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Credibility talk in public diplomacy

  • BEN D. MOR
Abstract
Abstract

‘Politics has become a contest of competitive credibility’, argued Nye in Soft Power. Indeed, being perceived as honest and reliable is a necessary condition for obtaining and holding the attention of target audiences, as well as for effective persuasion, which is the objective of strategic communication. This task has become all the more difficult with the explosion of information sources and the discreditation efforts of opponents, but it is an essential element in the conduct of public diplomacy. How, then, do states and other international actors go about establishing their credibility while undermining that of opponents? This article employs rhetorical theory, impression management theory, and account theory to situate contests of credibility within the broader context of the accountability of social conduct. The theoretical part discusses the rhetorical strategies that actors use to credit their accounts and discredit those of their rivals. The empirical part addresses the debate between Israel and human rights groups over the Qana bombing incident of July 2006. The analysis of the blame imposition strategies used by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch and the accounts offered by Israel, indicates the range and variability of credibility talk and the rules for crediting accounts that underlie it.

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1 Nye Joseph S., The Paradox of American Power (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 106 .

2 Ibid., p. 67.

3 See Finel Bernard I. and Lord Kristin M. (eds), Power and Conflict in the Age of Transparency (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000) .

4 Melissen Jan, ‘The New Public Diplomacy: Between Theory and Practice’, in Melissen J. (ed.), The New Public Diplomacy (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 7 .

5 Hocking Brian, ‘Rethinking the “New” Public Diplomacy’, in Melissen Jan (ed.), The New Public Diplomacy (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 39 . It would appear that democracies, in particular, are disadvantaged in this game, given the transparency that a free press and a culture of openness generate, but it is precisely these qualities that also lend credibility to the commitments and communications of democracies. See Ritter Jeffrey M., ‘Know Thine Enemy: Information and Democratic Foreign Policy’, in Finel and Lord , Power and Conflict, pp. 100102 .

6 Rosenau James N., ‘Diplomacy, Proof, and Authority in the Information Age’, in Finel and Lord , Power and Conflict, p. 328 .

7 Rosenau James N., Turbulence in World Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990) .

8 The widespread concern of social actors with credibility is usually attributed to the demands of persuasion (or, in bargaining, compliance), but symbolic interactionism, which underlies the theoretical section of this article, has also drawn attention to processes of identity and role validation. For the best statement of this argument, see McCall George J. and Simmons J. L., Identities and Interactions, rev. ed., (New York: The Free Press, 1978) . Each perspective has a different focus, but the two are in many ways complementary.

9 Goffman Erving, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1959), p. 251 . See also, Barnett Michael N., Dialogues in Arab Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998) ; Schimmelfennig Frank, ‘The Community Trap: Liberal Norms, Rhetorical Action, and the Eastern Enlargement of the EU’, International Organization, 55:1 (2001), pp. 4780 ; Johnston Alastair I., ‘Treating International Institutions as Social Environments’, International Studies Quarterly, 45 (2001), pp. 487–515 ; and Krebs Ronald R. and Jackson Patrick T., ‘Twisting Tongues and Twisting Arms: The Power of Political Rhetoric’, European Journal of International Relations, 13:1 (2007), pp. 3566 .

10 For a comprehensive review of this issue, see Pornpitakpan Chanthika, ‘The Persuasiveness of Source Credibility: A Critical Review of Five Decades’ Evidence’, Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 34:2 (2004), pp. 243281 , and in the case of public diplomacy – Gass Robert H. and Reiter John S., ‘Credibility and Public Diplomacy’, in Snow Nancy and M. Taylor Philip (eds), Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy (New York: Routledge, 2009), pp. 154165 .

11 See Wetherell Margaret, ‘Themes in Discourse Research: The Case of Diana’, in Wetherell Margaret, Taylor Stephanie, and J. Yates Simeon (eds), Discourse Theory and Practice (London: Sage, 2001) .

