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² See Scott, J., The Early History of Glastonbury: an Edition, Translation and Study of William of Malmesbury's ‘De Antiquitate Glastonie Ecclesie’ (Woodbridge, 1981), pp. 136–7Google Scholar; and Keynes, S., The Diplomas of King Æthelred ‘the Unready’ 978–1016 (Cambridge, 1980), p. 248CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Sigeric was also the dedicatee of Ælfric's two series of homilies; see The Homilies of the Anglo-Saxon Church, 2 vols., ed. Thorpe, B. (London, 1844–1846) II, iGoogle Scholar; and Ælfric's Catholic Homilies. The Second Series. Text, ed. Godden, M., EETS ss 5 (London, 1979).Google Scholar

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⁴ Magoun, F. P. Jr, ‘An English Pilgrim Diary of the Year 990’, MS 2 (1940), 231–52Google Scholar; it is not contemporary with Sigeric himself, as suggested by the editor in Memorials of St Dunstan, ed. Stubbs, W., RS (London, 1874), p. 391Google Scholar, n. 1. The definitive discussion on the date of the text is in An Eleventh-Century Anglo-Saxon Illustrated Miscellany, ed. McGurk, et al. pp. 57 and 74–5.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Magoun, ‘Pilgrim Diary’ and ‘Rome’.

¹¹ The Roman part of Nikolás's travels is examined by Magoun, , ‘Pilgrim Diary’, pp. 211–87Google Scholar; the rest of his diary has been published by Hill, J., ‘From Rome to Jerusalem: an Icelandic Itinerary of the Mid-Twelfth Century’, Harvard Theol. Rev. 76 (1983), 175–203Google Scholar; and also partly by Magoun, , ‘The Pilgrim Diary of Nikolás of Munkathverá: the Road to Rome’, MS 6 (1944), 314–54.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ Edited in Huelsen, C., Le chiese di Roma nel media evo (Florence, 1927), pp. 3–4Google Scholar; and in Valentini, R. and Zuchetti, G., Codice topografico delta città di Roma, 4 vols. (Rome, 1942–1953) II, 106–31.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Huelsen, , Le chiese, pp. 4–5Google Scholar; Valentini, and Zuchetti, , Codice II, 176–201Google Scholar; see also Huelsen, C., La Pianta di Roma dell' Anonimo Einsiedlense (Rome, 1907).Google Scholar

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¹⁹ Ibid. pp. 10–17.

²⁰ Valentini, and Zuchetti, , Codice II, 138–53.Google Scholar

²¹ Ibid. III, 143–67; on Nikolás, see n. 11.

²² See Moore, W. J., The Saxon Pilgrims to Rome and the Schola Saxonum (Fribourg, 1937), pp. 8–89Google Scholar; see also below, p. 202.

²³ Krautheimer, R., Rome: Profile of a City, 312–1308 (Princeton, 1980), pp. 144–5Google Scholar. On the association of Rome with classical antiquity in Anglo-Saxon England, see Cramp, R., ‘The Anglo-Saxons and Rome’, Trans. of the Architectural and Archaeol. Soc. of Durham and Northumberland ns 3 (1974), 27–37.Google Scholar

²⁴ Needless to say, this process of influence sometimes worked the other way round, i.e. from England to the Continent, in the tenth century, as had been the case, to a much greater extent, in the eighth and the early ninth centuries.

²⁵ The best account of Benedict Biscop's journeys to Rome is in Bede's, Historia abbatum, ptd Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica, ed. Plummer, C., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1896) I, 364–87Google Scholar. Wilfrid's visits are described in Colgrave, B., The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus (Cambridge, 1927), pp. 10–13, 66–7 and 120–1Google Scholar. In his account of one of Biscop's journeys (Historia abbatum, p. 373), Bede states that Biscop brought back books, relics of the apostles and martyrs, the archcantor of St Peter's, a letter of privilege for his foundations, and pictures and holy images (of which a detailed account is given) to decorate Wearmouth. Bede further describes the pictures which Biscop brought back for Jarrow: ‘imagines quoque ad ornandum monasterium aecclesiamque beati Pauli apostoli de concordia veteris et novi Testamenti summa ratione conpositas exibuit; verbi gratia, Isaac ligna, quibus inmolaretur portantem, et Dominum crucem in qua pateretur aeque portantem, proxime super invicem regione, pictura coniunxit. Item serpenti in heremo a Moyse exaltato, Filium homines in cruce exaltatum conparavit.’ (‘He also displayed, for the adorning of the monastery and church of the blessed apostle Paul, paintings showing the agreement of the Old and New Testaments, most cunningly ordered: for example, a picture of Isaac carrying the wood on which he was to be slain, was joined (in the next space answerable above) to one of the Lord carrying the cross on which He likewise was to suffer. He also set together the Son of Man lifted up on the cross with the serpent lifted up by Moses in the wilderness.’ Transl. from King, J. E., Baedae Opera Historica, 2 vols. (London, 1930) II, 413–15).Google Scholar

