Village Structure and Domestic Architecture

In order to ease tensions between newly aggregated groups living in close proximity and to facilitate emerging sociopolitical integration, restructuring of the village is an anticipated part of a coalescence process (Birch Reference Birch2012; Clark et al. Reference Clark, Birch, Hegmon, Mills, Glowacki, Ortman and Dean2019; Kowalewski Reference Kowalewski, Pluckhahn and Ethridge2006). After Oneota arrival, both groups participated in making a community. The question of what shape this new community would take created liminal thirdspace contexts wherein villagers negotiated new ways of coping. These challenges to socially ingrained traditions and habits of everyday village life—and solutions to cohabitation—are literally constructed into the physical community space or built environment (Steadman Reference Steadman2016). Far from a one-time decision, daily practice of living in close proximity necessitated ongoing negotiations. Decisions about where and next to whom to put one's home, how to use public and private space, and group decisions such as the necessity for and location of ritual spaces were all part of the assessment of practices and needs that shaped the village.

Village structures sit generally in a northeast by southwest orientation following the main bluff ridge (Figure 2), arranged in lines and clusters. There is a central area of heaviest occupation, with lighter density of structures continuing to the northeast and a few widely separated structures on the southern ridge fingers. Placement of structures in what appears to be a natural depression was avoided.

Several open areas are readily visible within the structure distribution, but there is no central plaza. Smaller open areas tend to be around 400–600 m² and are likely commons where villagers gathered for domestic/communal activities; excavation and remote sensing indicate pit features in these areas. Geophysical surveys and trenching at the head of the ravine in the north of the main site area reveal no evidence of a palisade. An important aspect of the built environment is the presence of two large ritual structures constructed among the domestic buildings in the central portion of the village, as discussed below.

Domestic Architecture and Building as Practice

Architecture, along with creation of the built environment of villages, allows for archaeological exploration of aspects of identity and reshaping of community (Steadman Reference Steadman2016). Placement of structures and the level of integration in living arrangements within the village is especially useful in understanding postmigration situations (Clark et al. Reference Clark, Birch, Hegmon, Mills, Glowacki, Ortman and Dean2019). Social negotiations and decisions about architecture, building techniques, and placement of houses within the village can emphasize social distinctions or serve to better integrate populations.

At Morton Village, no clearly exclusive partitioning of the community by Mississippian wall-trench and Oneota single-post domestic structures is evident. We note the possibility of a tendency for more single-post structures at the periphery, but more testing is needed. Both kinds of houses are roughly subrectangular and measure approximately 20–25 m². All are semisubterranean construction within a basin, and groups were conservative in their wall-construction techniques.

Of the 48 structure locations explored, 39 are classified as domestic structures, five as are classified as special-use facilities, and four were functionally indeterminate. A unique architectural signature was documented in three domestic structures (STR17, STR22, and STR24). They appear to have been rebuilt from wall-trench to single-post style. In all cases, one or more lines of postholes were found immediately outside of and parallel to wall trenches. Without further excavation, it is impossible to decipher whether rebuilding reflects a shift in architecture by Mississippian residents or sequential use of a house basin from one group to the next.

When spatial distribution of at least partially excavated domestic structures is examined using building technique alone, several observations are possible:

1. (1) Only wall-trench houses were documented on the cemetery ridge.

2. (2) Wall-trench and single-post houses are documented over most of the northern half of the site.

3. (3) Three of the four houses with mixed architectural features are found in one line in the north-central portion of the site, where ceramics of both groups were commonly found in pit features.

An examination of traditional pottery styles recovered from floor contexts revealed that both architectural styles have a strong tendency to have mixed Oneota and Mississippian ceramic assemblages (Table 1). Where this is not the case, traditional construction techniques are more strongly associated with their corresponding traditional ceramic styles. Presence of ceramics in the traditional styles of both groups in households may be the result of exchange and/or intermarriage, but in either case, integration of groups is indicated over exclusion. Most of the structures are represented by small samples of their contents given that excavations were limited and mixed assemblages may be underrepresented.

Table 1.

Types of Ceramics Recovered from Structure Floors by Wall Type.

