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‘Who would go to Egypt?’ How tourism accounts for ‘terrorism’

Abstract
Abstract

This article examines the tension between British and Egyptian counterterrorism discourses and Western tourism industry discourses. I analyse how guidebooks like the Rough Guide and Lonely Planet attract tourists by representing Egypt as an appealing tourist destination in a way that accounts for its positioning, in counterterrorism discourses, as a location and source of terrorism. They do so by producing ‘risk’ in a very specific way. Guidebook representations construct one extreme of Egyptian society as ‘bad’ Muslims who pose an essential threat to Western tourists and their inherently progressive liberal democratic values. Having defined risk in this way, guidebooks justify the production of ‘states of exception’ and ‘exceptional states’ that exclude ‘bad’ Muslims and protect Western tourists. These strategies function together to construct Egypt as non-threatening and appealing to tourists. I argue that guidebooks not only account for terrorism but represent Egypt in a way that largely reinforces British and Egyptian ‘war on terror’ strategies. These strategies similarly protect subjects and spaces that uphold Western liberal democratic values. This article highlights the constitutive role of tourism in international politics and simultaneously helps us better understand the complex and mundane means by which the current Western liberal order is (re)produced.

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1 This article was written before the 25 January 2011 revolution. Unless otherwise indicated, all references to Egypt, the Egyptian government, and its policies/discourses relate to Egypt's pre-revolution period under Hosni Mubarak. It is difficult to comment on the impact of the revolution in this article as Egypt is currently in a process of transition.

2 The United Kingdom's 2009 counterterrorism strategy, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, also known as CONTEST, explicitly asserts that the sources of inspiration and planning for international terrorism are ‘overseas’, and positions Egypt as a primary source of origin and threat of terrorism. See Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare: The United Kingdom's Strategy for Countering International Terrorism (2009), available at: {http://security.homeoffice.gov.uk/counter-terrorism-strategy/} accessed 31 January 2010, pp. 85, 141. CONTEST identifies ‘international terrorism’ as the current source of threats to the UK and its interests overseas in. International terrorism includes those groups or individuals directly and indirectly connected with al-Qaeda and its ideology, located in ‘the Near East (Palestine, Israel, Lebanon); Iraq; South Asia (Afghanistan, Pakistan, India); North Africa (the Maghreb, Libya and Egypt) and the Horn of Africa; and South East Asia (primarily Indonesia)’ (pp. 33–4). In its outline of the historical development of international terrorism CONTEST identifies the origins of the current international terrorist threat in Islamist militant ideologies that arose in Egypt in the late 1970s and early 80s, spreading to Afghanistan and Algeria. In 1998, al-Qaeda and the old Egyptian Islamic Jihad merged to form the ‘World Islamic Front’, which called for attacks on the citizens of the US and its allies around the world (pp. 24–5). Meanwhile, terrorism propagandists from Algeria and Egypt had moved to the UK, and British-based extremist organisations started supporting participation in overseas terrorism, while al-Qaeda began recruiting British nationals and setting up a UK network (pp. 28–9). The 2009 document was replaced in July 2011, after this article was written and revised for publication. See Home Office, CONTEST: The United Kingdom's Strategy for Countering Terrorism (2011), available at: {http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/counter-terrorism/counter-terrorism-strategy} accessed 6 October 2011.

3 The most recent Egyptian government frequently used threats to its national security, from ‘destabilizing factors’ including ‘the position of the northern part of the Sinai desert which borders Gaza, the activities of the terrorist organization Hizbullah, the presence on the Egyptian territory of elements linked to the terrorist organization Al-Qaida, the increased accessibility of Al-Qaida's propaganda online, the existence of Islamist movements in the Middle East in general and the presence of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in particular’ to justify its ongoing state of emergency. See United Nations Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms while Countering Terrorism, Mission to Egypt (2009) available at: {http://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/terrorism/rapporteur/reports.htm} accessed 31 January 2010, p. 7. Egypt is currently run by the Supreme Council of Armed Forces, which highlights similar threats to maintain, and indeed extend, the state of emergency. See Samer al-Atrush, ‘Egypt military to widen state of emergency’, AFP (12 September 2011), available at: {http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gC0xgXy1LelXX6mYEGGHQBiYOMBQ?docId=CNG.37f490980793ed822010b69c4858a6ab.411} accessed 6 October 2011.

