1. Max, Weber, “Science as a Vocation,” in Gerth, H. H. and Mills, C. W., eds. and trans., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York, 1946; 1975 edition), 147.Google Scholar

2. See Robert M., Hayden, “The Partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1990–93,” RFE/RL Research Report 2, no. 22 (28 May 1993): 1–4.Google Scholar

3. Interview in Nas˘a Borba (Internet edition), 22 October 1996 (note that it is not clear in the original whether naroda is genitive singular or genitive plural, thus both “people of Bosnia” and “peoples of Bosnia” are possible formulations; but the plural formulation was the one used in the Commission opinion to which Badinter makes reference).

4. Radha, Kumar, “The Troubled History of Partition,” Foreign Affairs 76, no. 1 (January-February 1997): 22–34.Google Scholar

5. Regarding elites, neither my critics nor my own original article mentioned that although the costs of the partition of the former Yugoslavia for most of its former citizens have been very high, the elites who engineered the breakdown and the war have profited very handsomely thereby. A Serbian economist whose name unfortunately escapes me said in summer 1996 that Serbia had suffered the worst transition from communism: “privatization of the State and etatization of the economy.” This transition, though, seems widespread in the former Yugoslavia. See, e.g., Mlađan Dinkić, Ekonomija Destrukcije: Velika Pljacka Naroda (Belgrade, 1995) on Serbia; Viktor Ivančić and Srđan Kaić, “Tko Ima Hrvatsku?” Feral Tribune, 29 July 1996, 22–26 on Croatia; Drazena Peranic, “Sacirbej, Sacirbej & Sacirbej, Ltd.,” Balkan War Report, March 1995, p. 12, and Drazen Simic, “Who Will Profit from Privatisation [sic], AIM Review, no. 42 (November 1996): 1–2, on Muslim-controlled areas in Bosnia and Herzegovina. By creating new states, elites have increased their own wealth and power very dramatically, a motivation ignored in this symposium, but one that might well be relevant to the demand for a Sikh majority state in post-partition India mentioned by Wallace.

6. Leonard, Mosely, The Last Days of the British Raj (New York, 1961), 149.Google Scholar

7. Hayden, “The Partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1990–93,” 14.

8. Alexander Hamilton, Federalist no. 6, in James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John, Jay, The Federalist Papers (1788; citation to Penguin edition, New York, 1987)Google Scholar,

9 See, e.g., New York Times, 21 January 1997, 2, in which a United Nations’ official in eastern Slavonija is cited as saying that “the Croatian government has consistently refused to invite the Serbs to remain in Croatia and become part of the society.” It seems that the international community is not prepared to pressure the newest member of the Council of Europe to reverse its own ethnic cleansing.

10. James Brown Scott, “The Trial of the Kaiser,” in Edward M. House, ed., What Really Happened at Paris: The Story of the Peace Conference, 1918–1919 (New York, 1921), 231–58 and 475–81.

11. Ibid., 249–50. After the war, a Union military court convicted Henry Wirz, the commandant of the Andersonville prison camp, of war crimes, the only such trial of the war. Wirz was hanged in 1865—and in 1909 the Daughters of the Confederacy erected a monument to this “hero-martyr” who was “judicially murdered” by the Yankees ( McPherson, James T., Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era [New York, 1988], 797, 802Google Scholar).

12. Scott, “The Trial of the Kaiser,” 246.

13. Ibid., 254.

14. Cedric, Thornberry, “Saving the War Crimes Tribunal,” Foreign Policy, no. 104 (Fall 1996): 79–80.Google Scholar

15. Alfred P., Rubin, “Dayton, Bosnia, and the Limits of Law,” National Interest (Winter 1996–97): 46 Google Scholar

16. Selimović, Mes˘a, Death and the Dervish, trans. Rakić, Bogdan and Dickey, Stephen (Evanston, 1996), 46.Google Scholar

17. Theodore Meron, “Answering for War Crimes,” Foreign Affairs 76, no. 1 (January-February 1997): 6.

18. See Leo, Kuper, Genocide: Its Political Use in the Twentieth Century (New Haven, 1981)Google Scholar, chap. 9 (“The Sovereign Territorial State: The Right to Genocide “); Robert, Melson, Revolution and Genocide: On the Origins of the Armenian Genocide and the Holocaust (Chicago, 1992), 271–79.Google Scholar

19. Philips, C. H. and Wainwright, Mary D., “Introduction,” in Philips, C. H. and Wainwright, M. D., eds., The Partition of India: Policies and Perspectives, 1935–47 (London, 1970), 38.Google Scholar

20. Khosla, G. D., Stern Reckoning: A Survey of Events Leading up to and following the Partition of India (Delhi, 1948; reprint, 1989 ed.), 76.Google Scholar

21. Ibid., 219.

22. Of course, one strategy would be to look at each case with an eye toward determining what it was about, e.g., German, Croat, Serb, Muslim, Sikh, Turkish, Tamil, or Cambodian cultures that made Germans, Croats, Serbs, Muslims (Pakistani), Sikhs, Turks, Tamils (Sri Lankan), or Cambodians “uniquely” capable of committing genocide or ethnic cleansing, an approach that one recent commentator, discussing Daniel Goldhagen's Hitler's Willing Executioners (New York, 1996) has called “'enlightened’ prejudice, if such a thing were possible” (Peter Schneider, New York Times, 5 December 1996, A-23). The principle of Occam's razor, however, suggests that if we see Serbs in 1992 acting like Croats in 1941 or like Croats in Herzegovina in 1992–93, both groups like Muslims, Sikhs, and Hindus in Punjab in 1947 or Tamil Tigers after 1985 or Turks in 1915, and the lot analogized to Germans from 1933–45, we need to look elsewhere for causality than to the specifics of the various cultures involved.

23. Abraham Lincoln, “Letter to Charles D. Drake and Others,” 5 October 1863, in Abraham Lincoln: Speeches and Writings, 1859–1865 (New York, 1989), 523.

24. Woodward, Susan L., Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington, D.C., 1995), 378.Google Scholar

25. Tzvetan, Todorov, Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps (New York, 1996), 277.Google Scholar

26. Tzvetan, Todorov, A French Tragedy: Scenes of Civil War, Summer 1944 (Hanover, 1996)Google Scholar, 128; Weber, cf. Max, “Politics as a Vocation,” in Gerth and Mills, eds. and trans., From Max Weber, 120–21.Google Scholar

27. Todorov, A French Tragedy, 127.

28. Weber, “Science as a Vocation,” 147.

29. Jeri Laber and Kenneth Anderson, “Why Keep Yugoslavia One Country?” New York Times, 10 November 1990.

30. Robert Hayden, “Don't Turn Yugoslavia into Europe's Lebanon,” New York Times, 3 December 1990.

31. See as well Hayden, “The Partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1990–93,” 13–14.