Hybridization in Village Structure and Domestic Architecture

It is clear that the sociopolitical practices shaping Mississippian temple towns, with platform mounds and plaza-centered layouts, were not at work in this community. Likewise, Mississippian primary village structure, featuring plazas and large ceremonial buildings without a central temple mound (Conrad Reference Conrad, Emerson and Barry Lewis1991; Harn Reference Harn1994), was also unsuitable. Morton Village is too large for Harn's (Reference Harn1994) intermediate settlement, which are 4 ha or less in size and include only a fraction of the number of structures evident at Morton Village. This lack of adherence to Mississippian village ideals of the built environment may be a significant aspect of community negotiations and hybridity at Morton Village.

Oneota villages, and the sociopolitical organization of those communities, are quite variable, with a diversity of structural types across time and space. Although Oneota sites are occasionally palisaded, they are not arranged around formal plazas and mounds. Morton Village domestic structures fit within the range and are near the mean size of other Oneota structures dating to the same period (Hollinger Reference Hollinger and Green1995), and work areas with pit facilities are known from other sites (O'Gorman Reference O'Gorman1995). What is unique to Morton Village among Oneota villages is the presence of nondomestic, integrative ritual structures within the village (discussed below). Within the postmigration thirdspace, where a built environment congruent with sociopolitical structure was negotiated, it appears that the local Mississippians were willing to accept a model that was different from the regional norm. At the same time, the immigrant Oneota group creatively adopted use of large nondomestic structures that were a significant part of Mississippian communities in the region, as explored further below.

The data combining pottery and architectural styles supports an interpretation of widespread interaction between the groups, as well as variation in the nature of those interactions at the level of households. Although we cannot identify mixed-ethnicity households, we can say that these groups were directly interacting, sharing ideas as well as material objects. Proximity of different architectural types to one another and perhaps experimentation with different building practices reflects decisions to work toward integration within the thirdspaces of village creation.

Ritual Architecture and Practice

Participation in ritual activities, including construction of facilities and creation and enactment of rituals, engenders and cements social groups and social order (Kyriakidis Reference Kyriakidis and Kyriakidis2007; Renfrew Reference Renfrew and Kyriakidis2007), and it provides psychological support in postmigration settings (Eppsteiner and Hagan Reference Holly S., Hagan, Saunders, Fiddian-Qasmiyeh and Snyder2016). Ritual also holds the potential to reinforce or create boundaries within or between groups, and it may provide a venue for resistance or assimilation (Kyriakidis Reference Kyriakidis and Kyriakidis2007; Pauketat Reference Pauketat2013; Rosenfeld and Bautista Reference Rosenfeld, Bautista, Bautista and Rosenfeld2017; Steadman Reference Steadman2016).

Two of the five special-purpose structures (STR16 and STR34) saw sufficient excavation to demonstrate that they were part of the creation of ritually charged space within the village and are germane to the discussion. Construction of both appear to have occasioned rearranging of space given that both intruded on domestic wall-trench structures. Importantly, these two instances are the only documented superpositioning of structures in the village. Ritual feasting behavior is clear in F224, a pit feature with remarkable contents found in the corner of STR25 (Figure 3).

Figure 3.

Morton Village ritual contexts discussed in the text.

A Mississippian Ritual Facility

Three iterations of a circular, wall-trench facility varying from 10 to 14 m in diameter with a central post constitute STR34 (Figure 4). The 50 cm in diameter center post extended 90 cm below the modern ground surface; a shallow insertion ramp extended eastward. A hearth approximately 1 m northwest of the post appears to have been intentionally infilled with debris, including fragments from at least five jars (two Mississippian, three indeterminate), other debris and tools, and a small amount of deer bone.

Figure 4.

Structure 34 rebuilding episodes and interior features.

Although the vast majority of Mississippian buildings excavated in the CIRV and elsewhere are rectilinear, circular buildings are known. At the slightly earlier Orendorf Mississippian site in the CIRV, two large circular wall-trench buildings were adjacent to the plaza (Conrad Reference Conrad, Emerson and Barry Lewis1991; Wilson and Melton Reference Wilson, Melton, Conrad, Emerson, Emerson and Esarey2019). The largest had a central post with lenses of sand, suggesting repeated placement and use. Association of both structures with the plaza suggests that these were public buildings.