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²⁷ Bede, , Historia ecclesiastka gentis Anglorum [hereafter HE] V. 7Google ScholarBede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R.A.B. (Oxford, 1969), p. 473.Google Scholar

²⁸ On Cædwalla and Ine, see HE V. 7; Bede's Ecclesiastical History, ed. Colgrave, and Mynors, , pp. 468–73Google Scholar, at 472–3. On the early Anglo-Saxon pilgrim-kings, see Stancliffe, C., ‘Kings Who Opted Out’, Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society: Studies presented to J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, ed. Wormald, P., Bullough, D. and Collins, R. (Oxford, 1983), pp. 154–76Google Scholar, at 156–8. On Æthelwulf and Alfred, see Asser's Life of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, W. H. (Oxford, 1904), chs. 8–16, pp. 7–17Google Scholar. On Cnut, see ASC 1027 C and 1031 DEF (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. Whitelock, , p. 101Google Scholar).

²⁹ On Dunstan's journey, see, for example, the ‘B’ Vita S. Dunstani in Memorials, ed. Stubbs, , pp. 38–40Google Scholar. Gervase of Canterbury, Actus pontificum Cantuariensis ecclesiae, in The Historical Works of Gervase of Canterbury, ed. Stubbs, W., 2 vols., RS (London, 1880) II, 350–1Google Scholar, alone mentions the relics of St Blaise (Blasius) in connection with Plegmund, but the Canterbury cult appears in at least one liturgical manuscript associated with Canterbury in the eleventh century (London, British Library, Harley 2892), as a Benediction for the feast of the saint; see The Canterbury Benedictional, ed. Woolley, R.M., HBS 51 (London, 1917)Google Scholar. As Dr Bernard Hamilton pointed out to me, no cult of St Blaise was known in Rome at that early date, which makes the association with Plegmund all the more interesting; it may be argued that Gervase was wrong in his dates, which could certainly have been the case. However, the Benediction in the eleventh-century manuscript means that the relics must have reached England by the first quarter of that century at the latest.

³⁰ Moore, , Saxon Pilgrims, pp. 86–9.Google Scholar

³¹ HE IV. 1 (Bede's Ecclesiastical History, ed. Colgrave, and Mynors, , p. 330).Google Scholar

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³³ Moore, , Saxon Pilgrims, pp. 90–125.Google Scholar

³⁴ The name ‘Sassia’, ultimately deriving from the Schola Saxonum, illustrates the impact of this institution in Rome.

³⁵ Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne 11, 53–4.

³⁶ Ibid. pp. 110–11.

³⁷ Ibid. p. 128.

³⁸ Moore, , Saxon Pilgrims, pp. 109–10.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ibid. p. 115. On the origins and the history of Peter's Pence, see Cancellieri, F., ‘La visita dei sacri limini ed il denaro di San Pietro’, Giornale Arcadico 10 (1821), 264–82Google ScholarFabre, P., ‘Recherches sur le denier de St Pierre au Moyen Age’, Mélanges G.-B. de Rossi (Paris and Rome, 1892), pp. 159–82Google ScholarJensen, O., ‘The “denarius Sancti Petri” in England’, TRHS ns 15 (1901), 171–98Google Scholar and Keynes, S. and Lapidge, M., Alfred the Great: Asser's ‘Lifeof King Alfred’ and other Contemporary Sources (Harmondsworth, 1983), pp. 237Google Scholar n. 37, and 268, n. 206.

⁴⁰ Moore, , Saxon Pilgrims, pp. 104–5Google Scholar esp. p. 104, nn. 2, 3 and 4.

