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Traversing the soft/hard power binary: the case of the Sino-Japanese territorial dispute

  • Linus Hagström (a1) and Chengxin Pan (a2)

Abstract

Soft power and hard power are conceptualised in International Relations as empirically and normatively dichotomous, and practically opposite – one intangible, attractive, and legitimate, the other tangible, coercive, and less legitimate. This article critiques this binary conceptualisation, arguing that it is discursively constructed with and for the construction of Self and Other. It further demonstrates that practices commonly labelled and understood as soft power and hard power are closely interconnected. Best understood as ‘representational force’ and ‘physical force’ respectively, soft and hard power intertwine through the operation of productive and disciplinary forms of power. We illustrate this argument by analysing the Sino-Japanese dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. Both governments exercise representational force in constructing their respective versions of events and Self/Other. The soft/hard power binary itself plays a performative role as the Self is typically associated with soft power and the Other with hard power. The operation of productive power, moreover, privileges the attractiveness of the former and the repellence of the latter, and disciplinary power physically enforces these distinctions on subjects in both states. Finally, reinforced Self/Other distinctions legitimise preparations for violence against the Other on both sides, thus exposing how fundamentally entangled soft and hard power are in practice.

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Copyright

This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is unaltered and is properly cited. The written permission of Cambridge University Press must be obtained for commercial re-use or in order to create a derivative work.

Corresponding author

*Corresponding author. Email: linus.hagstrom@fhs.se

References

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1 Nye, Joseph S. Jr, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), p. x.

2 Hall, Todd, ‘An unclear attraction: a critical examination of soft power as an analytical category’, Chinese Journal of International Politics, 3:2 (2010), pp. 189211; Eriksson, Johan and Norman, Ludvig, ‘Political utilisation of scholarly ideas: the “clash of civilisations” vs. “soft power” in US foreign policy’, Review of International Studies, 37:1 (2011), pp. 417–36.

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4 Mingjiang, Li, ‘China debates soft power’, Chinese Journal of International Politics, 2:2 (2008), pp. 287308; Fukushima, Akiko, ‘Modern Japan and the quest for attractive power’, in Lee, Sook Jong and Melissen, Jan (eds), Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in East Asia (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 6590; Sun, Jing, Japan and China as Charm Rivals: Soft Power in Regional Diplomacy (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2012).

5 Liff, Adam P. and Ikenberry, G. John, ‘Racing toward tragedy? China's rise, military competition in the Asia Pacific, and the security dilemma’, International Security, 39:2 (2014), pp. 5291.

6 Kagan, Robert, Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order (New York: Vintage Books, 2004); Mearsheimer, John, ‘E. H. Carr vs. Idealism: the battle rages on’, International Relations, 19:2 (2005), pp. 139–52; Wilson, Ernest J. III, ‘Hard power, soft power, smart power’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 616 (2008), pp. 110–24; Layne, Christopher, ‘The unbearable lightness of soft power’, in Parmar, Inderjeet and Cox, Michael (eds), Soft Power and US Foreign Policy: Theoretical, Historical and Contemporary Perspectives (London and New York: Routledge, 2010), pp. 5182.

7 Ankit Panda, ‘Soft power and China–Japan relations’, The Diplomat (18 December 2013), available at: {https://thediplomat.com/2013/12/soft-power-and-china-japan-relations/}. Unless otherwise noted, all Internet sources quoted in this article were accessed on 7 December 2018.

8 Mattern, Janice Bially, ‘Why “soft power” isn't so soft: Representational force and the sociolinguistic construction of attraction in world politics’, Millennium, 33:3 (2005), pp. 582612.

9 Barnett, Michael and Duvall, Raymond, ‘Power in international politics’, International Organization, 59:1 (2005), p. 40.

10 Ibid., p. 67.

11 Baldwin, David, ‘Power and international relations’, in Carlsnaes, Walter, Risse-Kappen, Thomas, and Simmons, Beth A. (eds), Handbook of International Relations (London: Sage, 2002), p. 186.

12 Layne, ‘The unbearable lightness of soft power’.

13 Pouliot, Vincent, ‘Practice tracing’, in Bennett, Andrew and Checkel, Jeffrey T. (eds), Process Tracing: From Metaphor to Analytical Tool (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 238–9.

14 James Traub, ‘The new hard soft power’, New York Times Magazine (20 January 2005), available at: {https://www.nytimes.com/2005/01/30/magazine/the-new-hardsoft-power.html}.

