Teaching and learning in college and university classrooms has received increased attention in recent years, including in political science. While historically, political science college education was dominated by the model of lectures and perhaps discussions in brick-and-mortar classrooms, the last two decades have witnessed changes in instructional techniques and considerable variation in pedagogical approaches across instructors and classes. At the same time, we sometimes lack the empirical evidence that these innovative approaches are effective and result in improved learning outcomes. We suggest that sharing our innovative pedagogical approaches becomes even more valuable to the academic community when we add an empirical evaluation of their effectiveness on students’ success and learning.

In recent years, a growing body of literature has widely investigated the impact of role-playing simulations in teaching politics and international relations. While scholars agree that participating in simulations is helpful for the students in developing their skills, the evidence about benefits is more mixed. Moreover, the question whether all students—regardless of their demographic or academic background—benefit similarly from simulations remains largely unanswered. This article, based on a cross-national survey submitted to students from Italy and the Netherlands who have participated in the Model United Nations (MUN), provides an innovative contribution to the current literature by looking at views and opinions of students coming from different educational contexts. Our empirical results suggest that students perceive that MUN increases their skills regardless of their academic and socio-demographic background. The quantitative analysis, based on OLS regression models, reveals that the individual students’ background does not influence their perceived benefit, nor their enjoyment of the experience. MUNs appear to be educational as well as fun for all students, regardless of their age, gender, field of study, seniority, and academic homeland.

This paper analyses changes in attitudes towards politics among the students of a Bachelor of Communication degree program in Spain after applying an educational innovation project including a formal civic education, an open classroom climate and collaborative learning strategies in politics. The effects of the project on the knowledge and interest towards politics of the participants were measured through a mixed methodology. First, a survey was administered both before and after the project was implemented. Second, focus groups were also conducted in both referred moments. The results show an increase in both understanding and having an interest in politics among students. In the context of low levels of formal instruction on politics during secondary school, such as in the Spanish case, these findings show that political disaffection among youth relates to a serious lack of knowledge about politics.

The face of higher education is changing. One major trend is the fact that students are taking an increasing proportion of their courses online. That is, a growing number of students at not-for-profit private and public colleges and universities are taking some of their course work online and completing other parts in face-to-face courses. What impact does this mix of online and in-person course modalities have on student success? We answer this question by looking at political science majors at a large public university in the USA, taking into account demographics, achievement, and the mix of course modalities the students take (n = 1173). Through descriptive statistics, regression analysis, and predicted probabilities, we analyze how the mix of course modalities students enroll in impacts student success and retention. Results indicate that the success of all students declines as they take a greater proportion of their course load online. As universities seek to address this trend in higher education, they need to be particularly sensitive to ways to increase the success of online learners. Considering the needs of online learners is particularly relevant in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has prompted the shift to online education across the USA and elsewhere, a trend that is likely to continue in the future.

While the relevance of political science is often evaluated with respect to its scholarly impact, evaluations of the teaching impact are rare. This paper offers a step towards strengthening the societal relevance of a political science degree. We treat the societal relevance of political science as a matter of the (non-)academic career preparation and civic education of its graduates. We are therefore interested in the career paths and individual learning outcomes of Austrian political science graduates. Data from the Graduate Monitoring and semi-structured interviews show that most graduates work outside of academia, moreover, as our results show, many graduates state that they had to acquire additional skills for their professional careers. Consequently, future curricula might consider a stronger focus on non-academic career preparation. At the same time, however, graduates highly value the civic dimension of the programme and the impact it had on their political agency.

In order to develop and improve a course concept in political science, the Design-Based Research approach is employed. The approach involves three phases that form an iterative evolving cycle of course development. In the first analysis/orientation phase, we identify three major student challenges: an inadequate methodological competence, a prevalent and mostly unfounded methodological dogmatism, and a frequently insufficient ability to work in a team. With the second design development phase, we present the course concept to face these challenges and to evaluate the impact of our measures. We opted for a student research project, which is widely regarded as a suitable tool to enhance the students’ methodological competencies. We also included professional coaching to build up team capacities. The third evaluation phase is based on multiple methods and sources. Other than standard course evaluations in higher education, it is not the participants’ overall satisfaction that is of interest, but the impact of our measures to meet the defined challenges. In the remainder of the article, the findings of the course evaluation are presented and discussed. The article concludes with recommendations for similar student projects and their evaluation.

Despite secularisation, there is growing recognition that some religious parties continue to influence elections and the formation of policy in several countries. What explains why religious parties persist in some countries but not others? This study tests an argument holding that religious diversification promotes political cooperation and therefore reduces the number of religious parties. Using a data set of religious parties across advanced industrial democracies between 1945 and 2011, this paper analyses this argument and finds that religious diversity puts downward pressure on the number of religious parties over time.

Drawing upon both the “party democratization” and “decline in party membership” literature, this paper explores how party members perceive the introduction of primary elections as procedures for selecting candidates and/or party leaders. Using Italy as an illustration, the analysis of survey data on party members from three major parties (Partito Democratico, Lega Nord, Movimento 5 Stelle) reveals three main findings. First, members approve and positively assess the adoption of new procedures of intra-party democracy. Second, membership opinions on intra-party democracy are clearly determined by the organizational structures of the party. Granting formal powers over not only to party members, but also supporters and voters, may hide a weakening of the role of the party on the ground and that it eventually limits the organizational function of party grassroots to a “cheerleading” role. Third, new members differ significantly from long-standing members in their attitudes and behaviour.

There is widespread agreement that both tiers of a mixed-member electoral system do not operate independently of one another and that instead they interact, producing contamination effects. These tend to raise the number of parties away from what Duverger’s Law or the M + 1 rule suggest. However, the field has not yet determined an undisputed methodological approach to answer the following question: raised by how much, exactly? This paper identifies and differentiates amongst three major measurement techniques, herein titled the Difference Approach, the Likeness Approach, and the Simulation Approach. By doing so, it provides a more concise map of each of their logics, their varied implementations, their drawbacks, as well as possible ways forward.

This note introduces the POLITICIZE dataset which contains information on the characteristics of 105 Deliberative Mini-Publics (DMPs) that took place in Europe between 2000 and 2020. Based on coding of experts regarding cases of real-life deliberative experiments in 18 different European countries, the dataset describes the core features of DMPs in Europe. It comprises information on three crucial dimensions: their composition (who deliberates?), their format (how do they deliberate?) and their role (what do they deliberate about and what are their prerogatives?). Hence, the note presents the different variables included in the dataset and reports empirical variations across them, thereby presenting the main contribution of the POLITICIZE dataset: delivering the most systematic and comprehensive efforts of data collection on mini-publics in Europe.

Besides elections, the sub-Saharan wave of political reforms of the 1990s led several countries to introduce limits to the number of terms that a chief executive can serve, even though several leaders managed to bypass them. While Africa’s executive term limits (ETLs) politics has gained scholarly attention, the literature mostly consists of in-depth small-N analyses. Systematic comparative research is rare. To contribute filling this gap, this article presents a new Africa Executive Term Limits (AETL) dataset. Covering 49 sub-Saharan polities throughout the 1990–2019 period, AETL represents the most complete and updated collection of data on Africa’s ETLs politics, and a versatile research tool to address several questions on the present and future of this continent. A preliminary assessment of the new data finds ETLs to be increasingly respected, and to have positive returns for government alternation and development. These findings point to new research avenues that AETL may help travel.