⁴¹ Magoun, , ‘Rome’, p. 276Google Scholar and Pesci, , ‘L'ltinerario’, p. 51.Google Scholar

⁴² It seems that the obligation for English archbishops to go to Rome to obtain the pallium became standard practice only in the later Anglo-Saxon period, whereas previously the pallium had been sent to them; see Levison, W., England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1946), Appendix 3, pp. 241–8.Google Scholar

⁴³ See Öhlmann, E., ‘Die Alpenpässe im Mittelalter’, Jahrhuch für Schweizerischc Geschichte 3 (1878), 165–289Google ScholarScheffel, P.H., Verkehrungsgeschichte der Alpen, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1914)Google Scholar II, passim; and Tyler, J.E., The Alpine Passes in the Middle Ages (962–1250) (Oxford, 1930), pp. 21–33.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ The best accounts are in Krautheimer, Rome, p. 144Google ScholarLlewellyn, P., Rome in the Dark Ages (London, 1970), pp. 286–315Google Scholar; and Partner, P.D., The Lands of St Peter (London, 1972)Google Scholar; also still useful are Gregorovius, F., A History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages (London, 1894) III, 282–434Google Scholar, and Homo, L., Rome médiévale 476–1420 (Paris, 1934), pp. 71–81.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Pesci, , ‘L'ltinerario’, p. 46.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ See above, n. 9.

⁴⁹ Armellini, M., Le chiese di Roma dal secolo IV al secolo XIX, 2 vols. (Rome, 1887), 2nd ed.Google Scholar, rev. by Cecchelli, C. (Rome, 1942). The references are to the second edition. Huelsen, Le chieseGoogle Scholar; Krautheimer, R. et al. , Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae: the Early Christian Basilicas of Rome lV-lXth Centuries, 5 vols. (Vatican City, 1937–1970)Google Scholar; Krautheimer, Rome; Krautheimer, , Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 3rd ed. (Harmondsworth, 1979)Google Scholar. The references are to Krautheimer's first work.

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⁵⁶ Tronzo, W., ‘Two Roman Wall Decorations’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41 (1987), 489–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar, suggests that this cycle may have been added in the later Middle Ages; his argument, based on his view that the figures drawn by Grimaldi have a ‘Gothic sway’, does not seem to me very convincing. I am grateful to Professor R. Deshman for having brought this paper to my attention.

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⁶⁸ This was the name used to describe the earliest places of worship in Rome since the third century. Originally founded and supported by a wealthy Christian convert, often in his or her own house, it later came to signify the pastoral ‘living’ of a priest.

⁶⁹ It was reconstructed by Morey, C. R., Lost Mosaics and Frescoes of Rome in the Medieval Period (Princeton, 1915), pp. 6–15.Google Scholar

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⁷⁶ Apart from the basilica on the Via Nomentana, the other two were Sant' Agnese ad due furna and Sant' Agnese in Agone, on the alleged place of her martyrdom. Armellini, , Le chiese II, 1063–71Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, pp. 170Google Scholar and 238–9; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum I, 14–39.Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, I, 312Google Scholar. This tradition is recorded in various early sources such as Philocalus, the Acts of St Sebastian, of the fifth century, and Gregory the Great's letters.

⁸⁰ de Rossi, , Roma sotterranea I, 225–9Google Scholar. This cemetery was by then already known as ‘St Callixtus's’. The church itself was further associated with Gregory the Great, who reputedly preached his famous 37th Homily on the Gospel there.

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⁸⁶ Armellini, , Le chiese II, 1151–62Google Scholar; Huelsen, . Le chiese, pp. 415–16Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum V, 93–164.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ Hamilton, , ‘City of Rome’, pp. 15–20Google Scholar, and ‘Orientale lumen and magistra latinitas: Greek Influences on Western Monasticism (900–1100)’, in his Monastic Reform, pp. 188–9Google Scholar and 209–11.

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⁹⁷ The mosaic was subsequently destroyed and is known to us from a letter of Pope Hadrian I to Charlemagne; see Matthiae, , Pittura, p. 104.Google Scholar

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¹⁰¹ The Good Friday procession is described in the Appendix to the Itinerary of Einsiedeln.

¹⁰² Armellini, , Le chiese 1, 121–49Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, p. 272Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum V, 1–92.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Armellini, , Le chiese II, 981–9Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, p. 243Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum I, 165–94.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁵ Armellini, , Le chiese I, 260–3Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, pp. 418–19Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum III, 178–231.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁰ Cambridge, University Library, Ff.1.23 (?Winchcombe or Ramsey, s. xi^med), 280r.