STR34's intrusion into a domestic wall-trench structure and its repeated rebuilding suggest that this location within the village was important for construction of these special-purpose facilities. Few artifacts were found on the floors of STR34, but the presence of both Oneota and Mississippian sherds in the wall trenches indicate that Oneota people were present at the site during construction.

A New Kind of Ritual Structure

STR16 displays a unique and innovative architectural style, with clear evidence of ritual activity within the building. As with STR34, the earlier Mississippian village was restructured to accommodate creation of ritual space. Our limited excavations around the exterior revealed two earlier wall-trench structures and associated features (Figure 5). A large, 1.6 m deep storage pit containing both Oneota and Mississippian ceramics throughout was sealed and concealed by STR16.

Figure 5.

Structure 16 architecture, facilities, and earlier structures.

Within thirdspace associated with construction of STR16, a creative hybrid architectural style emerged. Although particular techniques of Mississippian (hardened clay surfaces) and Oneota (single-post construction) traditions are incorporated into the 9 × 9 m building with an alcove extending out to the east, the result was a unique whole. Although a detailed description of the structure is not possible here, we provide a summary of its most distinguishing features, including a structural ledge or bench into which wall posts were placed, in Supplemental Text 3.

In addition to the creative architecture, innovative ritual activity occurred in the structure. A clay-lined hearth with three resurfacing episodes was located about 1.75 m from the alcove. A pavement of Oneota jar sections, each carefully placed with exterior face downward, extended from the edge of F203 southwest toward the hearth (Figure 5). The soil directly under the pavement was fire reddened, but the floor immediately around the pavement was not, indicating use of this area for activities requiring a surface capable of holding hot coals and/or fire. Nearby, a pit held only the mixed ash and clay soil from cleaning of the hearth and/or ceramic pavement. Just to the north of this pit, a shallow basin (F263) contained the partial, disarticulated, and comingled remains of four individuals: an adult female, at least one other adult, an infant, and a child (Conner and Cobb Reference Conner and Cobb2013). Some of the bones exhibited smoke discoloration. Given that there was little evidence of burning around the human remains, it is likely that the bones were subjected to heat and smoke before being placed in the shallow basin. It is currently unclear as to whether the remains are those of venerated community members or outsiders.

Few artifacts other than the pottery pavement and a section of an Oneota jar near the southwest corner were recovered from the floor and outer bench of the structure. Notably, that jar section held an anthropomorphic figurine with a face reminiscent of an owl. Owls are found in local CIRV Mississippian iconography, and ethnographic information from the Midwest and Southeast identifies the owl as symbolically linked to skills of warfare (moving silently and seeing the unseen or having night vision), transformation, and death (Brown Reference Brown1992; DeMallie and Jahner Reference DeMallie and Jahner1991; Gilbert Reference Gilbert1943; Swanton Reference Swanton2000).

Despite the presence of human remains, we do not believe that this is a facility related to the usual mortuary program of the village as reflected in the Norris Farms 36 cemetery (Santure et al. Reference Santure, Harn and Esarey1990). Graves with multiple individuals in the cemetery are distinct from the commingled, randomly placed bones observed in STR16. None of the individuals recovered from the cemetery display evidence of smoking on the bones. Moreover, the fact that the remains were left in STR16 is significant. What is apparent is that the construction of the building, with its unique architecture and practices enveloped therein, embodies exactly the kind of innovative ritual creativity we might expect in a postmigration thirdspace (Alt Reference Alt, Butler and Welch2006; Bhabha Reference Bhabha and Rutherford1990, Reference Bhabha1994; Clark et al. Reference Clark, Birch, Hegmon, Mills, Glowacki, Ortman and Dean2019; Stockhammer Reference Stockhammer and Stockhammer2012). Erection of the structure and the practices within created a highly visible new cultural element in the landscape of the village. Incorporation of traditional Oneota motifs in the pottery used to make the pavement and the vessel that held the figurine, and use of the owl and fire symbolism, speaks to the importance of incorporating traditional symbols from each group within the context of creative new ritual practices that occurred in this unique ritual structure.