12 The advocacy side of public diplomacy is concerned with using political messages and ‘fast media’ to convey information designed ‘to influence foreign attitudes in ways favorable to the image and policies of the nation’. See Deibel Terry L. and Roberts Walter R., Culture and Information: Two Foreign Policy Functions (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1976), p. 12 ; see also Malone Gifford D., Political Advocacy and Cultural Communication: Organizing the Nation's Public Dplomacy (Boston: University Press of America,1988), pp. 34 , and Mor Ben D., ‘The Rhetoric of Public Diplomacy and Propaganda Wars: A View from Self-Presentation Theory’, European Journal of Political Research, 46:5 (2007), pp. 661683 , and ‘Accounts and Impression Management in Public Diplomacy: Israeli Justification of Force during the 2006 Lebanon War’, Global Change, Peace and Security, 21:2 (2009), pp. 219239 . For an expansive conception of public diplomacy that also encompasses the activities of social movements and NGOs, see Gass and Seiter, ‘Credibility’, p. 155.

13 Additional dimensions are critically assessed in McCroskey James C. and Young Thomas J., ‘Ethos and Credibility: The Construct and Its Measurement after Three Decades’, Central States Speech Journal, 32 (1981), pp. 2434 .

14 Gass and Seiter, ‘Credibility’, p. 156.

15 See Hovland C. I., Janis I. L., and Kelley H. H., Communication and Persuasion (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953) .

16 As with the concept of power, process and outcome can be easily confounded. Epstein, discussing scientific credibility in his study of AIDS research, writes this: ‘… credibility describes the capacity of claims-makers to enrol supporters behind their arguments, legitimate those arguments as authoritative knowledge, and present themselves as the sort of people who can voice the truth’. See Epstein Steven, Impure Science:AIDS, Activism, and the Politics of Knowledge (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998) .

17 Schelling Thomas C., Arms and Influence (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966) , and The Strategy of Conflict (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960) .

18 See Morrow James D., ‘The Strategic Setting of Choices: Signaling, Commitment, and Negotiation in International Politics’, in Lake David A. and Powell Robert (eds), Strategic Choice and International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), pp. 77114 ; Fearon James D., ‘Domestic Political Audiences and the Escalation of International Disputes’, American Political Science Review, 88 (1994), pp. 577592 ; and Dixit Avinash and Skeath Susan, Games of Strategy (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), chap. 9 .

19 The two contexts of bargaining and debate are nevertheless closely linked. Not only is Schelling's (1960, p. 5) generic conception of bargaining broad enough to subsume debates, but at the level of actual grand strategy, hard power and soft power affect each other. See Schelling , The strategy of Conflict, p. 5 ; Nye Joseph S., Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: PublicAffairs, 2004), pp. 2530 ; Luttwak Edward, Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace, rev. ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2001) ; Mor Ben D., ‘Public Diplomacy in Grand Strategy’, Foreign Policy Analysis, 2:2 (2006), pp. 157176 ; and Rapoport Anatol, Fights, Games, and Debates (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1960) .

20 Walton Douglas N., Informal Logic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 45 .

21 See also Tindale Christopher W., Acts of Arguing (New York: State University of New York Press, 1999), p. 69 . In Crawford's discussion of political argument, ‘debate’ is not distinguished because the focus is on the common element of persuasive intent, whether the target is the other arguer or an audience. See Crawford Neta C., Argument and Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 2930 .

22 Elster Jon, ‘Strategic Uses of Argument’, in Arrow K., Mnookin R. H., Ross L., Tversky A., and Wilson R. (eds), Barriers to Conflict Resolution (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1995), pp. 236257 , emphasis in original. See also Müller Harald, ‘Arguing, Bargaining, and All That: Communicative Action, Rationalist Theory and the Logic of Appropriateness in International Relations’, European Journal of International Relations, 10:3 (2004), p. 397 . Walton (Informal Logic, p. 8) compares the negotiation dialogue – a form of bargaining – with the persuasion dialogue and argues that ‘[t]he concessions in bargaining are not commitments in the same sense as they are in persuasive dialogue, but trade-offs that can be sacrificed for gains elsewhere … the objective is always self-interest in “making a good deal”’.

23 Cunningham Stanley B., The Idea of Propaganda (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 2002), p. 137 .

24 Aristotle , On Rhetoric, trans. George A. Kennedy, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 1356a, pp. 25 .