¹¹¹ Aldhelm's, De Virginitate, ed. Ehwald, R., MGH, Auct. Antiq. 15, 298–9Google Scholar and 432–4; Ælfric's Lives of Saints, ed. Skeat, W. W., 2 vols., EETS 76, 82, 94 and 114 (London, 1881–1900) I, 170–95.Google Scholar

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¹¹³ The martyrdom of St Laurence was depicted, for example, in two manuscripts from Christ Church, Canterbury, though the first was a copy of the ‘Utrecht Psalter’: these are London, British Library, Harley 603, a psalter (s. xi¹), 19r, and Cotton Caligula A. xiv, a troper (s.xi^med), 25r.

¹¹⁴ Numerous other examples can be given for saints who appear in eleventh-century sources, such as St Praxedis or St Petronilla.

¹¹⁵ For the crypt at Canterbury, see Brooks, N., The Early History of the Church of Canterbury: Christ Church from 597 to 1066 (Leicester, 1984), pp. 41–2Google Scholar; for the images brought back by Biscop, see above p. 202, no. 25. and the description of the Lateran nave cycle.

¹¹⁶ Florence, Bibliotheca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut. XVIII. 20 (Christ Church, Canterbury, s. xi¹); see Temple, E., Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts 900–1066 (London, 1976), no. 69Google Scholar and ill. 232.

¹¹⁷ Sant' Anastasio had a Greek community, but I emphasize its link with St Paul, which would have recommended the church to the pilgrims on that account as well.

¹¹⁸ Krautheimer, , Rome, pp. 109–42Google Scholar. There is also no reference to the monastery of San Gregorio Magno, founded by Gregory the Great on his house on Mount Caelius in honour of St Andrew, which one would expect English pilgrims to have wished to visit.

¹¹⁹ Pesci, , ‘L'ltinerario’, pp. 58–60.Google Scholar

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¹²¹ A church which had baptismal rights and was usually collegiate; it corresponds, generally speaking, to a parish church.

¹²² Wickham, , ‘Notes’, pp. 157–8.Google Scholar

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¹²⁵ On Sienna, see Repetti, , Dizionario V, 297–303Google Scholar and 364–80; Schevill, F., Siena: the Story of a Medieval Commune (London, 1909)Google Scholar; and Hook, J., Siena: a History of the City (London, 1979).Google Scholar

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¹²⁷ Ibid. 1, 330–1.

¹²⁸ Ibid. 1, 796. Repetti ascribes the first mention of pievi dependent on San Giovanni, amongst which is a pieve of SS Pietro e Paolo di Valconeghisi, to a thirteenth-century list. Thus, Sigeric's entry may be, yet again, the first piece of evidence for the existence of a church.

¹²⁹ Ibid. 1, 352–3 and V, 80.

¹³⁰ Ibid. 1, 146.

¹³¹ Ibid. IV, 581.

¹³² On Lucca, see I. Barsali, Belli, ‘La topografia di Lucca nei secoli VIII-X’, Attidel 5. Congresso Internazionale di Studi sull' Alto Medioevo (Lucca) (Spoleto, 1973), pp. 461–554Google Scholar, and Perkins, B. Ward, From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages. Urban Public Buildings in Northern and Central Italy AD 300–850 (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar, Appendix 2, pp. 245–9.

¹³³ Magoun, , ‘Pilgrim-Diary’, p. 239Google Scholar; see also Osheim, D. J., An Italian Lordship: the Bishopric of Lucca in the Late Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1977), pp. 1–12Google Scholar; Lestocquoy, J., ‘The Tenth Century’, Etudes d'histoire urbaine. Villes et Abbayes. Arras au Moyen Age (Arras, 1966), p. 43.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ On his return from Rome, he commissioned the Great Rood at Bury to be modelled on the Volto Santo; see ‘Registrum Album Monasterii Sancti Edmundi’ in London, British Library, Add. 14847, 21r.

¹³⁵ Hodoeporicon of St Willibald, in Talbot, C.H., The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany (London, 1954), pp. 157–8.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Barsali, Belli, ‘Topografia’, p. 528Google Scholar. This may be King Æthelbald of Mercia.

¹³⁷ On Luni, see Pistarino, G., Le pievi della diocesi di Luni, pt I (La Spezia, 1961), pp. 51–2Google Scholar, and Conti, P.M., Luni nell' alto medioevo (Padua, 1967).Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁰ Flodoard, , Histoire de l' Eglise de Reims, ed. Lejeune, M. et al. , 2 vols. (Rheims, 1854) 1, 145–7Google Scholar. This saint spent some time at Rheims and took some relics of St Rémi to Berceto, where the original dedication of the abbey had been St Rémi.