Ritual Feasting

One remarkable pit, F224, located within a wall-trench building (STR25), contained an extraordinary assemblage of material indicative of ritual behavior involving feasting and the deposit of valuable items. Practices such as communal feasting create and strengthen connections and commitments between different social groups (Dietler Reference Dietler, Dietler and Hayden2001; Hastorf Reference Hastorf2017; Hayden Reference Hayden2014; Kassabaum Reference Kassabaum2019; Mills Reference Mills2007).

Our observations of STR25 are limited to one corner excavated within a 16 m² block. Although within the size range of domestic structures, the high density of pit features and presence of F224 suggest a special-use building. Near the southern structure wall, F224 was approximately 1.25 m in diameter and 65 cm deep, with four fill zones delineated (Figure 6). Oneota style potsherds were confined to the top two zones and include only one large vessel (a 38 cm orifice) found at the very top of the pit, and five other very small sherds. Vessel analysis based on rims identified a minimum of 11 Mississippian-style jars, two bowls, three plates, one bottle, one pan, and one seed jar, along with nine indeterminate-style jars, bowls, and plates throughout the pit. Vessel analysis also identified cross-matched portions of five vessels that support contemporaneity of the upper and lower deposits. Ceramic sherds and faunal material were abundant and were the most common of the fill materials (Figure 7). Reconstruction efforts reveal no placement of whole vessels into the feature, and only a few vessels were represented by large sections. Although the number of more commonly found tools at the site—such as hammerstones, grinding stones, and sandstone abraders—warrant noting, removal from everyday life of several bone tools, a large piece of limonite/hematite, a ground-stone celt, and a quartz crystal and their deposition within this single pit is extraordinary.

Figure 6.

Feature 224 profile and location within Structure 25.

Figure 7.

Feature 224 material weight by zone.

The four fill zones reflect a series of events over a short time period involving both Mississippian and Oneota participation identified through ceramic traditions. In the initial deposit, Zone IV, the fill was primarily redeposited B-horizon soil. Within this were placed sections of two Mississippian cordmarked jars and an unmodified slab of hematite/limonite weighing 3.3 kg.

The next fill episode (Zone III) had the highest density of material and included the most valuable items. Most prominent were faunal remains; about 4.9 kg of bone was recovered from Zone III out of a total of 6.4 kg in the entire pit. Faunal analyses identified at least 354 individual animals representing 10 mammal species, 9 bird species, 20 fish species, and 5 turtle species (Martin Reference Martin2021). Eagle and double-crested cormorant are extremely uncommon in nonritual deposits across the Midcontinent during this time period. Both are found in F224: eagle in Zones I and III, and cormorant in Zones I, III, and IV. Other material recovered in Zone III included a ground-stone celt (Figure 8a), two hammerstones, three bone tools, an array of Mississippian ceramics, and other assorted common debris. The bone tools included a deer ulna awl (Figure 8b) and a deer antler handle that was notched and fitted with a beaver incisor (Figure 8c). A scant amount of botanical material was recovered from this zone (Nordine Reference Nordine2020). Zone II sealed off this fauna-rich zone, and its 20 cm thickness contained significantly less material (Figure 7). Even less material was found in the final depositional event (Zone I). The principal artifact in Zone I was a large (950 g) section of an Oneota jar along with a small sandstone pipe. The botanical remains from this zone also set it apart from the lower levels (Nordine Reference Nordine2020). Nut species are more abundant, especially acorn, as well as maize and cultivated Chenopod. Nightshade occurs (N = 54) in Zone I and is absent in Zone III. Nightshade may be used for a variety of purposes and appears in ritual and nonritual Mississippian contexts elsewhere. However, nightshade's toxic properties precludes its use as a common food, and it is more likely to have been used for its other properties (Nordine Reference Nordine2020; Parker and Simon Reference Parker, Simon, Koldehoff and Pauketat2018).

Figure 8.

Select F 224 artifacts: (a) celt, (b) deer ulna awl, and (c) deer antler handle fitted with beaver incisor.

We interpret the deposits as part of a multiphased feasting event involving both Mississippian and Oneota participants. The diversity and abundance of animal remains indicate that the event was intended for a relatively large group. Hunting and fishing efforts to provision the event would have been substantial. However, species composition and ongoing analysis of representation of body parts reveal activities beyond consumption. The spatial context of the deposit is confined in the corner of the structure, suggesting multiple temporal and spatial dimensions of the event. There is an abundance of vessels. These factors, with the disposal of several valuable items along with a smoking pipe and nightshade, and their special multiphased disposal, suggest that the feasting ritual was for a large group with low to moderate social competition (Kassabaum Reference Kassabaum2019). These factors are consistent with a promotional alliance feast with a competitive element (Hayden Reference Hayden, Dietler and Hayden2001).