25 Perelman Chaim and Olbrechts-Tyteca Lucie, The New Rhetoric (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1969), p. 319 .

26 Tindale , Acts of Arguing, p. 23 .

27 Perelman Chaim, The Realm of Rhetoric (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1982), p. 9 .

28 Ibid., p. 3.

29 Ibid., p. 2, emphasis in original.

30 See Tindale , Acts of Arguing, pp. 8586 .

31 Kunczik Michael, Images of Nations and International Public Relations (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997), p. 111 .

32 Bogart Leo, Premises for Propaganda (New York: The Free Press, 1976), p. 131 .

33 Ibid., p. 132.

34 Tedeschi James T. and Riess Marc, ‘Identities, the Phenomenal Self, and Laboratory Research’, in Tedeschi J. T. (ed.), Impression Management Theory and Social Psychological Research (New York: Academic Press, 1981), p. 3 .

35 Tedeschi James T. and Norman Nancy, ‘Social Power, Self-Presentation, and the Self’, in Schlenker B. R. (ed.), The Self and Social Life (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1985), pp. 293 ; see also Hovland et al., Communication and Persuasion; French John R. P. , Jr., and Raven Bertram, ‘The Bases of Social Power’, in Cartwright D. (ed.), Studies in Social Power (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959), pp. 150167 ; Tedeschi James T., Bonoma Thomas V., Schlenker Barry R., and Lindskold Svenn, ‘Power, Influence and Behavioral Compliance’, Law and Society Review, 4 (1970), pp. 521544 ; Fiske Susan and Taylor Shelley E., Social Cognition, 2nd ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1990) ; and Rafaeli Anat and Harness Alona, ‘Validation of Self-Presentation: Theory and Findings from Letters of Application for Employment’, Advances in Qualitative Organizational Research, 4 (2002), pp. 137 .

36 The two explanations can be seen as complementary if an actor first seeks to construct a certain identity for social power reasons, then is forced to protect it if it is challenged by another actor or an audience.

37 Tedeschi and Riess, ‘Identities’, pp. 5–10. A ‘predicament of image enhancement’, on the other hand, occurs when due credit for positive consequences is under threat of denial.

38 Schlenker Barry R., Impression Management: The Self-Concept, Social Identity, and Interpersonal Relations (Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole, 1980), p. 131 .

39 Scott Marvin B. and Lyman Stanford M., ‘Accounts’, American Sociological Review, 33:1 (1968), p. 46 .

40 Billig Michael, Arguing and Thinking, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 191 .

41 Schlenker , Impression Management, p. 136 .

42 Scott and Lyman, ‘Accounts’, p. 46.

43 Benoit William L., Accounts, Excuses, and Apologies: A Theory of Image Restoration Strategies (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), p. 5 .

44 Schlenker , Impression Management, p. 136 , emphasis added.

45 Ibid.

46 See also Edwards Derek and Potter Jonathan, Discursive Psychology (London: Sage Publications, 1992) .

47 Credibility is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for persuasion. It is not a necessary condition because, as Anthony Pratkanis and Elliot Aronson note in their discussion of the effectiveness of attractive communicators in advertising, ‘we hold our beliefs for other reasons in addition to our desire to be correct and to size up the world accurately. We hold our beliefs and attitudes in order to define and make sense of our selves’. See their Age of Propaganda, rev.ed. (New York: W. H. Freeman and Company, 2001), p. 131 , emphasis in original. Credibility is not a sufficient condition, because it can be overridden by other factors, such as resistance due to incompatible values or identities. However, other things being equal, source credibility is the foremost factor among the source characteristics that are found to affect persuasiveness. See Milburn Michael A., Persuasion and Politics: The Social Psychology of Public Opinion (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, 1991), p. 107 ; and Pornpitakpan, ‘the Persuasiveness of Source Credibility’.

48 Watson Tony J., ‘Rhetoric Discourse and Argument in Organizational Sense Making: A Reflexive Tale’, Organization Studies, 16:5 (1995), p. 806 .

