government of the People’s Republic of China, Statement by the Chinese Delegation on the issue of Negative Security Assurances at the 1998 PrepCom (6 May 1998), available at: {http://216.109.75.135/db/china/engdocs/nsa_0598.htm} accessed 20 March 2011

41 Horsburgh, China and Global Nuclear Order, pp. 51–3.

42 ‘Chinese warhead drawings among Libyan documents’, Los Angeles Times (16 February 2004).

According to Albright, the design was for a Chinese warhead tested in 1966 that Pakistan had acquired from the Chinese in the early 1980s for its own nuclear weapons programme. See David Albright, ‘Swiss smugglers had advanced nuclear weapons designs’, ISIS Report (16 June 2008).

43 Christensen, Thomas, The China Challenge (New York: W.W. Norton, 2015).

44 Hui Zhang, ‘China and a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty’, Kennedy School of Government working paper presented at the 43rd Annual Meeting of the Institute for Nuclear Materials Management (22–3 June 2002), available at: {https://www.belfercenter.org/sites/default/files/files/publication/inmm2002_zhang.pdf} accessed 2 April 2014.

45 Talbott, Strobe, Engaging India: Diplomacy, Democracy, and the Bomb (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2010).

46 Government of India, ‘Ministry of External Affairs Press Statement’ (11 May 1998a) (hardcopy).

47 ‘India Makes Changes to Dual-Use List’, World ECR, available at: {http://www.worldecr.com/india-makes-key-changes-to-dual-use-list/} accessed 3 September 2015.

48 United States Government and Government of India, ‘Joint Statement Between President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’ (18 July 2005), available at: {http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2005/07/20050718-6.html} accessed 2 September 2015.

49 See, for example, David Albright, Andrea Stricker, and Houston Wood, Future World of Illicit Nuclear Trade: Mitigating the Threat (Washington, DC: Institute for Science and International Security, 29 July 2013), available at: {http://isis-online.org/uploads/isis-reports/documents/Full_Report_DTRA-PASCC_29July2013-FINAL.pdf} accessed 17 February 2016.

50 Comptroller and Auditor General of India, Performance Audit on Activities of Atomic Energy Regulatory Board, Department of Atomic Energy, Report No. 9 (2012), available at: {http://www.indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/files/file/Performance%20audit%20on%20activities%20of%20Atomic%20Energy%20Regulatory%20Board.pdf} accessed 2 September 2015.

51 P. R. Chari, ‘India’s Role in the Hague Security Summit’ (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 18 March 2014), available at: {http://carnegieendowment.org/2014/03/18/india-s-role-in-hague-nuclear-security-summit} accessed 2 September 2015.

52 M. P. Ram Mohan and Els Reynaers Kini, ‘India’s nuclear regulators have been audited’, The Hindu Business Line (3 January 2016), available at: {http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/indias-nuclear-regulators-have-been-audited/article8061473.ece} accessed 15 August 2016.

53 NTI Nuclear Materials Security Index (2014).

54 The legal status of a Nuclear Weapon State (NWS) under the NPT can only be afforded to a state that has tested a working nuclear device prior to 1 January 1967. The alternatives for India include: (a) surrendering its nuclear status and joining the NPT as a non-nuclear state; (b) remaining, as it currently does, outside the NPT; or (c) amendment of the NPT to include India. Of these three options, the first and third are extremely unlikely.

55 Rajagopalan, Rajesh, ‘Shoring up the non-proliferation regime: the view from India’, in Lora Saalman (ed.), The China-India Nuclear Crossroads (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2012), pp. 121126 .

56 US Government and Government of India, ‘U.S.-India Joint Statement – “Shared Effort; Progress for All”’ (Washington, DC: The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, 25 January 2015), available at: {https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2015/01/25/us-india-joint-statement-shared-effort-progress-all} accessed 15 August 2016.

57 Nicola Horsburgh, ‘Chinese views of a nuclear India: From the 1974 peaceful nuclear explosion to the nuclear suppliers group waiver in 2008’, in Sullivan (ed.), Competing Visions of India in World Politics, pp. 34–48.

58 Author interviews, Beijing, 16 July 2011 and Shanghai, 28 September 2013 in Horsburgh, China and Global Nuclear Order.

59 Qichen Qian, full statement of the Chinese Foreign Minister at the 51st Session of the United Nations General Assembly on 25 September 1996, reprinted in Beijing Review, 42 (14 October 1996).