15 Berger, Thomas U., ‘Japan in Asia: a hard case for soft power’, Orbis, 54:4 (2010), pp. 565–82; Gallarotti, Giulio M., ‘Soft power: What it is, why it's important, and the conditions for its effective use’, Journal of Political Power, 4:1 (2011), pp. 2547; Kearn, David W., ‘The hard truths about soft power’, Journal of Political Power, 4:1 (2011), pp. 6585; Blanchard, Jean-Marc F. and Lu, Fujia, ‘Thinking hard about soft power: a review and critique of the literature on China and soft power’, Asian Perspective, 36:4 (2012), pp. 565–89.

16 Rothman, Steven B., ‘Revising the soft power concept: What are the means and mechanisms of soft power?’, Journal of Political Power, 4:1 (2011), pp. 4964.

17 Simonyi, András and Trunkos, Judit, ‘Eliminating the soft/hard power dichotomy’, in Jehan, Aude and Simonyi, András (eds), Smarter Power: The Key to a Strategic Transatlantic Partnership (Washington, DC: Center for Transatlantic Relations, 2014), p. 16.

18 Kounalakis, Marcos and Simonyi, András, The Hard Truth About Soft Power (Los Angeles, CA: Figueroa Press 2011), p. 6.

19 Rothman, ‘Revising the soft power concept’, p. 50.

20 Huysmans, Jef, ‘Security! What do you mean? From concept to thick signifier’, European Journal of International Relations, 4:2 (1998), pp. 226–55.

21 Wilson, ‘Hard power, soft power, smart power’.

22 Nye, Soft Power, p. 7.

23 Bially Mattern, ‘Why “soft power” isn't so soft’; Geraldo Zahran and Leonardo Ramos, ‘From hegemony to soft power: Implications of a conceptual change’, in Parmar and Cox (eds), Soft Power and US Foreign Policy, pp. 12–31; Nordin, Astrid, ‘How soft is “soft power”? Unstable dichotomies at Expo 2010’, Asian Perspective, 36:4 (2012), pp. 591613.

24 Giddens, Anthony, Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991), p. 243.

25 Bially Mattern, ‘Why “soft power” isn't so soft’, p. 606.

26 Ibid., pp. 583, 586–7; for example, Nye, Soft Power, p. x.

27 Bially Mattern, ‘Why “soft power” isn't so soft’, p. 591.

28 Ibid., pp. 611–12.

29 Nye, Soft Power, pp. 5, 9.

30 Jagger, Gill, Judith Butler: Sexual Politics, Social Change and the Power of the Performative (London: Routledge, 2008), p. 6.

31 Klein, Bradley, ‘The textual strategies of the military: or, have you read any good defence manuals lately?’, in Derian, James Der and Shapiro, Michael J. (eds), International/Intertextual Relations: Postmodern Readings of World Politics (New York: Lexington Books, 1989), p. 100.

32 Huysmans, ‘Security!’.

33 Ibid., pp. 228, 232.

34 Hansen, Lene, Security as Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 1819.

35 Pan, Chengxin and Turner, Oliver, ‘Neoconservatism as discourse: Virtue, power and US foreign policy’, European Journal of International Relations, 23:1 (2017), p. 79.

36 Culler, Jonathan, Literary Theory: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 127.

37 Milliken, Jennifer, ‘The study of discourse in international relations: a critique of research and methods’, European Journal of International Relations, 5:2 (1999), pp. 225–54.

38 Culler, Literary Theory, p. 127.

39 Guzzini, Stefano, Power, Realism and Constructivism (New York: Routledge, 2013), p. 229, fn. 18.

40 For example, throughout Nye's analysis of soft power, one obvious subject is the United States and its success in world politics. See, for example, Oliver Turner and Nicola Nymalm, ‘Morality and progress: IR narratives on international revisionism and the status quo’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Online First (21 June 2019), available at: {https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2019.1623173}.

41 Some studies of soft power have made the (not necessarily ontological) connection between soft power and identity, but hard power is yet to be understood through the same discursive process of identity construction. Hayden, Craig, The Rhetoric of Soft Power: Public Diplomacy in Global Contexts (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2012); Solomon, Ty, ‘The affective underpinnings of soft power’, European Journal of International Relations, 20:3 (2014); Feklyunina, Valentina, ‘Soft power and identity: Russia, Ukraine and the “Russian world(s)”’, European Journal of International Relations, 22:4 (2016), pp. 773–96.

42 Hall, Stuart, ‘Introduction: Who needs “identity”?’, in Hall, Stuart and du Gay, Paul (eds), Questions of Cultural Identity (London: SAGE, 1996), pp. 45; Pan, Chengxin, Knowledge, Desire and Power in Global Politics: Western Representations of China's Rise (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2012).