49 The table draws on Schutz Astrid, ‘Assertive, Offensive, Protective, and Defensive Styles of Self-Presentation: A Taxonomy’, The Journal of Psychology, 132:6 (1998), pp. 611628 ; McGraw Kathleen M., ‘Managing Blame: An Experimental Test of the Effects of Political Accounts’, American Political Science Review, 85:4 (1991), pp. 11331157 ; and Schlenker, Impression Management. As suggested by Benoit, a rhetorical strategy is ‘an abstract or general concept that represents a goal or an effect sought by discourse’. Tactics are the actual means by which strategies are pursued or operationalised. See Benoit , Accounts, Excuses, and Apologies, p. 80 .

50 Tedeschi and Riess, ‘Identities’, p. 6.

51 In McGraw's accounts scheme (see ‘Managing Blame’, which deals with explanatory tactics to which public officials resort), reframing of outcomes is a form of justification. Because reframing can operate on its own or in conjunction with excuses or justification, I prefer to treat it as a separate category.

52 The actor may also partially or fully accept responsibility and apologise for an action or outcome for which it is blamed (this is variously called regret, concessions, apologies, or remediation). Although this is also a remedial tactic that is applied in a predicament of image protection, it does not have the quality of a proffered explanation that defines an account.

53 In the empirical section, I assume that these tactics can be employed by any actor who imposes blame, not just the defender. Thus, in the Second Lebanon War, human rights organisations used these tactics to impose blame on Israel, whereas the latter, in the role of the defender, applied blame imposition primarily to its opponent ‘on the ground’, Hizbullah.

54 Schlenker , Impression Management, p. 151 .

55 Scott and Lyman, ‘Accounts’, p. 54, emphasis in original.

56 Bennett W. Lance, ‘The Paradox of Public Discourse: A Framework for the Analysis of Political Accounts’, The Journal of Politics, 42:3 (1980), p. 806 .

57 Mills C. Wright, ‘Situated Actions and Vocabularies of Motive’, American Sociological Review, 5:6 (1940), p. 910 , emphasis in original. According to Mills, we learn in socialisation not only the norms and rules that govern various situations, but also the vocabulary of motives that are appropriate to them. This vocabulary is the socially acceptable way of justifying action. However, if we look for the ‘deeper, real motives’ of the actor, all we come up with are ‘other lingual forms. The “Real Attitude or Motive” is not something different in kind from the verbalization of the “opinion″’ (ibid., p. 909).

58 Bennett, ‘the Paradox of Public Discourse’.

59 See Mor, ‘Accounts and Impression Management’.

60 This is a form of what game theorists call ‘separation of types’. See Morrow, ‘the Strategic Setting of Choices’, p. 87.

61 Entman Robert M., Projections of Power (Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 2004), p. 5 , emphasis deleted.

62 See fn. 44.

63 Barnett , Dialogues in Arab Politics, p. 39 . For the concept of ‘the definition of the situation’ in symbolic interactionism, see Perinbanayagam R. S., ‘The Definition of the Situation: An Analysis of the Ethnomethodological and Dramaturgical View’, The Sociological Quarterly, 15 (1974), pp. 521541 .

64 Motivation, as a determinant of future actions, is of course a matter of credibility in bargaining as well, which is where the logic of costly signalling, such as audience costs, comes into play. See Fearon, ‘Domestic Political Audiences’. In blame reduction strategies, the action has already occurred, and its post-hoc evaluation depends on an audience's perception of the actor's motivations. In both cases, the issue arises because motivations are not directly observable and must be inferred (see the ‘“other minds” problem’ in Hollis Martin and Smith Steve, Explaining and Understanding International Relations (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), chap. 8 .

65 Bennett, ‘the Paradox of Public Discourse’, p. 800.

66 This example also illustrates how in real-world account tactics are related in intricate ways. Thus, to invoke self-defence as a norm (justification) requires the actor also to argue that its actions were subjectively understood as such, rather than as offensive, at the time (‘we did not intend X’ in excuses) and that the actual circumstances of the event (reframing) made this understanding reasonable. Such an account may simultaneously also involve tactics of blame imposition.