¹⁴¹ Magoun, , ‘Pilgrim-Diary’, p. 241.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁴ The translation was first mentioned by Bede, in the Chronica maiora, p. 535Google Scholar. On the abbey and its relics, see Addeo, A., Pavia e S. Agostino (Pavia, 1950)Google Scholar. Archbishop Æthelnoth of Canterbury bought there a relic, the arm of St Augustine, which he gave to Coventry; see Willelmi Malmesbiriensis Monachi De Gestis Regum Anglorum Libri Quinque, ed. Stubbs, W., 2 vols., RS (London, 1887–1889) I, 224Google Scholar. The twelfth-century London church of St Augustine Papey was named after the Pavian abbey; see Brooke, C. and Keir, G., London 800–1216. The Shaping of a City (London, 1975), p. 14Google Scholar. Interestingly, the only representation of Boethius as a saint is found in a manuscript from Fleury, of the last quarter of the tenth century, illuminated by an Anglo-Saxon artist, now Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, lat. 6401, 158v (reproduced in Backhouse, J., Turner, D. H. and Webster, L., The Golden Age of Anglo-Saxon Art 966–1066 (London, 1984), p. 64Google Scholar).

¹⁴⁵ Ward-Perkins, , From Classical Antiquity, Appendix 2, pp. 244–5Google Scholar; Bullough, D., ‘Urban Change in Early Medieval Italy: the Example of Pavia’, Papers of the Brit. School at Rome 34 (1966), 82–130CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hudson, P., ‘Pavia: l'evoluzione urbanistica di una capitale altomedioevale’, Storia di Pavia, a cura della Banca del Monte di Lombardia, Società pavese di storia patria (Milan, 1987) II, 237–315Google Scholar; Hudson, , Archeologia urbana e programmazione della ricerca: l'esempio di Pavia (Florence, 1981), pp. 23–32 and 63–6.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁸ Guida d'italia del Touring Club Ilaliano: Piemonte (Milan, 1961), pp. 613Google Scholar and 622, and Gougaud, , ‘Sur les routes’, p. 257Google Scholar. On the hospital and on English pilgrims in Vercelli, such as those possibly responsible for bringing there the ‘Vercelli book’, see Halsall, M., ‘Vercelli and the Vercelli Book’, PMLA 84 (1969), 1545–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Tommasini, A. M., Irish Saints in Italy (London, 1937), p. 246.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Tommasini, , Irish Saints, p. 275Google Scholar. A sacramentary, written and illuminated about 1000 at Ivrea, now Ivrea, Biblioteca Capitolare, LXXXVI, ed. L.Magnani, , Le miniature del Sacramentario d'ivrea e di altri codici warmondiani (Rome, 1934)Google Scholar, has several iconographical motifs in common with some early-eleventh-century English manuscripts, which is especially interesting since the bishop who commissioned it, Warmund, was a near-contemporary of Sigeric.

¹⁵⁰ Tommasini, , Irish Saints, pp. 271–2.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ On the other source of popularity of the saint, his patronage of the Ottonian dynasty, see Herzberg, A. J., Der heilige Mauritius (Düsseldorf, 1936)Google Scholar and Huhn, M., Sankt Mauritius mit der Lanze, der Ottonische Keichspatron an der Schwelle zwischen Franken und Thuringen, Geschichte am Obermain 7 (1971–1972)Google Scholar. Another saint venerated at Agaune, Sigismund, was also entered in the Winchcombe Sacramentary (Orléans, Bibliothèque Municipale, 105 (Winchcombe or Ramsey, s. x²; later sent to Fleury)).

¹⁵² Jaccard, H., Essai de toponymie: origine des noms de lieux babités et de lieux-dits de la Suisse romande, Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société d'histoire de la Suisse romande 7 (Lausanne, 1906), 522.Google Scholar

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¹⁵⁵ On Pontarlier, see Malfroy, M., ed., Histoire de Pontarlier (Besançon, 1979), pp. 60–71.Google Scholar

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¹⁶² Three English ecclesiastics attended the council and the Translation in 1049, on which see Southern's, R. account in The Making of the Middle Ages (London, 1953), pp. 125–7Google Scholar. Another source of evidence for the passage of English pilgrims through Rheims also comes from the eleventh century, in the account of the death in Rheims of Burgheard, Earl Ælfgar's son, in 1061–2, on his return from Rome; see Darlington, R.R., ‘The Anglo-Saxon period’, in The English Church and the Continent, ed. Dodwell, C.R. (London, 1959), p. 19Google Scholar. Most of the evidence for St Nicasius's cult in England also comes from the eleventh century: his name appears in a calendar from Wells under Bishop Giso in Kalendars, ed. Wormald, Google Scholar, no. 8; he has a Benediction in a pontifical from Christ Church, Canterbury, or worcester, of the second half of the century (The Claudius Pontificals, ed. Turner, D.H., HBS 97 (London, 1971), 82Google Scholar); and a charm against sickness in a Christ Church manuscript, also of the second half of the century, London, British Library, Cotton Caligula A. xv, 129v. St Rémi's cult was, of course, much more widespread than St Nicasius's in England even by the tenth century.