43 Huysmans, ‘Security!’; Hansen, Security as Practice; see also Guzzini, Power, Realism and Constructivism, pp. 229–30.

44 Guzzini, Power, Realism and Constructivism, pp. 229–30.

45 Hayden, The Rhetoric of Soft Power, p. 5.

46 Ringmar, Erik, ‘Performing international systems: Two East-Asian alternatives to the Westphalian order’, International Organization, 66:1 (2012), p. 19.

47 Winkler understands the reification of soft power as driven by concept coalitions and their use of narratives. See Stephanie Christine Winkler, ‘“Soft power is such a benign animal”: Narrative power and the reification of concepts in Japan’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Online First (19 June 2019), available at: {https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2019.1623171}.

48 See, for example, Friedberg, Aaron L., ‘The sources of Chinese conduct: Explaining Beijing's assertiveness’, Washington Quarterly, 37:4 (2014), pp. 133–50; Liegl, Markus B., China's Use of Military Force in Foreign Affairs: The Dragon Strikes (London: Routledge, 2017).

49 deLisle, Jacques, ‘Soft power in a hard place: China, Taiwan, cross-strait relations and US policy’, Orbis, 54:4 (2010), p. 493.

50 Wang, Yiwei, ‘Public diplomacy and the rise of Chinese soft power’, Annals of the American Academy, 616 (2008), pp. 257–73; Li, Xin and Worm, Verner, ‘Building China's soft power for peaceful rise’, Journal of Chinese Political Science, 16:69 (2011), pp. 6989; Zhang, Wanfa, ‘Has Beijing started to bare its teeth? China's tapping of soft power revisited’, Asian Perspective, 36:4 (2012), pp. 615–39.

51 Ding, Sheng, ‘Analyzing rising power from the perspective of soft power: a new look at China's rise to the status quo power’, Journal of Contemporary China, 19:64 (2010), p. 255.

52 Paradise, James F., ‘China and international harmony: the role of Confucius Institutes in bolstering Beijing's soft power’, Asian Survey, 49:4 (2009), pp. 647–69; Lahtinen, Anja, ‘China's soft power: Challenges of Confucianism and Confucius Institutes’, Journal of Comparative Asian Development, 14:2 (2015), pp. 200–26; Zhou, Ying and Luk, Sabrina, ‘Establishing Confucius Institutes: a tool for promoting China's soft power’, Journal of Contemporary China, 25:100 (2016), pp. 628–42.

53 Gill, Bates and Huang, Yanzhong, ‘Sources and limits of Chinese “soft power”’, Survival, 48:2 (2006), pp. 1736; Huang, Yanzhong and Ding, Sheng, ‘Dragon's underbelly: an analysis of China's soft power’, East Asia, 23:4 (2006), pp. 2244; Wang, ‘Public diplomacy and the rise of Chinese soft power’; Nye, Joseph S. Jr and Wang, Jisi, ‘Hard decisions on soft power: Opportunities and difficulties for Chinese soft power’, Harvard International Review, 31:2 (2009), pp. 1822; Blanchard, and Lu, , ‘Thinking hard about soft power’; David Shambaugh, ‘China's soft-power push: the search for respect’, Foreign Affairs, 94:4 (2015), pp. 99107. For a recent critique of this resource-based approach to Chinese soft power, see Chengxin Pan, Benjamin Isakhan, and Zim Nwokora, ‘Othering as soft-power discursive practice: China Daily’s construction of Trump's America in the 2016 presidential election’, Politics, Online First (17 April 2019), available at: {https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395719843219}.

54 Nye, Soft Power, p. x.

55 Nye, Soft Power; Huang and Ding, ‘Dragon's underbelly’; d'Hooghe, Ingrid, ‘Into high gear: China's public diplomacy’, The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, 3:1 (2008), pp. 3761; Nye and Wang, ‘Hard decisions on soft power’.

56 deLisle, ‘Soft power in a hard place’; Zhou and Luk, ‘Establishing Confucius Institutes’.

57 Christopher Walker and Jessica Ludwig, ‘The meaning of sharp power: How authoritarian states project influence’, Foreign Affairs (16 November 2017), available at: {https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2017-11-16/meaning-sharp-power}; Joseph S. Nye Jr, ‘How sharp power threatens soft power: the right and wrong ways to respond to authoritarian influence’, Foreign Affairs (24 January 2018), available at: {https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2018-01-24/how-sharp-power-threatens-soft-power}.

58 Lam, Peng Er, ‘Japan's quest for “soft power”: Attraction and limitation’, East Asia, 24:4 (2007), pp. 349–63; Nakano, Yoshiko, ‘Shared memories: Japanese pop culture in China’, in Watanabe, Yasushi and McConnell, David L. (eds), Soft Power Superpowers: Cultural and National Assets of Japan and the United States (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe 2008), pp. 111–27; Otmazgin, Nissim Kadosh, ‘Contesting soft power: Japanese popular culture in East and Southeast Asia’, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 8:1 (2008), pp. 73101; Ichiya, Nakamura, ‘Kūru Japan o gaikō, sangyō seisaku ni ika ni ikasu ka [How to make best use of cool Japan in diplomacy and industrial policy]’, Gaikō [Foreign Policy], 3 (2010), pp. 42–7.