Discussion of Ritual Architecture and Practice

We interpret the ritual activity presented here as part of the practice of facilitating migrant-local cooperation within a thirdspace context. Although it is beyond the scope of this article, we do note that it is likely that most or all of these rituals may have been related to warfare, but our point here is that the Mississippian and Oneota villagers were engaged together in these transformative practices.

Structures 34 and 16 are consistent with Adler and Wilshusen's (Reference Adler and Wilshusen1990) cross-cultural model for large-scale, high-level integrative buildings, which lends support to the idea that they served a role in facilitating coalescence. Hybridity, though, as seen in the architectural and material signatures of ritual behavior in STR16, stresses creativity within the thirdspaces involving building and use of the structure. This can be seen in single-post construction and use of Oneota pottery along with Mississippian owl symbolism and clay finishing of walls. Going beyond incorporation of these distinct traditions, the creation of a unique, new ritual space within which new practices were created defines this as an example of hybridity and provides a clear indication of transformative practice and engagement in the coalescence process. Prior research focused on Norris Farms 36 cemetery further supports this finding. Oneota mortuary practices—such as internment within a mounded cemetery along the bluff line, following local custom, (O'Gorman et al. Reference O'Gorman, Bengtson and Michael2020)—and the forging of new postmigration identities with Mississippian symbolism in grave goods (Bengtson and O'Gorman Reference Bengtson and O'Gorman2016) speak to transformative practices.

Ritual played an important role in the newly created thirdspace(s) when the village was restructured. Currently, we know of no other building projects in the village that necessitated movement of Mississippian structures, which we suggest may signal the importance of creating and centering ritual activities within the village. Nearby feasting activity that included both migrant and local groups lends further support for the creation of a new ritual space central to the village that facilitated coalescence.

Identity and Foodways

Pottery can effectively provide insight into negotiations concerning individual and group identity, status, integration, and other factors. Here, we focus on the pottery production and use in identity formation (Peelo Reference Peelo2011)—and in expressing alliances and boundaries (Bowser Reference Bowser2000; Hegmon et al. Reference Hegmon, Nelson and Ennes2000)—and its related intersections with multidimensional foodways and group identity (Bardolph 2014; Painter Reference Painter2021; Painter and O'Gorman Reference Painter and O'Gorman2019; Twiss Reference Twiss and Twiss2007, Reference Twiss2012). Complementary analyses focusing on the foods and their role as sociocultural symbols in negotiation is ongoing on several fronts.

Morton Village Ceramics

Jars dominate the overall ceramic assemblage at Morton Village, with bowls and plates present in low numbers (Table 2). Analysis of minimum number of vessels from 1980s and recent work—based on unique rim/body configurations, metrics, and decoration—identified 1,049 vessels. The assemblage generally fits characteristics described by Esarey and Conrad (Reference Esarey and Conrad1998:40–41) for Oneota Bold Counselor ceramics and associated Mississippian assemblages.

Table 2.

Ceramic Vessel Type Counts by Cultural Tradition.

Distinctive decorative treatments on jars indicate maintenance of separate ceramic traditions. In the Morton Village Oneota jar assemblage, 52% display some variation of horizontal trailing, 36.5% have a repeated chevron or zigzag design on the shoulder, and 10.5% are decorated with curvilinear trailing, often in concentric arcs. Vertical lines of trailing, often of the common Oneota “stab-and-drag” variety, are common beneath all of these primary shoulder motifs, as are borders of punctates. Lip top or interior lip decoration occurs occasionally on Oneota jars in this assemblage. Mississippian jars are cordmarked to the lip or shoulder and otherwise undecorated. Those with cordmarking to the shoulder are likely undercounted given that rims broken above the shoulder are common. An examination of less emblematic expectedly conservative technological traits in the region pre- and postmigration indicate “Oneota and Mississippian peoples maintained culturally distinct jar production technology” (Upton Reference Upton2019:228).

