This paper contends that proponents of various forms of Indigenous Archaeology base their argument on a paradigm of Aboriginal essentialism ("Aboriginalism") that is derived from the long-discarded concept of Primitive Man. The development of Aboriginalism is explored as a mutually reinforcing process between Indigenous and Western scholars, based on evidence that is at best anecdotal. The adoption of this flawed concept by archaeologists, Western publics, and Indigenous people themselves has led to problematic assumptions that have negative consequences for both the practice of archaeology and for the lives of those who identify themselves as Indigenous. Archaeologists can usefully challenge the historical assumptions on which the paradigm of Aboriginalism is based: the belief that local societies have endured as stable entities over great periods of time, and the consequent projection of contemporary ethnic identities into the deep past. Such a challenge confronts a significant element of the intellectual climate that allows marginalized groups to exist as permanent aliens in the societies of settler nations.

Different hypotheses identifying factors affecting the complexity of implements used to obtain food resources by hunter-gatherer groups are assessed with regression analysis. A regression model based on interaction between growing season as a proxy measure for risk and number of yearly moves fits data on the complexity of implements for 20 hunter-gatherer groups. The interaction model leads to a division of hunter-gatherer groups into two subgroups that correspond to collector vs. forager strategies for procuring resources. Implications of the interaction model for the evolution of complex implements are discussed.

Maize agriculture was practiced in the U.S. Southwest slightly before 2000 B.C., but had a negligible impact on population growth rates until the development or introduction of more productive landraces; the ability to successfully cultivate maize under a greater variety of conditions, with dry farming especially important; the addition of beans, squash, and eventually turkey to the diet; increased sedentism; and what we infer to be the remapping of exchange networks and the development of efficient exchange strategies in first-millenium-A.D. villages. Our estimates of birthrates and growth rates are derived from the proportions of immature individuals among human remains. These proportions are somewhat affected by warfare in our region, and perhaps also by climate. Nevertheless, there is a strong identifiable Neolithic Demographic Transition signal in the U.S. Southwest in about the mid-first-millennium A.D. in most subregions, visible a few hundred years after the introduction of well-fired ceramic containers, and more or less contemporaneous with the first appearance of villages. Independent genetic data derived from the mitochondrial genomes of present-day indigenous populations of the Southwest are also consistent with the hypothesis that a major demographic expansion occurred 1,500-2000 years ago in the Southwest.

We present an agent-based computer simulation that extends a previous experimental simulation (Mesoudi and O"Brien 2008) of the cultural transmission of projectile-point technology in the prehistoric Great Basin, with participants replaced with computer-generated agents. As in the experiment, individual learning is found to generate low correlations between artifact attributes, whereas indirectly biased cultural transmission (copying the point design of the most successful hunter) generates high correlations between artifact attributes. These results support the hypothesis that low attribute correlations in prehistoric California resulted from individual learning, and high attribute correlations in prehistoric Nevada resulted from indirectly biased cultural transmission. However, alternative modes of cultural transmission, including conformist transmission and random copying, generated similarly high attribute correlations as indirect bias, suggesting that it may be difficult to infer which transmission rule generated this archaeological pattern. On the other hand, indirect bias out-performed all other cultural-transmission rules, lending plausibility to the original hypothesis. Importantly, this advantage depends on the assumption of a multimodal adaptive landscape in which there are multiple locally optimal artifact designs. Indeed, in unimodal fitness environments no cultural transmission rule outperformed individual learning, highlighting how the shape of the adaptive landscape within which cultural evolution occurs can strongly influence the dynamics of cultural transmission. Generally, experimental and computer simulations can be useful in answering questions that are difficult to address with archaeological data, such as identifying the consequences of different modes of cultural transmission or exploring the effect of different selective environments.

A compilation of 63 stratigraphic situations with evidence for human presence and two or more radiocarbon ages older than 10,500 B.P. has been processed to increase the accuracy and precision of the estimated ages and to compare their distributions at hemispheric scale. The compilation was developed to perceive patterns of population expansion and to plot early sites in their temporal and geographic order. The use of radiocarbon dates as data, criteria for inclusion in the compilation, the statistical processing methods used, and effects of controlling for precision and accuracy are described. The results indicate three earliest mean ages with great distance from each other in North and South America by 12,000 B.P., slightly later mean ages in Alaska, and the abrupt occurrence of Fluted and Fishtail Point sites at the beginning of the Younger Dryas climatic reversal (YD). One interpretation of these data is that there were different colonizing groups settling into different parts of the hemisphere in near-contemporaneity. Another is that Fluted and Fishtail Point sites may represent population relocations due to YD related ecological disturbances at the shorelines of those times. Corollary to the conclusions of early population diversity is the possibility of landfalls of people from areas other than Beringia in the late Pleistocene.