59 Heng, Yee-Kuang, ‘Mirror, mirror on the wall, who is the softest of them all? Evaluating Japanese and Chinese strategies in the “soft” power competition era’, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 10:2 (2010), p. 300.

60 Nakamura, ‘Kūru Japan o gaikō, sangyō seisaku ni ika ni ikusu ka’; Kazuo, Ogoura, ‘Nihon no “jiko kitei” to gyakuten no hassō [Japan's identity and reverse ideas]’, Gaikō [Foreign Policy], 3 (2010), pp. 5461; Hirotaka, Watanabe, ‘Nihon gaikō no mirai o ninau bunka gaikō [The cultural diplomacy that carries the future of Japanese diplomacy]’, Gaikō [Foreign Policy], 3 (2010), pp. 6274; Smith, Hanscom, ‘Toward a universal Japan: Taking a harder look at Japanese soft power’, Asia Policy, 15 (2013), pp. 115–26.

61 Bukh, Alexander, ‘Revisiting Japan's cultural diplomacy: a critique of the agent-level approach to Japan's soft power’, Asian Perspective, 38:3 (2014), pp. 461–85.

62 Zhaokui, Feng, ‘Zhong-Ri guanxi de “jin” yu “tui” – jiyu “qufen kailai” yuanze yuce de keneng qianjing [“Progress” and “regress” of Sino-Japanese relations: Predicted prospects based on the “differentiation” principle]’, Riben Xuekan [Japanese Studies], 1 (2017), pp. 127; Haiyan, Zhu, ‘Riben Anbao zhengce de xin fazhan ji yingxiang [Japan's security policy: New development and implications]’, Guojiwenti yanjiu [International Studies], 1 (2018), pp. 90104.

63 Zhang, Wanfa, ‘Has Beijing started to bare its teeth? China's tapping of soft power revisited’, Asian Perspective, 36:4 (2012), pp. 615–39.

64 Yan Xuetong, ‘Cong hexie shijie kan Zhongguo ruanshili [China's soft power from the perspective of harmonious world]’, Huanqiu shibao [Global Times] (19 December 2005), available at: {http://www.china.com.cn/news/txt/2005-12/19/content_6065149.htm}.

65 Nye, Soft Power; Lam, ‘Japan's quest for “soft power”’; Nakano, ‘Shared memories’; Otmazgin, ‘Contesting soft power’; Berger, ‘Japan in Asia’.

66 Linus Hagström and Astrid H. M. Nordin, ‘China's “politics of harmony” and the quest for soft power in international politics’, International Studies Review, Online First (9 May 2019), available at: {https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz023}.

67 Nye, Soft Power, chs 2, 3.

68 On this concept of power, see Schmidt, Brian, ‘Competing realist conceptions of power’, Millennium, 33:3 (2005), pp. 523–49.

69 Nye, Joseph S. Jr, ‘Notes for a soft power research agenda’, in Berenskoetter, Felix and Williams, M. J. (eds), Power in World Politics (London and New York: Routledge, 2007), pp. 162–72.

70 Nye, Joseph S., The Future of Power (New York: Public Affairs, 2011), p. 20.

71 Kroenig, Matthew, McAdam, Melissa, and Weber, Steven, ‘Taking soft power seriously’, Comparative Strategy, 29:5 (2010), pp. 412–31; Roselle, Laura, Miskimmon, Alister, and O'Loughlin, Ben, ‘Strategic narrative: a new means to understand soft power’, Media, War & Conflict, 7:1 (2014), pp. 7084; see, for example, d'Hooghe, ‘Into high gear’; Heng, ‘Mirror, mirror on the wall, who is the softest of them all?’; Ogoura, ‘Nihon no “jiko kitei” to gyakuten no hassō’; Watanabe, ‘Nihon gaikō no mirai o ninau bunka gaikō’; Li and Worm, ‘Building China's soft power for peaceful rise’; Sun, Japan and China as Charm Rivals; Heng, Yee-Kuang, ‘Beyond “kawaii” pop culture: Japan's normative soft power as global trouble-shooter’, The Pacific Review, 27:2 (2014), pp. 169–92; Lahtinen, ‘China's soft power’.