4 Egypt Tourism Report (London: Business Monitor International Ltd., 2010).

5 Mitchell Timothy, ‘Worlds Apart: An Egyptian Village and the International Tourism Industry’, Middle East Report, 196 (1995), pp. 823, 10.

6 Any reference to ‘risk’ or ‘threat’ in this article assumes that it is socially constituted, in line with my post-structural theoretical framework (see pp. 617–618).

7 See Agathangelou Anna, ‘“Sexing” Globalization in International Relations: Migrant Sex and Domestic Workers in Cyprus, Greece and Turkey’, in Chowdhry Geeta and Nair Sheila (eds), Power, Postcolonialism and International Relations: Reading Race, Gender and Class (New York: Routledge, 2004), pp. 142–69; Beier Marshall J., International Relations in Uncommon Places: Indigeneity, Cosmology, and the Limits of International Theory (London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005); Gregory Derek, The Colonial Present (Malden; Oxford; Victoria: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), pp. 4–5; Said Edward W., Orientalism (London: Penguin Books, 2003); Said Edward W., Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994); Stoler Laura Ann, Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault's History of Sexuality and the Colonial Order of Things (Durham; London: Duke University Press, 1995).

8 See pp. 617–618 for definitions.

9 See Hall Stuart, ‘Signification, Representation, Ideology: Althusser and the Post-Structuralist Debates’, Critical Studies in Media Communication, 2:2 (1985), pp. 91114, 104; Laclau Ernest and Mouffe ChantalHegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985), p. 106; Doty Roxanne Lynn, Imperial Encounters (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), p. 309; Weldes Jutta, Constructing National Interests: The United States and the Cuban Missile Crisis (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), p. 98; Rose Gillian, Visual Methodologies: An Introduction to the Interpretation of Visual Materials (London: Sage, 2001), p. 138; Mills Sara, Discourse, 2nd edn (London: Routledge, 2004), p. 17.

10 See Hall, ‘Signification, Representation, Ideology’, p. 94; Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, p. 110.

11 See Urry John, The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies (London: Sage Publications, 1990); Urry John, Consuming Places (London; New York: Routledge, London, 1995); Bruner Edward M., ‘The Transformation of Self in Tourism’, Annals of Tourism Research, 18 (1991), pp. 238–50; Bruner Edward M., ‘Tourism in the Balinese Borderzone’, in Bohn Gmelch Sharon (ed.), Tourists and Tourism: A Reader (Illinois: Waveland Press, 2004), pp. 219–38; Bruner Edward M., Culture on Tour: Ethnographies of Travel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005); Selwyn Tom, ‘Introduction’, in Selwyn Tom (ed.), The Tourist Image: Myths and Myth Making in Tourism (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1996), pp. 131; Franklin Adrian and Crang Michael, ‘The Trouble with Tourism and Travel Theory?’, Tourist Studies, 1:1 (2001), pp. 522; Taylor John P., ‘Authenticity and Sincerity in Tourism’, Annals of Tourism Research, 28:1 (2001), pp. 726; Cohen Erik, ‘Backpacking: Diversity and Change’, in Bohn Gmelch Sharon (ed.), Tourists and Tourism: A Reader (Illinois: Waveland Press, 2004), pp. 389405; Rojek Chris and Urry John, ‘Introduction’, in Rojek Chris and Urry John (eds), Touring Cultures: Transformations of Travel and Theory, 4th edn (London: Routledge, 2004), pp. 119; Lisle Debbie, ‘Gazing at Ground Zero: Tourism, Voyeurism and Spectacle’, Journal for Cultural Research, 8:1 (2004), pp. 321; Lisle Debbie, The Global Politics of Contemporary Travel Writing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Lisle Debbie, ‘Humanitarian Travels: Ethical Communication in Lonely Planet Guidebooks’, Review of International Studies, 34 (2008), pp. 155#x2013;72.

12 See Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, p. 10; Weldes, Constructing National Interests, p. 99.

13 Weldes, Constructing National Interests, p. 99.

14 Said, Orientalism, p. 21.

15 Firestone Matthew D., O'Neill Zora, Sattin Anthony, and Wlodarski Rafael, Lonely Planet Egypt, 9th edn (Hawthorne: Lonely Planet Publications, 2008); Richardson Dan and Jacobs Daniel, The Rough Guide to Egypt, 7th edn (New York; London; Delhi: Rough Guides, 2007).