Archaeobotanical analysis remains one of the least-utilized strategies for investigating the lifeways of African diasporic peoples despite the fact that the field of African diaspora archaeology has grown exponentially over the last 30 years. We consider the botanical remains from the Rich Neck Slave Quarter site as constituting a significant line of evidence for illuminating the nature of plant use among enslaved Afro-Virginians. As a result of the ambitious flotation program undertaken during the excavation of the Rich Neck site, the botanical assemblage provides evidence allowing for interpretations of the role of plants in enslaved subsistence and potential medicinal practices. Our research illustrates that Afro-Virginians actively participated in the creation of cultural practices related to plant use, and strategically shifted their production activities in response to both internal and external factors that influenced their lives within the context of plantation slavery.

In a series of recent publications, Truncer (1999, 2004a, 2004b, 2006) presents a hypothesis that during what he interprets as the peak period of use (2500-1500 cal. B.C.) in eastern North America, steatite (soapstone) vessels were specialized cooking tools used to process mast. A key component of Truncer's hypothesis building is his interpretation of an analysis of fatty acids extracted from charred residue adhering to four steatite sherds, which he interpreted to be consistent with mast. This is the only component of his hypothesis building that directly links steatite vessel use to mast processing. Here we convey the results of a reassessment of Truncer's analytical results and the results of our own analysis of phytoliths and fatty acids extracted from charred residue adhering to three sherds from the Hunter's Home site. Our results undermine this key component of Truncer's hypothesis building and therefore the hypothesis itself.

The Mauna Kea Adze Quarry Complex is the largest-known prehistoric quarry in the Pacific Basin. The main extraction areas are located at an extreme altitude (3,800 m), near the summit of Hawaii's tallest mountain. The Mauna Kea summit region and the quarry are considered by many Hawaiians to be a sacred landscape and archaeologists must consider the ethical tensions involved in conducting Western science in these areas. Although provenance studies of basalt adzes are integral to the examination of pre-contact Hawaiian economics, former studies of Hawaiian adze distribution have been limited in scope, and conventionally relied on destructive petrography and petrology for the analyses. Published geochemical data on the quarry are derived from only eight samples analyzed with destructive methods. In order to better define the variation within the quarry, and to develop a more culturally sensitive approach, we employed nondestructive energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence (EDXRF) of whole-rock samples to characterize 820 flakes and 47 geological samples from the quarry complex. This study offers the first reliable estimation of the overall range of geochemical variability in the complex. These results suggest that nondestructive EDXRF can be used to differentiate Mauna Kea basalts from other known Hawaiian quarries, but more characterization of other quarries is necessary to confirm exclusive separation of sources. The results further demonstrate that EDXRF is capable of detecting intra-site geochemical variation in Mauna Kea quarry material.

Understanding the decisions made at toolstone procurement localities is critical to understanding lithic production systems. However, lithic assemblages at procurement sites are typically voluminous, frequently overlapping, and always complex. This paper explores the influence of expected toolstone transport distance on procurement site assemblage variability using a central place theory inspired model from Human Behavioral Ecology. Debitage assemblage diversity is examined for 43 sites in two procurement contexts with different expected overall transport distances. Twenty-six of these sites are from the Canyonlands region of southeastern Utah where toolstone transport distances are expected to be uniformly short; seventeen sites are from the Black Rock desert region of west-central Utah where transport distances are expected to be longer. Observed differences in debitage assemblage diversity from each procurement context are consistent with expectations derived from the model which suggests that procurement site assemblage variability is predictably affected by expected toolstone transport distance.

Interpretation of the Nogahabara I assemblage as a Late Pleistocene abandoned toolkit rests primarily on the premise of a single brief occupation at the site. The limited contextual data presented do not discount a palimpsest of noncontemporaneous assemblages in secondary contexts associated with a lag deposit. Spatial patterning, lithic assemblage patterning, artifact surface alteration, and disparate radiocarbon dates at the site, as well as geological data from the Nogahabara and nearby Kobuk dunes, indicate that the cultural material was subjected to post-depositional disturbance. Alternate hypotheses of site formation and avenues for testing these hypotheses are considered.