72 Bially Mattern, ‘Why “soft power” isn't so soft’.

73 Callahan, William A., ‘Identity and security in China: the negative soft power of the China dream’, Politics, 35:3–4 (2015), pp. 216–29; see also Hagström, Linus, ‘The Sino-Japanese battle for soft power: Pitfalls and promises’, Global Affairs, 1:2 (2015), pp. 129–37; Pan, Isakhan, and Nwokora, ‘Othering as soft-power discursive practice’.

74 Somers, Margaret, ‘The narrative construction of identity: a relational and network approach’, Theory and Society, 23:5 (1994), pp. 605–49; Shepherd, Laura J., ‘Ideas/matter: Conceptualising foreign policy practice’, Critical Studies on Security, 3:3 (2015), pp. 334–7.

75 Foucault, Michel, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (London and New York: Penguin, 1977), p. 194.

76 Two previous works have made related points: Yong Wook Lee, ‘Soft power as productive power’, in Sook and Melissen (eds), Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in East Asia, pp. 33–50; Bukh, ‘Revisiting Japan's cultural diplomacy’. However, Bukh does not discuss productive power. Lee, ‘Soft power as productive power’, p. 41 argues that the exercise of soft power is dependent on prior socialisation of target audiences, but states that ‘potential sources of soft power (whatever they are) become real sources of soft power only when a receiver voluntarily develops a policy interest in importing and emulating them’ (emphasis added). This is not quite how we understand productive power.

77 Foucault, Discipline and Punish, p. 199.

78 Foucault, Michel, ‘Body/power’, in Gordon, Colin (ed.), Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews & Other Writings (New York: Pantheon, 1980), p. 55.

79 Foucault, Discipline and Punish, p. 104.

80 Bially Mattern, ‘Why “soft power” isn't so soft’, p. 606.

81 For examples, see Bruneau, William and Turk, James (eds), Disciplining Dissent: The Curbing of Free Expression in Academia and the Media (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 2004).

82 Herschinger, Eva, ‘“Hell is the Other”: Conceptualising hegemony and identity through discourse theory’, Millennium: Journal of International Affairs, 41:1 (2012), p. 67.

83 Herbert, Steve, ‘The geopolitics of the police: Foucault, disciplinary power and the tactics of the Los Angeles Police Department’, Political Geography, 15:1 (1996), p. 49.

84 Foucault, Michel, ‘The subject and power’, in Faubion, J. D. (ed.), Power (New York: The New Press, 2000), p. 324.

85 Bially Mattern, ‘Why “soft power” isn't so soft’, p. 586.

86 Foucault, ‘The subject and power’, p. 344.

87 Bially Mattern, ‘Why “soft power” isn't so soft’, p. 612.

88 Verčič, Dejan, ‘Public relations and power: How hard is soft power?’, in Zerfass, Ansgar, van Ruler, Betteke, and Sriramesh, Krishnamurthy (eds), Public Relations Research: European and International Perspectives and Innovations (Berlin: Springer, 2008), p. 276.

89 Chouliaraki, Lilie, ‘Introduction: the soft power of war: Legitimacy and community in Iraq War discourse’, in Chouliaraki, Lilie (ed.), The Soft Power of War (Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2005), p. 2, emphasis in the original.

90 Hsiung, James C., ‘Sea power, the Law of the Sea, and the Sino-Japanese East China Sea “resource war”’, American Foreign Policy Interest, 27:6 (2005), pp. 513–29.

91 Gustafsson, Karl, ‘Is China's discursive power increasing? The “power of the past” in Sino-Japanese relations’, Asian Perspective, 38:3 (2014), pp. 411–33; Gries, Peter Hays, Steiger, Derek, and Wang, Teo, ‘Popular nationalism and China's Japan policy: the Diaoyu Islands protests, 2012–2013’, Journal of Contemporary China, 25:98 (2016), pp. 264–76.

92 Panda, ‘Soft power and China–Japan relations’.

93 Callahan, ‘Identity and security in China’, p. 218.

94 ‘Xi eyes more enabling int'l environment for China's peaceful development’, Xinhua (30 November 2014), available at: {http://english.cri.cn/12394/2014/11/30/189s854461_1.htm}.

95 Liu Xiaoming, ‘China responds to Japan's provocation’, Financial Times (1 November 2012), available at: {http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/83440fd8-22c2-11e2-938d-00144feabdc0.html#axzz3GgBI0WZg}; Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, ‘Li Keqiang Meets with Papua New Guinea Prime Minster O'Neill’ (11 September 2012), available at: {http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/diaodao_665718/t969873.shtml}; Liu Xiaoming, ‘China and Britain won the war together’, Daily Telegraph (1 January 2014), available at: {http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/10546442/Liu-Xiaoming-China-and-Britain-won-the-war-together.html}; Xi Jinping, ‘Speech Delivered by the President of the People's Republic of China, Xi Jinping, to the Koerber Foundation’ (28 March 2014), available at: {http://www.koerber-stiftung.de/en/international-affairs/focus-new-east/xi-jinping-2014/speech-xi-jinping.html}.