16 Lisle, ‘Humanitarian Travels’, p. 166.

17 BBC Worldwide acquired a 75 per cent share in the Lonely Planet in 2009. Lonely Planet, ‘About Lonely Planet’, website, available at: {http://www.lonelyplanet.com/about/} accessed 31 January 2010. Rough Guides Ltd has its headquarters in London. Rough Guide, ‘Welcome to Rough Guides’, website, available at: {www.roughguides.com} accessed 31 January 2010.

18 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 507; Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 74.

19 Bhattacharyya Deborah P., ‘Mediating India: An Analysis of a Guidebook’, Annals of Tourism Research, 24:2 (1997), pp. 371–89.

20 Lisle, ‘Humanitarian Travels’, p. 161.

21 The 2009 document was replaced in July 2011, after this article was written and revised for publication, but is subject to similar critiques. See Home Office, CONTEST: The United Kingdom's Strategy for Countering Terrorism (2011), available at: {http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/counter-terrorism/counter-terrorism-strategy} accessed 6 October 2011. For a summary of the changes and initial critiques see ‘Updated anti-extremism strategy published’, BBC News (8 June 2011), available at: {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-13679360} accessed 6 October 2011.

22 These include Vitalis Robert, ‘Middle East on the Edge of the Pleasure Periphery’, Middle East Report, 196 (1995), pp. 27; Mitchell Timothy, ‘Making the Nation: The Politics of Heritage in Egypt’, in AlSayyad Nezar (ed.), Consuming Tradition, Manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and Urban Forms in the Age of Tourism (London: Routledge, 2001), pp. 212–39; Denis Eric, ‘Cairo as Neo-Liberal Capital? From Walled City to Gated Communities’, in Singerman Diane and Amar Paul (eds), Cairo Cosmopolitan: Politics, Culture and Urban Space in the New Middle East (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2006), pp. 4771; Elsheshtawy Yasser, ‘Urban Transformations: Social Control at al-Rifa'i Mosque and Sultan Hasan Square’, in Singerman Diane and Amar Paul (eds), Cairo Cosmopolitan: Politics, Culture and Urban Space in the New Middle East (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2006), pp. 295312; Kuppinger Petra, ‘Pyramids and Alleys: Global Dynamics and Local Strategies in Giza’, in Singerman Diane and Amar Paul (eds), Cairo Cosmopolitan: Politics, Culture and Urban Space in the New Middle East (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2006), pp. 313–44; Singerman Diane and Amar Paul, ‘Introduction: Contesting Myths, Critiquing Cosmopolitanism, and Creating the New Cairo School of Urban Studies’, in Singerman Diane and Amar Paul (eds), Cairo Cosmopolitan: Politics, Culture and Urban Space in the New Middle East (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2006), pp. 146; Williams Caroline, ‘Reconstructing Islamic Cairo: Forces at Work’, in Singerman Diane and Amar Paul (eds), Cairo Cosmopolitan: Politics, Culture and Urban Space in the New Middle East (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2006), pp. 269–94; Wynn L. L., Pyramids and Nightclubs: A Travel Ethnography of Arab and Western Imaginations of Egypt, from King Tut and a Colony of Atlantis to Rumors of Sex Orgies, Urban Legends about a Marauding Prince, and Blonde Belly Dancers (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2007).

23 United Nations Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms while Countering Terrorism, Mission to Egypt (2009) available at: {http://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/terrorism/rapporteur/reports.htm} accessed 31 January 2010.

24 Rose, Visual Methodologies, p. 136.

25 Ibid., pp. 150–8.

26 Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 83.

27 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, pp. 63–4, 16.

28 These two extremes are also differentiated based on the status of women in each (Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, pp. 63–4, 16). In the interests of space, however, I have chosen to focus on how guidebooks differentiate between the extremes of Egyptian society based on religiosity, class, and level of support for the West.

29 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, pp. 63–8; Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, pp. 6, 785–7.

30 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 66; Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, pp. 6, 785.

31 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 63.

32 Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 6.

33 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 63.

34 Ibid., p. 66.

35 Ibid., p. 63.

36 Ibid.

37 Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, pp. 787–8.