Morton Village differs from Oneota sites in the frequency of bowl and plate use (Esarey and Conrad Reference Esarey and Conrad1998). Bowls at the site are difficult to assign to a particular ceramic tradition because they are often plain, though both groups incorporated bird effigies. Unlike bowls, plates are a Mississippian form adopted by the migrant group and decorated with Oneota iconography, almost certainly asserting some aspect of the group's identity and ideology. A total of 36 plates were sufficiently complete to identify design beyond simply elements of design (following Hilgeman Reference Hilgeman2000). Segmentation of plate rims into bounded triangular areas, similar to Mississippian Angel site plates (Hilgeman Reference Hilgeman2000), typify Mississippian-style rims at Morton Village. The predominant theme for Mississippian plates at Morton Village—sun-circle or sunburst patterns—is clear. The sunburst design has several variants. The two most common variations account for the design on 68% of the plates (Figures 9a, 9d), with the majority of these identified as Mississippian based on the use of incising into a hardened paste. Oneota-style plates, with their decorations trailed into a wet paste, occasionally display this theme (Table 3), but more Oneota plates depict the widely shared common elements associated with wings and tail feathers as elements of hawk-men symbolism, which is often linked to warfare (see Benn Reference Benn1989). This includes use of trailed tail-feather chevron panels and triangles (Figure 9c) and, more commonly, the concentric arcs with (v. 2) or without punctates (v. 1) that may be interpreted as stylized wings (Figure 9b). These arcs, depicted on some jars at the village and occasionally on jars across the Oneota heartland, often have bordering punctates and/or vertical (feather) lines associated with bird motifs. Although arc placement could suggest a substitution of the Mississippian triangle for arcs, the overall effect and symbolism seems quite distinct. However, it should be noted that Buchanan (Reference Buchanan2020) proposes that the Mississippian sun motif displays the same avian elements as those found in Oneota pottery motifs.

Figure 9.

Stylized plate designs from Morton Village: (a, d) Mississippian; (b, c) Oneota.

Table 3.

Plate Motifs by Tradition Based on Decoration Application Method.

In addition to the noted plates, 10 other vessels displayed atypical overlapping of decorative and/or production techniques. Six plates had incising applied to a wetter-than-normal paste or trailing applied to drier-than-normal paste. Two Mississippian cordmarked jars have tool impressions on the vessel lips—typically an Oneota decorative technique. A finger-trailed jar, possibly burnished, also includes a very small incised motif below a handle. The fourth jar has a trailed Mississippian cross-in-circle motif surrounded by a line of punctates. This level of observation cannot address the question of who is copying whom, but creative experimentation with the techniques between groups occurred.

Use-wear analysis of vessels by Jeffrey Painter (Reference Painter2021) adds significantly to interpretations of hybridity and coalescence. The two groups not only made and decorated their jars differently but also used them differently. Mississippian cooks tended to use different jars for different kinds of cooking, whereas Oneota cooks used their jars in a more multipurpose manner. Oneota and Mississippian bowls show no significant differences in use. Mississippian tradition plates were used primarily for serving, whereas Oneota plates—such as jars—more often served multipurpose roles, with approximately half the plates used to warm or cook food (Painter Reference Painter2021).

Discussion Foodways Practices via Ceramics

Thirdspaces related to decisions about foodways at Morton Village had conservative outcomes related to ethnicity and/or other aspects of group identity. Dual Oneota and Mississippian ceramic traditions continued at Morton Village, suggesting that cultural distinctions between the two groups were maintained at some level. Cooking practices are also distinct (Painter Reference Painter2021; Painter and O'Gorman Reference Painter and O'Gorman2019), and subsistence data indicate nuanced differences in the use of common plant and animal foods (Nordine Reference Nordine2020; Painter Reference Painter2022). At the same time, the migrant group members adopted the plate form, but did so while using plates according to their own culinary standards and decorating them in their own style. Transformation of the function and meaning (via ideology of stylistic designs) of these vessels suggests that the thirdspace liminal context from which the hybridized practice emerged was different from that of the rest of the pottery assemblage. Although Oneota produced the form and engaged in behaviors similar to Mississippian counterparts, they did so creatively, signaling their own symbolic ideology on the plate itself, and cooking and consuming food in their traditional ways.