96 Liu, ‘China responds to Japan's provocation’.

97 Gao Yanping ‘The Holocaust shall never repeat itself’, Jerusalem Post (20 January 2014), available at: {http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Op-Ed-Contributors/The-Holocaust-shall-never-repeat-itself-338801}.

98 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, ‘Statement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China’ (10 September 2012), available at: {http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/diaodao_665718/t968188.shtml}.

99 Cui Tiankai, ‘Shinzo Abe risks ties with China in tribute to war criminals’, Washington Post (9 January 2014), available at: {http://www.washingtonpost.com/pb/opinions/shinzo-abe-risks-ties-with-china-in-tribute-to-war-criminals/2014/01/09/dbd86e52-7887-11e3-af7f-13bf0e9965f6_story.html}; Gao, ‘The Holocaust shall never repeat itself’; Liu, ‘China responds to Japan's provocation’; Xi, ‘Speech Delivered by the President of the People's Republic of China’.

100 Liu, ‘China responds to Japan's provocation’.

101 Liu, ‘China and Britain won the war together’.

102 Liu, ‘China and Britain won the war together’; see also Liu, ‘China responds to Japan's provocation’; Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, ‘Vice Foreign Minister Zhang Zhijun Gave Briefing to Chinese and Foreign Journalists on the Diaoyu Dao Issue (Transcript)’ (27 October 2012), available at: {http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/diaodao_665718/t983015.shtml}.

103 Liu, ‘China responds to Japan's provocation’; Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, ‘Li Keqiang Meets with Papua New Guinea Prime Minster O'Neill’.

104 Government of Japan, National Security Strategy of Japan (Tokyo: Government of Japan, 2013), p. 23.

105 Ibid., pp. 17–18; Prime Minister's Office, ‘Cabinet Decision on Development of Seamless Security Legislation to Ensure Japan's Survival and Protect its People’ (1 July 2014), available at: {https://japan.kantei.go.jp/96_abe/decisions/index.html}.

106 Government of Japan, National Security Strategy of Japan, pp. 17, 20.

107 Ibid., p. 22; see also Ministry of Defense of Japan, National Defense Program Guidelines for FY 2014 and Beyond (17 December 2013), pp. 3–5, available at: {http://www.mod.go.jp/j/approach/agenda/guideline/2014/pdf/20131217_e2.pdf}.

108 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, ‘Ambassador to Italy Masaharu Kohno's Article to Il Messaggero’ (6 February 2014), available at: {http://www.mofa.go.jp/p_pd/ip/page24e_000032.html}.

109 Koichiro Gemba, ‘Japan–China relations at a crossroads’, New York Times (20 November 2012), available at: {http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/21/opinion/koichiro-genba-japan-china-relations-at-a-crossroads.html}; Keiichi Hayashi, ‘It is time for China to calm down’, Financial Times (13 November 2012), available at: {http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/9c280262-2cf8-11e2-9211-00144feabdc0.html}; Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, ‘Ambassador to Italy Masaharu Kohno's Article to Il Messaggero’; Kenichiro Sasae, ‘China's propaganda campaign against Japan’, Washington Post (26 January 2014), available at: {http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/chinas-propaganda-campaign-against-japan/2014/01/16/925ed924-7caa-11e3-93c1-0e888170b723_story.html}.

110 Hayashi, ‘It is time for China to calm down’.

111 ‘Senkakus: Tense waters/quantity vs. logic in “propaganda war”’, Japan News (7 October 2013), available at: {http://article.wn.com/view/2013/10/06/SENKAKUS_tense_waters_Quantity_vs_logic_in_propaganda_war}.

112 See, for example, Sasae, ‘China's propaganda campaign against Japan’; ‘Senkakus’, Japan News.

113 Tomohiko Taniguchi, quoted in Linda Sieg and Ben Blanchard, ‘Japan on backfoot in global PR war with China after Abe shrine visit’, Reuters (12 February 2014), available at: {http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/02/12/us-japan-china-pr-idUSBREA1B24520140212}.

114 Chan, Michael, ‘The discursive reproduction of ideologies and national identities in the Chinese and Japanese English-language press’, Discourse and Communication, 6:4 (2012), p. 372.

115 Quoted in ibid.

116 Shambaugh, David, ‘China or America: Which is the revisionist power?’, Survival, 43:3 (2001), pp. 2530; Mead, Walter Russell, ‘The return of geopolitics: the revenge of the revisionist powers’, Foreign Affairs, 93:3 (2014), pp. 6979.