38 Biswas Shampa, ‘The “New Cold War”: Secularism, Orientalism and Postcoloniality’, in Chowdhry Geeta and Nair Sheila (eds), Power, Postcolonialism and International Relations: Reading Race, Gender and Class (New York: Routledge, 2004), pp. 187–8. Modernisation theory, which developed after World War II, portrays Western liberal democracy as a universal final stage in the transition from ‘pre-modern/traditional’ to ‘modern’ societies according to a teleological model of development. Other countries are read, evaluated, and managed according to this ‘stages of growth model’. See Crush Jonathan, Power of Development (London; New York: Routledge, 1995), pp. 910.

39 Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, pp. 57–8; Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, pp. 44–5.

40 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 45; Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, pp. 57–8, 783.

41 Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, pp. 57–8.

42 Ibid., pp. 134, 783, 789; Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, pp. 44–5.

43 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 44.

44 Ibid., p. 64.

45 Ibid., pp. 64, 44–5.

46 Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 781; Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 16.

47 For more details see Wynn, Pyramids and Nightclubs, pp. 58, 64; Hunter F. Robert, ‘Tourism and Empire: The Thomas Cook and Son Enterprise on the Nile, 1868–1914’, Middle Eastern Studies, 40:5 (2004), pp. 2854.

48 For more detail on such liberalisation policies see Steger Manfred B. and Roy Ravi K., Neoliberalism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 1920.

49 See Richter Thomas and Steiner Christian, ‘Politics, Economics and Tourism Development in Egypt: Insights into the Sectoral Transformation of a Neo-Patrimonial Rentier State’, Third World Quarterly, 29:5 (2008), pp. 939–59; Gray Matthew, ‘Economic Reform, Privatization and Tourism in Egypt’, Middle Eastern Studies, 34:2 (1998), pp. 91112.

50 Indeed, although Egypt has been referred to as the International Monetary Fund's ‘model pupil’ (‘The IMF's Model Pupil’, Economist, 350:8111 [1999] pp. 4–7), enjoying foreign direct investment of 13 billion in 2008 and growth rates of around 7 per cent, this ‘success’ has only benefitted the top 10 per cent of society and absolute poverty has grown from 16.7 per cent to 20 per cent in the last 10 years. Jack Shenker, ‘And Rich Got Richer’, The Guardian (8 November 2009), available at: {http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/nov/08/egypt-imf} accessed 11 February 2011. See also Mitchell Timothy, ‘No Factories, No Problems: The Logic of Neo-Liberalism in Egypt’, Review of African Political Economy, 26:82 (1999), pp. 455–68, 460–1, 463.

51 Guidebooks outline their contributions to charity projects that are meant to address the environmental and social effects of tourism, largely through development and carbon offsetting schemes, recommending that tourists themselves contribute to these schemes. They also give tips on economically and environmentally sustainable purchasing. The LP and RG encourage tourists to counteract the effects of underdevelopment in Egypt by supplementing people's income through tips or paying extra for taxis. Firestone et al., Lonely Planet, pp. 524, 480, 85, 18, 63; Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, pp. 28, 553.

52 Richter and Steiner explain that tourism was specifically encouraged by the IMF to compensate for Egypt's losses from the decline of oil rent revenues in the 1980s. Those benefitting from liberal structural adjustment policies are the small number of financial elites who own major Egyptian tour companies and tourism real estate, as well as Western tour companies and major international hotel chains. See Richter and Steiner, ‘Politics, Politics, Economics and Tourism Development in Egypt’, pp. 939, 951; Vitalis, ‘Middle East on the Edge of the Pleasure Periphery’, p. 7. Regarding the links between tourism and colonialism see p. 22.

53 Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, pp. 33–4.

54 Such international terrorism is explicitly differentiated from ‘Irish-related terrorism’ and ‘domestic extremism’ such as animal rights extremists. Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, p. 59.

55 Ibid., pp. 22, 28–9, 33–4, 36–7, 41–2.

56 Ibid., pp. 28–9, 36, 85, 141.

57 Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, p. 41.

58 As examples of such exclusions, CONTEST cites specifically inequalities in education, health, housing, the labour market, along with a lack of social mobility, underemployment, and feelings of ‘not being accepted or not belonging’ (HO, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, pp. 89, 91, 44).

59 Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, p. 44.

60 Biswas, ‘The “New Cold War”’, pp. 186, 190.

61 Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, pp. 41–2, 43–6, 48, 50.