67 Sarma Kiran, ‘Defensive Propaganda and IRA Political Control in Republican Communities’, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 30 (2007), pp. 10731094 .

68 Uimonen Paula, ‘Mediated management of meaning: on-line nation building in Malaysia’, Global Networks, 3:3 (2003), pp. 299314 .

69 See Potter Jonathan and Wetherell Margaret, Discourse and Social Psychology (London: Sage Publications, 1987), pp. 3943, 7677 .

70 Collett Peter, ‘The Rules of Conduct’, in Collett P. (ed.), Social Rules and Social Behavior (Towota, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1977), pp. 127 .

71 Semin Gun R. and Manstead Antony S. R., The Accountability of Conduct (London: Academic Press, 1983), p. 175 , emphasis added.

72 Neufeld Mark, ‘Interpretation and the “Science” of International Relations’, Review of International Studies, 19:1 (1993), p. 44 .

73 Gross Michael L., Moral Dilemmas of Modern War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010) .

74 Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ‘terror from Lebanon’, available at: {http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Terrorism-+Obstacle+to+Peace/Terrorism+from+Lebanon-+Hizbullah} accessed 14 January 2007.

75 Myre Greg, ‘Israel Fights Back Against War Critics’, New York Times (5 December 2006) , available at: {http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/12/04/news/israel.php} accessed 17 February 2007.

76 ‘Qana’ had a special significance in that context, since it was also the site of an 18 April 1996 incident in which an Israeli artillery shell, fired during ‘Operation Grapes of Wrath’ against Hizbullah, hit a UN compound near Qana and killed 106 Lebanese civilians of the 800 who took shelter there.

77 ‘Israel/Lebanon: Qana Death Toll at 28’, Human Rights Watch, Beirut (2 August 2006) , available at: {http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2006/08/02/lebano13899.htm} accessed 24 November 2009.

78 Ha'aretz (31 July 2006).

79 Ibid.

80 Mor, ‘Accounts and Impression Management’.

81 For a highly critical analysis of humanitarian NGOs, especially as concerns Israel, see Steinberg Gerald M., ‘Soft Power Play Hardball: NGOs Wage War Against Israel’, Israel Affairs, 12:4 (2006), pp. 748768 . My concern in this article, however, is not with evaluating the credibility of NGOs but rather with how they promote it in their rhetoric.

82 Hizbullah's rhetoric on Qana is not addressed in this article, although the organisation's media, especially Al Manar, was active in propagating graphic pictures from the site of the bombing. See Kalb Marvin and Saivetz Carol, ‘The Israeli-Hezbollah War of 2006: The Media as a Weapon in Asymmetric Conflict’, The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, 12:3 (2007), pp. 4366 . The focus on the Israel-NGO interaction can be justified by the importance to Israel of Western public opinion, whose exposure to the raw materials provided by Hizbullah was mediated by the Western media and the humanitarian organisations. Credibility in the Israel-Hizbullah case was related more to psychological warfare and to domestic (and Arab) audiences.

83 See {http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA}. The site provides (under the title ‘terror from Lebanon’) a large collection of various documents related to the war, such as official government and military communiqués, policy statements, press conferences, media interviews, public addresses, etc.

84 See, respectively, {http://www.amnesty.org} and {http://www.hrw.org}.

85 Mor, ‘the Rhetoric of Public Diplomacy’, tested the predicaments framework for general themes of self-presentation in official texts, applying a coding protocol in a thematic content analysis.

86 Wood Linda A. and Kroger Rolf O., Doing Discourse Analysis (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2000), p. 8 .

87 Hoffman Gil, ‘Israel's delay in screening Kana footage causes PR disaster’, The Jerusalem Post (31 2006) .

88 ‘Israel Defense Forces press conference following the Kafr Qana incident’, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (30 July 2006).

89 Ibid.

90 Ibid.

91 ‘Excerpts from statement by Defense Minister Amir Peretz to the Knesset’, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (31 July 2006).

92 Hoffman, ‘Israel's delay’.

93 ‘Statement by Ambassador Dan Gillerman before the UN Security Council’, Permanent Mission of Israel to the UN (30 July 2006).