117 Walker and Ludwig, ‘The meaning of sharp power’; Nye, ‘How sharp power threatens soft power’.

118 ‘Berlin nixes holocaust memorial request’, Spiegel Online (3 March 2014), available at: {http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/no-holocaust-memorials-for-china-president-xi-on-trip-to-berlin-a-956574.html}.

119 Ministry of External Affairs of India, ‘India–Japan Joint Statement during Visit of Prime Minister of Japan to India’ (14 September 2017), available at: {http://www.mea.gov.in/bilateral-documents.htm?dtl/28946/IndiaJapan+Joint+Statement+during+visit+of+Prime+Minister+of+Japan+to+India+September+14+2017}; Minister for Foreign Affairs of Australia, ‘Joint Statement: Seventh Japan–Australia 2+2 Foreign and Defence Ministerial Consultations’ (20 April 2017), available at: {https://foreignminister.gov.au/releases/Pages/2017/jb_mr_170420.aspx}; Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan, ‘Japan–ASEAN Summit Meeting’ (13 November 2017), available at: {http://www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/rp/page3e_000791.html}; NATO, ‘Joint Press Statement Issued on the Occasion of the Meeting between the NATO Secretary General, H. E. Mr Jens Stoltenberg and H. E. Mr Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan’ (31 October 2017), available at: {https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/opinions_148029.htm?selectedLocale=en}.

120 Donald Tusk, ‘Remarks by President Donald Tusk before the EU–Japan Leaders’ Meeting’, European Council (21 March 2017), available at: {http://www.consilium.europa.eu/sv/press/press-releases/2017/03/21/tusk-joint-meeting-abe/?+by+President+Donald+Tusk+before+the+EU-Japan+Leaders%27+meeting}.

121 Su Yun, ‘Li Denghui biaoyan “mori diankuang” [The “doomsday hysteria” performance of Lee Tenghui]’, Renmin ribao haiwaiban [People's Daily, overseas edn] (29 July 2015), p. 3.

122 ‘Dui Mao Yushi zheyang de Riben he Meiguo Gou bixu shadiao! [Such Japanese and American dogs as Mao Yushi must be killed!]’, Tianya (5 May 2013), available at: {http://bbs.tianya.cn/post-free-3275018-1.shtml}.

123 Amrutha Gayathri, ‘Chinese tourists warmly received in Japan, criticized in China’, International Business Times (24 October 2012), available at: {http://www.ibtimes.com/chinese-tourists-warmly-received-japan-criticized-china-852788}.

124 ‘Woba shuo qu Riben lüyou jiushi Hanjian, maiguo, qu haishi buqu? [My father maintains that a visitor to Japan is simply a traitor who betrays China: Should I go or not?]’, douban.com (2013), available at: {https://www.douban.com/group/topic/40840150/}.

125 Suisheng, Zhao, ‘China’s difficult relations with Japan: Pragmatism, superficial friendship, and historical memories’, Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, 1:4 (2016), pp. 335–53 (p. 345).

126 Kazunori Takada and Chris Buckley, ‘Japan shuts factories, stores in China as islands dispute turns violent’, Financial Post (17 September 2012), available at: {http://business.financialpost.com/news/japan-shuts-factories-stores-in-china-as-islands-dispute-turns-violent}.

127 Quoted in Gries, Steiger, and Wang, ‘Popular nationalism and China's Japan policy’, p. 270.

128 Quoted in Zhao, ‘China’s difficult relations with Japan’, p. 339.

129 Manya Koetse, ‘“I wish we never bought a Japanese car”: Lasting scars of anti-Japanese demonstrations’, What's on Weibo (18 December 2016), available at: {http://www.whatsonweibo.com/wish-never-bought-japanese-car-lasting-scars-anti-japanese-demonstrations/}.

130 ‘Hatoyama wa “kokuzoku” to bōeishō [The Defense Minister: Hatoyama [is] a “traitor”]’, Sankei Nyūsu (17 January 2013), available at: {http://www.sankei.com/politics/news/130117/plt1301170004-n1.html}.

131 ‘Torigoe Shuntarō shi wa “baikokudoda, koitsu wa” Koike Yuriko shi wa “usotsuki” [Mr Torigoe Shuntarō is a “traitor”, Ms Koike Yuriko is a “liar”]’, Sankei Nyūsu (27 July 2016), available at: {http://www.sankei.com/politics/news/160726/plt1607260038-n1.html}.

132 Twitter search using the terms ‘Senkaku’ and ‘Magosaki’, and the time span 1 April to 31 December 2012; 731 of the tweets criticised him along these lines, while 384 tweets made positive remarks about his analysis of the dispute.