62 Ibid., p. 45.

63 CONTEST promotes supporting vulnerable individuals and states to develop through an increase in social and economic opportunities. The UK Department for International Development programmes, for example, specifically aims to reduce inequality, improve local governance and increase locals’ access to justice and security. See Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, pp. 83, 85, 92, 97. CONTEST also recommends addressing individual grievances such as inequalities in education, health, housing, the labour market, lack of social mobility, and underemployment based on race and faith (2009), pp. 89, 91.

64 Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, p. 157.

65 Ibid., p. 56.

66 CONTEST's threatening spaces and subjects, which articulate with those constructed by guidebooks, thereby similarly position UK subjects as superior responsible individuals, specifically emphasising their ‘Britishness’.

67 UNHRC, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms while Countering Terrorism, Mission to Egypt, p. 7; Sarah Carr, ‘UN Expert Issues Damning Report on Egypt's Counterterrorism Measures’, The Daily News Egypt (29 October 2009), available at: {http://www.thedailynewsegypt.com/article.aspx?ArticleID=25502} 18 January 2010.

68 Abu-Lughod Lila, Local Contexts of Islamism in Popular Media (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006), p. 10.

69 Abu-Lughod, Local Contexts of Islamism in Popular Media, p. 14.

70 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 16.

71 Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 789; Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 45.

72 Timothy Mitchell, ‘Making the Nation’, pp. 222, 228; Denis, ‘Cairo as Neo-Liberal Capital?’; Singerman and Amar, ‘Introduction’, p. 22.

73 Denis, ‘Cairo as Neo-Liberal Capital?’, p. 49.

74 Ibid., pp. 51–2.

75 Ibid., p. 57.

76 Ibid.

77 UNHRC, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms while Countering Terrorism, Mission to Egypt, p. 14.

78 UNHRC, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms while Countering Terrorism, Mission to Egypt, p. 13; Carr, ‘UN Expert Issues Damning Report on Egypt's Counterterrorism Measures’.

79 Singerman and Amar, ‘Introduction’, p. 9.

80 Richter-Montpetit Melanie, ‘Empire, Desire and Violence: A Queer Transnational Feminist Reading of the Prisoner “Abuse” in Abu Ghraib and the Question of “Gender Equality”’, International Feminist Journal of Politics, 9:1 (2007), pp. 42, 48.

81 Arun Kundnani, Spooked: How Not to Prevent Violent Extremism (London: Institute of Race Relations, 2009), available at: {http://www.irr.org.uk/spooked/} 31 January 2010, p. 39.

82 Said, Orientalism, p. 233. For a discussion of orientalism, see pp. 633–634.

83 Kundnani, Spooked, p. 35.

84 Razack Sherene, Casting Out: The Eviction of Muslims from Western Law and Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008), p. 49.

85 Abu-Lughod, Local Contexts of Islamism in Popular Media, p. 5.

86 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 64.

87 Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 58.

88 Ibid., p. 789.

89 Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, p. 84.

90 Ibid., pp. 49–50.

91 See Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 81; Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, pp. 57, 58. The LP specifically argues that ‘Egypt is presently no more or less dangerous than any other country, your own included’ (p. 506). The LP is not consistent in this point as earlier it highlights how ‘terrorist attacks are starting to occur with worrying regularity’ (p. 16).

92 Razack, Casting Out, pp. 6–7, 11; Agamben Giorgio, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Heller-Roazen Daniel (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1998), pp. 79.

93 Ong Aihwa, Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006), pp. 56, 24.

94 Mitchell, ‘Making the Nation’, pp. 222, 228; Elsheshtawy, ‘Urban Transformations’; Kuppinger, ‘Pyramids and Alleys’; Singerman and Amar, ‘Introduction’; Williams, ‘Reconstructing Islamic Cairo’; Wynn, Pyramids and Nightclubs; Golia Maria, City of Sand (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2004), p. 126.

95 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, pp. 106, 126, 140, 147; Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 208.

96 Guidebooks see this type of tourist as proof of the fact that travel is a ‘global benefit’ that offers ‘opportunities for greater contact and awareness among people’. See Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, pp. 480, 524; Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 28.

97 Lisle, ‘Humanitarian Travels’, p. 171.

98 UNHRC, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms while Countering Terrorism, Mission to Egypt, pp. 14–16, 18; Carr, ‘UN Expert Issues Damning Report on Egypt's Counterterrorism Measures’.