94 ‘Incident in Kafr Qana’, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (30 July 2006).

95 ‘Israel Defense Forces press conference following the Kafr Qana incident’, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (30 July 2006).

96 Ibid.

97 ‘Amnesty International Missions to Lebanon and Israel’, Amnesty International, News Service # 201 (2 August 2006) .

98 ‘Israel/Lebanon: End Indiscriminate Strikes on Civilians’, Human Rights Watch (3 August 2006) .

99 Ibid.

100 ‘Open letter to members of the UN Security Council on the situation in Lebanon/Israel’, Amnesty International, News Service #202 (2 August 2006) , emphasis added.

101 ‘Document – Israel: IDF inquiry into Qana a whitewash’, Amnesty International, News Service #202 (3 August 2006) .

102 ‘International Inquiry Needed into Israeli Air Strike’, Human Rights Watch (1 August 2006) .

103 Ibid.

104 ‘Israel Defense Forces press conference following the Kafr Qana incident’, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (30 July 2006).

105 ‘Open letter to members of the UN Security Council on the situation in Lebanon/Israel’, Amnesty International, News Service #202 (2 August 2006) .

106 ‘International Inquiry Needed into Israeli Air Strike’, Human Rights Watch (1 August 2006,) .

107 ‘Israel/Lebanon: End Indiscriminate Strikes on Civilians’, Human Rights Watch (3 August 2006) .

108 ‘Lebanon/Israel: 48 Hours not Enough as War Crimes Continue’, Amnesty International, News Service #199 (31 July 2006) .

109 ‘International Inquiry Needed into Israeli Air Strike’, Human Rights Watch (1 August 2006) .

110 ‘Document – Israel: IDF inquiry into Qana a whitewash’, Amnesty International, News Service #202 (3 August 2006) .

111 ‘Israel/Lebanon: End Indiscriminate Strikes on Civilians’, Human Rights Watch (3 August 2006) .

112 Hoffman Gil, ‘Israel's delay in screening Kana footage causes PR disaster’, The Jerusalem Post (31 July 2006) .

113 ‘Statement by Ambassador Dan Gillerman before the UN Security Council’, Permanent Mission of Israel to the UN (30 July 2006) .

114 ‘International Inquiry Needed into Israeli Air Strike’, Human Rights Watch (1 August 2006) .

115 See Frederking Brian, ‘Constructing Post-Cold War Collective Security’, The American Political Science Review, 97:3 (2003), pp. 363378 . For a non-constructivist discussion of how rules apply in the society of states, see Bull Hedley, The Anarchical Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), especially pp. 6774 .

116 Fierke Karin M., Changing Games, Changing Strategies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), p. 19 , emphasis in original.

117 Rosenau , Turbulence in World Politics, p. 201 .

118 Arnold Carroll C., Introduction to The Realm of Rhetoric by Perelman Chaim (Note Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1982), p. xi , emphasis in original.

119 For the text of Stevenson's address, see: {http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/adlaistevensonunitednationscuba.html} accessed 15 January 2009. Zorin's reply can be found at: {http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/zorin3.htm} accessed 15 January 2009.

120 For details on the KAL 007 incident, see: {http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korean_Air_Lines_Flight_007#Revised_ICAO_report} accessed 15 January 2009.

121 Rosenau discusses this case and the KAL 007 incident as examples of ‘relations of proof’ in world politics. See Turbulence in World Politics, pp. 207–8.

122 Manheim Jarol B., ‘Strategic Public Diplomacy: Managing Kuwait's Image During the Gulf Conflict’, in Bennett W. L. and Paletz D. L. (eds), Taken by Storm: The Media, Public Opinion, and US Foreign Policy in the Gulf War (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), pp. 131148 .

124 President Bush has subsequently admitted that ‘the biggest regret of all the presidency has to have been the intelligence failure in Iraq’ {http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2008/12/02/2435282.htm} accessed 15 January 2009.

* I would like to thank Eytan Gilboa and the anonymous referees for their useful comments and suggestions.

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