133 Email correspondence between Linus Hagström (co-author of this article) and Yabuki Susumu, ‘Re: Domestic politics of the Senkaku issue in Japan’, 13 October 2017.

134 Email correspondence between Hagström and Murata Tadayoshi, ‘Re: SV: Otioawase’ (Re: SV: Request), 4 October 2017.

135 Email correspondence between Hagström and Magosaki Ukeru, ‘Re: Debating Senkaku in Japan’, 18 September 2017.

136 Ōnishi Hideo, ‘Address to the General Affairs Committee, House of Representatives’ (21 March 2013), available at: {http://kokkai.ndl.go.jp/}.

137 Email correspondence: Yabuki, ‘Re: Domestic politics of the Senkaku issue in Japan’.

138 Email correspondence between Hagström and Suganuma Unryū, ‘Response’, 13 September 2017; cf. Email correspondences: Murata, ‘Re: SV: Otioawase’; Yabuki, ‘Re: Domestic politics of the Senkaku issue in Japan’.

139 Mure Dickie, ‘Tokyo warned over plans to buy islands’, Financial Times (6 June 2012), available at: {https://www.ft.com/content/af98fc54-aef7-11e1-a4e0-00144feabdc0}.

140 ‘Gemba rebukes Japan's envoy to China over Senkaku remarks’, Japan Today (12 June 2012), available at: {https://www.japantoday.com/smartphone/view/politics/gemba-rebukes-tokyos-ambassador-to-china-over-senkaku-remarks}.

141 Suzuki, Takeshi and Murai, Shusuke, ‘How the Japanese legacy media covered the Senkaku controversy’, in Hollihan, Thomas A. (ed.), The Dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands: How Media Narratives Shape Public Opinion and Challenge the Global Order (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), p. 143.

142 Smith, Sheila, Intimate Rivals: Japanese Domestic Politics and a Rising China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016), p. 219, emphasis added.

143 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, ‘Senkaku Islands Q&A’ (13 April 2016), available at: {http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/asia-paci/senkaku/qa_1010.html}.

144 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, ‘Statement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China’.

145 Shusuke Murai and Takeshi Suzuki, ‘How the Japanese social media users discussed the Senkaku controversy’, in Hollihan (ed.), The Dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands, pp. 169–99.

146 Ren Xiao, ‘Diaoyu/Senkaku disputes: a view from China’, East Asia Forum (4 November 2013), available at: {http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2013/11/04/diaoyusenkaku-disputes-a-view-from-china/}.

147 ‘Luo Yuan: Ying ba Diaoyudao huawei bachang daxiang “haishang renmin zhanzheng” [Luo Yuan: Diaoyu Islands should become target range to launch a “maritime people's war”]’, Huanqiuwang (21 August 2012), available at: {http://world.huanqiu.com/exclusive/2012-08/3048388.html}.

148 Alexander Neil, ‘Japan's growing concern over China's naval might’, BBC News (28 May 2017), available at: {http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-39918647}.

149 Hagström, Linus, ‘“Power shift” in East Asia? A critical reappraisal of narratives on the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands incident in 2010’, Chinese Journal of International Politics, 5:3 (2012), pp. 267–97; Maslow, Sebastian, ‘A blueprint for a strong Japan? Abe Shinzō and Japan's evolving security system’, Asian Survey, 55:4 (2015), pp. 739–65.

150 ‘Japan Coast Guard to set up liaison body to help Southeast Asian counterparts deal with China’, Japan Times (7 January 2017), available at: {http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2017/01/07/national/politics-diplomacy/japan-set-body-bolster-southeast-asian-coast-guards-amid-chinese-assertiveness-sea/}.

151 Emma Graham-Harrison, ‘Islands on the frontline of a new global flashpoint: China v Japan’, The Guardian (5 February 2017), available at: {https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/feb/05/china-v-japan-new-global-flashpoint-senkaku-islands-ishigaki}.

152 Auslin, Michael, ‘Japan's new realism: Abe gets tough’, Foreign Affairs, 95:2 (2016), p. 131.

153 See, for example, James Holmes, ‘Asia's worst nightmare: a China–Japan war’, The National Interest (26 October 2014), available at: {http://nationalinterest.org/commentary/asias-ultimate-nightmare-china-japan-war-9662}.

154 Quoted in Gries, Steiger, and Wang, ‘Popular nationalism and China's Japan policy’, p. 272.

155 Yuki Tatsumi, ‘Is Japan ready for the quad? Opportunities and challenges for Tokyo in a changing Indo-Pacific’, War on the Rocks (9 January 2018), available at: {https://warontherocks.com/2018/01/japan-ready-quad-opportunities-challenges-tokyo-changing-indo-pacific/}.

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