99 Ibid., p. 12.

100 Ibid., pp. 20–3.

101 Ibid., pp. 10–11; Carr, ‘UN Expert Issues Damning Report on Egypt's Counterterrorism Measures’.

102 UNHRC, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms while Countering Terrorism, Mission to Egypt, p. 7.

103 Ibid., p. 5; Carr, ‘UN Expert Issues Damning Report on Egypt's Counterterrorism Measures’.

104 Samer al-Atrush, ‘Egypt Military to Widen State of Emergency’, AFP (12 September 2011), available at: {http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gC0xgXy1LelXX6mYEGGHQBiYOMBQ?docIdCNG.37f490980793ed822010b69c4858a6ab.411} accessed 6 October 2011.

105 Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, p. 16. I expand more on this point in the next section with reference to Ong's work, which focuses on the economic logics that define citizenship in contemporary liberalism.

106 The UK Home Secretary announced in January 2011 that ‘control orders’ would be replaced by ‘Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures’ by the end of the year. These measures have been critiqued, however, for being ‘little more than “control orders lite”’. See ‘Theresa May: Control Orders To Be replaced’, BBC News (26 January 2011), available at: {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12287074} accessed 6 October 2011.

107 Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, p. 67.

108 Dominic Casciani, ‘Terror suspects “able to sue” over control orders’, BBC News (28 July 2010), available at: {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-10788933} 6 October 2011.

109 Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, pp. 68–9.

110 Ibid., pp. 68–9.

111 Ibid., pp. 72–3, 69.

112 See Home Office, Pursue Prevent Protect Prepare, p. 157. CONTEST explicitly argues that ‘the duty on all of us – Government, citizens and communities – is to challenge those who, for whatever reason or cause, reject the rights to which we are committed, scorn the institutions and values of our parliamentary democracy, dismiss the rule of law and promote intolerance and discrimination’ (p. 87).

113 Kundnani, Spooked, p. 40.

114 Former British Communities Minister Hazel Blears stated in 2009 that ‘this country is proud of its tradition of fair play and good manners, welcoming of diversity, tolerant of others. This is a great strength. But the pendulum has swung too far’. Kundnani, Spooked, p. 21.

115 Razack, Casting Out, p. 12.

116 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 126.

117 Ibid., pp. 22–8.

118 Kuppinger, ‘Pyramids and Alleys’; Said, Orientalism, p. 86; Wynn, Pyramids and Nightclubs, p. 24; Bryce Derek, ‘Repackaging Orientalism: Discourse on Egypt and Turkey in British Outbound Tourism’, Tourist Studies, 7:2 (2007), pp. 165–91, 177, 178.

119 Lisle, The Global Politics of Contemporary Travel Writing, pp. 204–6.

120 Ibid., p. 217.

121 Ibid.

122 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 5.

123 Bryce, ‘Repackaging Orientalism’, p. 180.

124 Lisle, ‘Humanitarian Travels’, p. 162.

125 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 156.

126 Mitchell Timothy, Colonizing Egypt (Berkeley; Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 23, 26.

127 Ibid., pp. 21–7.

128 Ibid., p. 26.

129 Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 532.

130 Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 93.

131 Timothy Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt, pp. 20, 24, 28.

132 These include ‘Flaubert in Egypt: A Sensibility on Tour’, ‘A Thousand Miles up the Nile’, ‘Letters from Egypt’ (Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, p. 19), and ‘The Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians’ (Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 803).

133 Gregory Derek, ‘Scripting Egypt: Orientalism and the Cultures of Travel’, in Duncan James and Gregory Derek (eds), Writes of Passage: Reading Travel Writing (London; New York: Routledge, 1999), pp. 114–50; Said, Orientalism; Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt, pp. 21–31, 33.

134 Said, Orientalism, pp. 1–6, 16–17, 34.

135 Said, Orientalism, p. 49.

136 See Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, pp. 44, 80, 31; Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, pp. 79, 83, 88–9, 90. Gregory draws similar parallels between nineteenth and twentieth-century writings on Egypt and contemporary tourism representations of Egypt that suggest nostalgia for, and a (re)performance of, colonial cultures of travel and the occupation of corresponding subject positions. See Gregory Derek, ‘Colonial Nostalgia and Cultures of Travel: Spaces of Constructed Visibility in Egypt’, in AlSayyad Nezar (ed.), Consuming Tradition, Manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and Urban Forms in the Age of Tourism (London: Routledge, 2001), pp. 111–51.