¹⁶³ Wilmart, A., ‘La légende de Ste Edith en prose et en vers par le moine Goscelin’, AB 56 (1938), 5–101Google Scholar and 265–307, at 50.

¹⁶⁴ Flodoard, , Histoire de l' Eglise de Reims, ed. Lauer, , p. 171.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ On Laon, see Devisme, J.F.L., Histoire de la ville de Laon (Laon, 1822) I, 15–124.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Memorials, ed. Stubbs, , p. 395Google Scholar n. 73, provided three alternative interpretations: St Martin on the Amignon, Mont St Martin near Cambrai, and Martinpuich near Bapaumes. The first of these would be the most likely of the three because this place is on the way to Doingt, the next stop.

¹⁶⁷ HE III. 19 (Bede's Ecclesiastical History, ed. Colgrave, and Mynors, , pp. 268–77Google Scholar); for the relic, see Eadmer, , ‘De Reliquiis Sancti Audoeni et Quorundam Aliorum Sanctorum quae Cantuariae Aecclesiae Domini Salvatoris Habentur’, ed. Wilmart, A.,Revue des Sciences Religieuses 15 (1935), 362–70Google Scholar, at 365.

¹⁶⁸ On Arras, see Lestocquoy, , Etudes, pp. 85–6Google Scholar, 92 and 127–35.

¹⁶⁹ Ibid. pp. 383–4. There are other manuscripts from St Vaast which may have reached England before the Conquest, for example, Cambridge, Trinity College R. 15. 14, an antiphonary written there at the end of the tenth century (Keynes, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, no. 12). After the Conquest, the connection was still active, if somewhat dramatically, when Abbot Seiwold of Bath fled there, taking his library with him, which he then bequeathed to St Vaast; see Grierson, P., ‘Les livres de l'abbé Seiwold de Bath’, RB 52 (1940), 96–116Google Scholar, and Lapidge, M., ‘Surviving Booklists from Anglo-Saxon England’, Literature and Learning in Anglo-Saxon England: Studies presented to Peter Clemoeson the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Lapidge, M. and Gneuss, H. (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 33–89Google Scholar, at 58–62.

¹⁷⁰ Kalendars, ed. Wormald, , nos. 2 and 13.Google Scholar

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¹⁷³ Bede's, Historia abbatum, in Baedae Opera Historica, ed. Plummer, , pp. 385–7Google Scholar; and the Anonymous Historia abbatum, ibid., pp. 401–3. Bede also entered the names of the three patron saints of Langres in his Martyrology (Quentin, , Les martyrologes, p. 47).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ A study of the cultural influences of Rome in England within the more general context of Mediterranean Art has been made by Saxl, F. and Wittkower, R., British Art and the Mediterranean (Oxford, 1948)Google Scholar and, for the earlier Anglo-Saxon period, by Mayr-Harting, H., The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (London, 1972)Google Scholar, and also by Bruce-Mitford, R. L. S., ‘The Reception by the Anglo-Saxons of Mediterranean Art following their Conversion from Ireland and Rome’, SettSpol 14 (1967), 797–825Google Scholar. However, there are no such studies for the later Anglo-Saxon period, and it is hoped that some more evidence will be supplied in my forthcoming book, The English Church and the Continent in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries: Cultural, Spiritual and Artistic Exchanges (Oxford, forthcoming). I should like to express my warmest thanks to Dr S. D. Keynes, who encouraged me to write this article and gave me a first set of very useful comments; to Professor R. Krautheimer and Dr B. Hamilton, who patiently read it and assisted me with their extensive knowledge in this field; and to Dr B. Ward Perkins, whose comments and references enabled me to complete the second part. Finally, I am grateful to Trinity College, Cambridge, for having awarded me a grant from the Lapsley Fund, which enabled me to do some of the preparatory work for this article in Rome.