60 Wu, Riqiang, ‘Certainty of uncertainty: Nuclear strategy with Chinese characteristics’, Journal of Strategic Studies, 36:4 (2013), pp. 1415 .

61 Li Bin, ‘China’s potential to contribute to multilateral nuclear disarmament’, Arms Control Today (March 2011), available at: {https://www.armscontrol.org/act/2011_03/LiBin} accessed 2 October 2011; Bin, Li and Zhao, Tong (eds), Understanding Chinese Nuclear Thinking (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2016), pp. 910 .

62 Sokov, Nikolai, ‘Why do states rely on nuclear weapons? The case of Russia and beyond’, The Nonproliferation Review, 9:2 (2002), pp. 101111 .

63 For a comparison of China and India’s NFU, see Li Bin and Srikanth Kondapalli, ‘Revisiting no first use and minimum deterrence, the view from China, and the view from India’, in Saalman (ed.), The China-India Nuclear Crossroads. On NFU during the Cold War, see Weiler, Lawrence, ‘No first use: a history’, Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, 39:2 (1983), pp. 2834 .

64 Stephanie Lieggi, ‘Going Beyond the Stir: The Strategic Realities of China’s No-First-Use Policy’, Center for Nonproliferation Studies (2005).

65 James Acton, ‘Debating China’s No-First-Use Commitment: James Acton Responds’, Proliferation Analysis, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (22 April 2013). Shortly after the white paper was released, Pang Sen, Director General of the Department of Arms Control in the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, re-affirmed NFU – ‘Statement by Pang Sen at the UNGA High-Level Meeting on Nuclear Disarmament’ (26 September 2013), available at: {http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjb_663304/zzjg_663340/jks_665232/kjfywj_665252/t1100312.shtml} accessed 1 August 2016.

66 Gregory Kulacki, ‘The Chinese Military Updates China’s Nuclear Strategy’, Union of Concerned Scientists (March 2015), available at: {http://www.ucsusa.org/sites/default/files/attach/2015/03/chinese-nuclear-strategy-full-report.pdf} accessed 20 April 2015.

67 Based on interviews conducted by the author in Monterey, 6 December 2011 in Horsburgh, China and Global Nuclear Order, p. 106.

68 Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ‘Fact Sheet: China: Nuclear Disarmament and Reduction of’ (27 April 2004), available at: {https://fas.org/nuke/guide/china/doctrine/fs042704.pdf } accessed 11 April 2017.

69 Zhou Bo, ‘New Consideration of China’s No-First-Use of Nuclear Weapons is Needed’, China-US Focus (7 June 2016), available at: {http://www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/new-consideration-of-chinas-no-first-use-of-nuclear-weapons-is-needed} accessed 11 April 2017.

70 Nicola Butler and Stephen Young, ‘New Text for a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty’, Occasional Papers on International Security Policy, No. 18 (London: BASIC, 1996).

71 Interviews with Chinese and foreign officials in Beijing, June 2010, and in Monterey, October 2011 in Horsburgh, China and Global Nuclear Order.

72 Wu Jun, ‘On No-First-Use Treaty’, Sixth ISODARCO Beijing Seminar on Arms Control (October–November 1998), available at: {http://nautilus.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Wu_JunISODARCO2.pdf} accessed 11 April 2017.

73 Permanent mission of the People’s Republic of China to the United Nations Office at Geneva and other International Organizations in Switzerland, ‘China’s Position on Nuclear Disarmament’ (16 April 2004), available at: {http://www.china-un.ch/eng/cjjk/cjjblc/cjlc/t85390.htm}accessed 11 April 2017.

74 The authors thank William Walker for making this point.

75 Michael Krepon, ‘Alliances and No First Use’, Arms Control Wonk (5 July 2016), available at: {http://www.armscontrolwonk.com/archive/1201550/alliances-and-no-first-use/} accessed 1 August 2016

76 Tannenwald, ‘Stigmatising the bomb’, p. 32.

77 Tertrais, Bruno, ‘The trouble with no first use’, Survival, 51:4 (2009), pp. 2327 .

78 Nikolai Sokov, ‘The evolving role of nuclear weapons in Russia’s security policy’, in William C. Potter and Cristina Hansell (eds), ‘Engaging China and Russia on Nuclear Disarmament’, CNS Occasional Paper 15 (April 2009), pp. 76–7.