137 The LP argues that the British protectorate was imposed to help restore order to Egypt's mismanaged financial situation. It points out the British protectorate's positive role in Egypt, detailing how it improved Egypt's finances, bureaucracy and infrastructure. Both guidebooks acknowledge, however, that European politicians and banks exploited Egypt's weak economic condition for the benefit of UK foreign and economic policy. See Firestone et al., Lonely Planet Egypt, pp. 40–1; Richardson and Jacobs, Rough Guide to Egypt, p. 777.

138 Said argues that Americans reproduce Orientalist discourses especially through government, businesses, media, and popular culture representations of Arabs and Islam, which justify violence against the inherent threat they pose to the West. Said, Orientalism, pp. 284–7, 300–1; Said Edward W., Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World (London: Vintage Books, 1997), pp. 512, 2830.

139 F. Robert Hunter, ‘Tourism and Empire’.

140 Lisle, The Global Politics of Contemporary Travel Writing, pp. 207, 209.

141 Ibid., pp. 210, 213.

142 Derek Gregory, The Colonial Present, p. 7.

143 See Gikandi Simon, Maps of Englishness: Writing Identity in the Culture of Colonialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), pp. 35, 7, 8. Gikandi highlights how liberalism, which professes to serve a universal constituency, is predicated on and continues to reproduce, systematic political exclusions.

144 Gikandi, Maps of Englishness, pp. 9, 28, 31, 33.

145 Ibid., p. 49.

146 Razack, Casting Out, p. 95; Kundnani, Spooked, p. 7; Meer Nasar and Modood Tariq, ‘The Multicultural State We're In: Muslims, “Multiculture” and the “Civic Re-balancing” of British Multiculturalism’, Political Studies, 57:3 (2009), pp. 473–97, 2, 9.

147 Meer and Modood, ‘The Multicultural State We're In’, pp. 11–12, 6.

148 Gikandi, Maps of Englishness, p. 7.

149 Ibid., p. 8.

150 Vitalis, ‘Middle East on the Edge of the Pleasure Periphery’, p. 5; Mitchell, ‘Making the Nation’, pp. 213–14; Wynn, Pyramids and Nightclubs, pp. 24, 60, 69–70.

151 Mitchell, ‘Making the Nation’; Elsheshtawy, ‘Urban Transformations’; Kuppinger, ‘Pyramids and Alleys’; Williams, ‘Reconstructing Islamic Cairo’; Wynn, Pyramids and Nightclubs.

152 Kuppinger, ‘Pyramids and Alleys’, Williams, ‘Reconstructing Islamic Cairo’; Wynn, Pyramids and Nightclubs, pp. 69–70.

153 Wynn, Pyramids and Nightclubs, p. 71.

154 Reid Donald M., ‘Nationalizing the Pharaonic Past: Egyptology, Imperialism, and Egyptian Nationalism, 1922–1952’, in Janowski James and Gershoni Israel (eds), Rethinking Nationalism in the Arab Middle East (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), pp. 127–59, 128–9, 138.

155 Reid Donald M., ‘Nationalizing the Pharaonic Past: Egyptology, Imperialism, and Egyptian Nationalism, 1922–1952’, in Janowski James and Gershoni Israel (eds), Rethinking Nationalism in the Arab Middle East (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), pp. 127–59, 128–9, 138.

156 Reid, ‘Nationalizing the Pharaonic Past’, pp. 145, 148; Jankowski James, ‘Arab Nationalism in “Nasserism” and Egyptian State Policy, 1952–1958’, in Janowski James and Gershoni Israel (eds), Rethinking Nationalism in the Arab Middle East (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), pp. 150–67, 151, 155.

157 Along with liberalisation and an alliance with the West, this move also included peace with Israel and controlled democratisation. See Ibrahim Saad Eddin, ‘An Islamic Alternative in Egypt: The Muslim Brotherhood and Sadat’, in Saad Eddin Ibrahim, Egypt, Islam and Democracy: Critical Essays (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2002), pp. 3551, 37–9.