79 White, Tanya Olgivie, On Deterrence: Correspondence with Michael Quinlan (IISS: London, 2012).

80 Roberts, Brad, The Case for U.S. Nuclear Weapons in the 21st Century (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015).

81 Treaty of Good-Neighbourliness and Friendly Cooperation Between the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation (16 July 2001), Chinese Foreign Ministry {www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjdt/2649/t15771.htm} accessed 20 January 2016.

82 These calls are made in track two dialogues between the United States and China. See Conference Report on: ‘U.S.-China Strategic Nuclear Dynamics’ (9–10 June 2008), held in Beijing, China, organised by the RAND Corporation, and China Foundation for International & Strategic Studies (CFISS).

83 Other nuclear weapon states have MIRVS. See Jeffrey Lewis, ‘Great, Now China’s Got Multiple Nuclear Warhead Missiles? But What Looks like a Scary Arms Race with Washington may not be What it Seems’, Foreign Policy (26 May 2015), available at: {http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/05/26/china-new-multiple-nuclear-warhead-missiles-arms-race-deterrence/}.

84 Kristensen, Hans and Norris, Robert, ‘Chinese nuclear forces 2016’, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 72:4 (2016), pp. 205211 .

85 China may deploy nuclear-armed submarines in the Pacific but with no clear timeframe; see Julian Borger, ‘China to send nuclear-armed submarines into Pacific amid tensions with US’, The Guardian (26 May 2016).

86 Cited in Taylor Fravel, M. and Medeiros, Evan, ‘China’s search for assured retaliation, the evolution of Chinese nuclear strategy and force structure’, International Security, 35:2 (2010), p. 64 .

87 Xiangli Sun, ‘Zhongguo he zhanlue xingzhi yu tedian fenxi [China’s nuclear strategy: Nature and characteristics]’, Shijie jingji yu zhengzhi [World Economics and Politics], 9 (September 2006), pp. 23–9.

88 Liping Xia, ‘Lun Zhongguo he zhanlue de yanjiang yu goucheng [On the structure and evolution of China’s nuclear strategy]’, Dangdai yatai [Contemporary Asian Pacific], 4 (2010), pp. 124–5.

89 Sullivan, Kate, ‘Exceptionalism in Indian diplomacy: the origins of India’s moral leadership aspirations’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 37:4 (2014b), pp. 640655 .

90 Nandy, Ashis, ‘Between two Gandhis: Psychopolitical aspects of the nuclearization of India’, Asian Survey, 14:11 (1974), pp. 966970 .

91 Abraham, Itty, ‘Contra-proliferation: Interpreting the meanings of India’s nuclear tests’, in Scott D. Sagan (ed.), Inside Nuclear South Asia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), pp. 106132 .

92 Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs Press Statement (11 May 1998a) (hardcopy); Government of India, ‘Evolution of India’s nuclear policy’, India News (16 May–15 June 1998b), pp. 36 ; Singh, Jaswant, ‘Against nuclear apartheid’, Foreign Affairs, 77:5 (September/October 1998), pp. 4152 .

93 Atal Bihari Vajpayee, cited in Karl, David J., ‘Lessons for proliferation scholarship in South Asia: the Buddha smiles again’, Asian Survey, 41:6 (2001), pp. 10021022 (p. 1009).

94 Jasjit Singh, ‘Indian Draft Nuclear Doctrine: Some Reflections’, Pugwash Reports (1999), available at: {http://www.pugwash.org/reports/nw/nw7.htm} accessed 16 November 2012.

95 Some commentators doubt the credibility of an Indian nuclear response in such a case; see Roy-Chaudhury, Rahul, ‘India’s nuclear doctrine: a critical analysis’, Strategic Analysis, 33:3 (2009), pp. 404414 .

96 Narang, Vipin, ‘Five myths about India’s nuclear posture’, The Washington Quarterly, 36:3 (2013), pp. 143157 ; Scott D. Sagan, ‘The evolution of Pakistani and Indian nuclear doctrine’, in Sagan (ed.), Inside Nuclear South Asia, pp. 219–64.

97 Vipin Narang, ‘Plenary: Beyond the Nuclear Threshold: Causes and Consequences of First Use’, Carnegie International Nuclear Policy Conference, Washington, DC (20 March 2017), available at: {https://southasianvoices.org/sav-dc-nukefest2017-potential-indian-nuclear-first-use/#sthash.o1E9TvPW.dpuf} accessed 10 April 2017; Dhruva Jaishankar, ‘Decoding India’s Nuclear Status’, The Wire (3 April 2017) {https://thewire.in/120800/decoding-india-nuclear-status/} accessed 10 April 2017.

98 Shashank Joshi, ‘India’s Nuclear Doctrine Should no Longer be Taken for Granted’, The Interpreter, Lowy Institute for International Policy (22 March 2017), available at: {https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/indias-nuclear-doctrine-should-no-longer-be-taken-granted} accessed 10 April 2017.

99 Ibid.

100 Shashank Joshi and Frank O’Donnell, ‘India’s nuclear choices’, The Times of India (23 April 2012).

101 Basrur, Rajesh, Minimum Deterrence and India’s Nuclear Security (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), p. 53 .

102 Kristensen, Hans M. and Norris, Robert S., ‘Indian nuclear forces, 2017’, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 73:4 (2017), pp. 205209 .

103 Basrur, Minimum Deterrence, p. 53; Kristensen and Norris, ‘Indian nuclear forces’.

104 Kristensen and Norris, ‘Indian nuclear forces’.

105 Ibid.

106 Basrur, Minimum Deterrence, p. 44.

107 Ibid., p. 171.

108 Narang, ‘Plenary’.

109 Informal Group on Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s Action Plan for a Nuclear-Weapons-Free and Non-Violent World Order 1988 (20 August 2011), available at: {http://gsinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/s3/assets/gsi/docs/RGAP.pdf} accessed 2 September 2015; Manmohan Singh, ‘Inaugural Address by Dr Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister of India on “A Nuclear Weapon-Free World: From Conception to Reality”’ (2 April 2014), available at: {http://www.pugwashindia.org/Article_detail.aspx?id=440} accessed 10 April 2017.

110 Government of India, ‘Statement by Ambassador Venkatesh Varma India’s Permanent Representative to the CD on Negative Security Assurances’ (9 July 2014), available at: {http://meaindia.nic.in/cdgeneva/?3454?001} accessed 10 April 2017.

111 Government of India, ‘India Working Paper: Nuclear Disarmament’, CD/1816 (20 February 2007), pp. 4–5, available at: {https://documents-dds ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G07/604/46/PDF/G0760446.pdf?OpenElement} accessed 10 April 2017; Singh, ‘Inaugural Address’.

112 The Acronym Institute, ‘2007 First Committee Resolutions’ (2007), available at: {http://www.acronym.org.uk/old/archive/un/07unnuc.htm} accessed 11 April 2017.

113 Anna Langenbach and Jean du Preez, ‘UN General Assembly Tackles Nonproliferation and Disarmament After Disappointing Summit’, Nuclear Threat Initiative (1 December 2005), available at: {http://www.nti.org/analysis/articles/un-general-nonproliferation/} accessed 11 April 2017; Kalyan Kemburi and Jean du Preez, ‘The 2007 UN First Committee Session: Sign of Hope or Further Stalemate?’, Nuclear Threat Initiative (1 April 2008), available at: {http://www.nti.org/analysis/articles/2007-un-first-committee-session/} accessed 10 April 2017.

114 The Acronym Institute, ‘2007 First Committee Resolutions’.

115 Hans M. Kristensen and Matthew McKinzie, ‘De-alerting nuclear forces’, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (19 June 2013), available at: {http://thebulletin.org/de-alerting-nuclear-forces} accessed 10 April 2017.

116 Kristensen and McKinzie, ‘De-alerting nuclear forces’.

117 The Acronym Institute, ‘2007 First Committee Resolutions’.

118 Sullivan, ‘Is India a Responsible Nuclear Power?’.

119 Narang, Vipin, Nuclear Strategy in the Modern Era, Regional Powers and International Conflict (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014), pp. 13 ; Shultz, George P. and Goodby, James E., The War that Must Never be Fought: Dilemmas of Nuclear Deterrence (Hoover Institution Press, 2015).

120 Pelopidas, Benoit, ‘The oracles of proliferation: How experts maintain a biased historical reading that limits policy innovation’, Nonproliferation Review, 18:1 (2011), pp. 297314 .

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