158 Unlike Nasser, Sadat promoted pride in both Egypt's civilisation and Islamic identity. See Reid, ‘Nationalizing the Pharaonic Past’, p. 149. He promoted himself as a ‘believer president’, reconciled and actively engaged with the Muslim Brotherhood who had been banned under Nasser's regime (Ibrahim, ‘An Islamic Alternative in Egypt’, pp. 36, 46), and changed the constitution to emphasise Sharia law (Golia, City of Sand, p. 198). This was part of Sadat's attempt after Nasser's death ‘to consolidate his power in the face of many detractors – Nasserites, leftists, and Pan-Arabists’. See Ibrahim Saad Eddin, ‘The Changing Face of Egypt's Islamic Activism’, in Saad Eddin Ibrahim, Egypt, Islam and Democracy: Critical Essays (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2002), pp. 6979, 71 and to distance himself from the Soviet Union in order to build closer ties with the West (Ibrahim, ‘An Islamic Alternative in Egypt’, pp. 38, 45). At the same time, Sadat gave gifts of Pharaonic antiquities to foreign political figures and was carrying a ‘gold-enamelled staff with a lotus on top’ on the day he was assassinated (Golia, City of Sand, pp. 121–3). Sadat now rests beneath a pyramid-shaped monument adorned with a quotation from the Koran (Reid, ‘Nationalizing the Pharaonic Past’, p. 149), testament to the complex, rather than purely binary, relationship between Pharaonic and Islamic nationalisms during Sadat's regime.

159 Ibrahim, ‘An Islamic Alternative in Egypt’, pp. 35, 42; Ibrahim Saad Eddin, ‘The Vindication of Sadat in the Arab World’, in Saad Eddin Ibrahim, Egypt, Islam and Democracy: Critical Essays (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2002), pp. 201–23, 212. Arrests in the month before his death, however, targeted Sadat's entire religious and secular political opposition (Ibrahim, ‘The Vindication of Sadat in the Arab World’, p. 212).

160 Wynn, Pyramids and Nightclubs, pp. 80–1.

161 Much of the opposition towards Sadat was based on the economic injustices and exclusions that were a result of his liberalisation policies. See Ibrahim, ‘An Islamic Alternative in Egypt’, p. 40; Ibrahim, ‘The Vindication of Sadat in the Arab World’, p. 212, as well as what were seen as half-hearted moves towards democratisation, paralleled by civil rights violations and widespread corruption by elites. See Ibrahim, ‘An Islamic Alternative in Egypt’, pp. 41–2. Islamic groups were also opposed to Sadat's ban on the formation of religious political parties. See Ibrahim, ‘An Islamic Alternative in Egypt’, pp. 42, 46, and his conciliation with Israel, a move seen as supporting Western imperialism. See Ibrahim, ‘The Vindication of Sadat in the Arab World’, p. 209.

162 Mitchell, ‘Making the Nation’, pp. 222, 228.

163 Manfred B. Steger and Ravi K. Roy, Neoliberalism, pp. 2–3.

164 Ibid., p. 12.

165 Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, pp. 4, 16.

166 Ibid., pp. 3–4, 16.

167 Wynn, Pyramids and Nightclubs, pp. 75–6.

168 Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, pp. 5, 7, 16.

169 Ibid., p. 4.

170 Ibid., p. 7.

171 Ibid., p. 6, emphasis added.

172 Denis, ‘Cairo as Neo-Liberal Capital?’

173 Ibid., pp. 54–5, 59–60, 62, 65.

174 Ibid., pp. 57–8.

175 Ibid., p. 60.

176 Singerman and Amar, ‘Introduction’, p. 22.

177 Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, pp. 3–4, 5.

178 Singerman and Amar, ‘Introduction’, pp. 21–2.

179 Denis, ‘Cairo as Neo-Liberal Capital?’, p. 51.

* I wish to acknowledge the valuable feedback I received on this article from L. L. Wynn and two anonymous reviewers at the Review of International Studies. This article was also greatly enriched by comments from and discussions with Cerelia Athanassiou, Terrell Carver, Amanda Chisholm, Ryerson Christie, Lara Coleman, Vivian Ibrahim, Melanie Richter-Montpetit, Joanna Tidy, Jutta Weldes, Antonia Wynne-Hughes, and Susan Wynne-Hughes. My research for this article was funded by the UK Overseas Research Students Awards Scheme and the University of Bristol.

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