This essay began life as a master’s thesis, “Continuing a ‘Sacred Mission’ in the Lettered City: The Role of Newspapers in Cuzco’s 1920s Indigenismo Movement,” at Tulane University (2003). My appreciation to Charles Walker, Mark Carey, Steven Hirsch, and anonymous reviewers for Tlie Americas for their insightful comments on and suggestions for this expanded and newly conceptualized version.

1. The essay title comes from The West Wing, Episode 51 (Season 3), “The Indians in the Lobby.” In this Thanksgiving show, two activists from the Stockbridge-Munsee Indian tribe use the White House Press Corps as a shield and refuse to leave until administration officials agree to hear their complaints. I revisit this in the conclusion.

2. El Comercio (Cuzco), June 7, 1910, p. 7.

3. Giesecke, Alberto A. “Informe sobre el censo levantado en la provincia del Cuzco, el 10 de setiembre de 1912,” Revista Universitaria 2:4 (March 1913), p. 50.Google Scholar According to the census, 10,692 spoke Quechua and 7,858 spoke Spanish; 9,911 self-identified as illiterate, although Giesecke suggested that unwillingness to admit an inability to read and write might have falsely lowered that number (p. 29).

4. de la Cadena, Marisol explores this discomfort in Indigenous Mestizos: The Politics of Race and Culture in Cuzco, Peru, 1919–1991 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2000), p. 102.Google Scholar

5. Pollock, Sheldon Bhabha, Homi K. Breckenridge, Carol A. and Chakrabarty, Dipesh ask what new archives might illuminate “how people have thought and acted beyond the local.” See “Cosmopolitanisms,” Public Culture 12:3 (2000), p. 585–586.Google Scholar

6. The literature on Latin American cosmopolitanism is relatively small but growing. Two excellent works are Fojas, Camilla Cosmopolitanism in the Americas (West Lafayette, Ind.: Purdue University Press, 2005);Google Scholar and Loss, Jacqueline Cosmopolitanisms and Latin America: Against the Destiny of Place (New York: Pal-grave MacMillan, 2005).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Scholarship on Latin American modernist literature implicitly explores tensions between the local and universal. For a good recent work, see Sharman, Adam Tradition and Modernity in Spanish-American Literature: From Darío to Carpentier (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For cosmopolitanism more broadly, see Chen, Tina Mai “Introduction: Thinking through Embeddedness: Globalization, Culture, and the Popular,” Cultural Critique 58 (Fall 2004), pp. 1–29;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Bohman, James and Lutz-Bachmann, Matthias “Introduction,” in Perpetual Peace: Essays on Kant’s Cosmopolitan Ideal (Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1997), pp. 1–22;Google Scholar Calhoun, Craig “The Class Consciousness of Frequent Travelers: Toward a Critique of Actually Existing,” South Atlantic Quarterly 101:4 (Fall 2002), pp. 896–897;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Robbins, Bruce “Introduction Part I: Actually Existing Cosmopolitanism,” in Cosmopolitics: Thinking and Feeling Beyond the Nation, eds. Cheah, Pheng and Robbins, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), pp. 1–19;Google Scholar Harvey, David Cosmopolitanism and the Geographies of Freedom (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009);Google Scholar Sánchez-Flores, Mónica Judith Cosmopolitan Liberalism: Expanding the Boundaries of the Individual (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010);CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Brennan, Timothy “Cosmopolitanism and Internationalism,” in Debating Cosmopolitics, ed. Archibugi, Daniele (London: Verso, 2003), pp. 40–50.Google Scholar

7. A rich array of interdisciplinary scholarship on Peruvian indigenismo reflects various social, political, racial, and cultural expressions. See De la Cadena; Poole, Deborah Vision, Race, and Modernity: A Visual Economy of the Andean Image World (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Lenci, Yazmín López El Cusco, paqarina moderna: cartografìa de una modernidad e identidades en los Andes peruanos (1900–1935) (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Fondo Editorial; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia, Tecnología e Ino-vación Tecnológica, 2004);Google Scholar Coronado, Jorge The Andes Imagined: Indigenismo, Society, and Modernity (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2009);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Herrera, José Tamayo Liberalismo, indigenismo y violencia en los países andinos (1850–1995) (Lima: Fondo de Desarrollo Editorial, Universidad de Lima, 1998)Google Scholar and Historia del indigenismo cuzqueño, siglos XVl–XX (Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura, 1980); Deustua, José “Expansión cultural e intelectualidad regional: Perú 1900–1930,” in Intelectuales, indigenismo y dcscentral-ismo en el Perú, 1897–1931 (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos “Bartolomé de las Casas,” 1984), pp. 1–56;Google Scholar Rénique, José Luis “De la fe en el progreso al mito andino. Los intelectuales cusqueños,” Márgenes. Encuentro y Debate 1:1 (March 1987), pp. 9–33;Google Scholar and Lauer, Mirko Andes imaginarios. Discursos del indigenismo 2 (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos “Bartolomé de Las Casas,” 1997).Google Scholar

8. In Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991 ), Benedict Anderson argues that newspapers permitted citizens who did not know each other to imagine communion across homogeneous time and space — what Robbins called a “warm and inclusive nation” (p. 8). However, Latin Americanists challenge this blueprint for national consciousness. Claudio Lomnitz, François-Xavier Guerra, and others assert that Anderson too narrowly defined “nation” in a region in which kingdoms and bloodlines still held sway at independence; that he did not explain the identification of women, children, and minorities within a nation for which they otherwise were not authorized to speak; that national sacrifice carried a morally, socially, and politically coercive flipside; and that the role of writing by hand, verbal communication, iconography, ceremony, and other forms of communication also fostered group consciousness beyond print capitalism. See Lomnitz, “Nationalism as a Practical System: Benedict Anderson’s Theory of Nationalism from the Vantage Point of Spanish America, ” in The Other Mirror: Grand Tlieory Through the Lens of Latin America, eds. Centeno, Miguel Angel and López-Alves, Fernando (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 329–359;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Guerra, “Forms of Communication, Political Spaces, and Cultural Identities in the Creation of Spanish American Nations,” in Beyond Imagined Communities: Reading and Writing the Nation in Nineteenth-Century Latin America, eds. Castro-Klarcn, Sara and Chasteen, John Charles (Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2003), pp. 3–13;Google Scholar and Zavala, Virginia (Des)encuentros con la escritura: escuela y comunidad en los Andes peruanos) (Lima: Red Para el Desarrollo de las Ciencias Sociales en el Perú, 2002), pp. 32–33.Google Scholar

9. For a literato approach to indigenismo, see Polar, Antonio Cornejo Escribir en cl aire: ensayo sobre heterogeneidad socio-cultural en las literaturas andinas (Lima: Editorial Horizonte, 1994);Google Scholar and Kristal, Efraín The Andes Viewed from the City: Literary and Political Discourse on the Indian iti Peru, 1848–1930 (New York: P. Lang, 1987).Google Scholar

10. See De la Cadena; Poole; López Lend; Zoila, S. Mendoza, Creating Our Own: Folklore, Performance, and Identity in Cuzco, Peru (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2008)Google Scholar and Shaping Society through Dance: Mestizo Ritual Performance in the Peruvian Andes (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2000); and Hiatt, Willie “Flying ‘Cholo’: Incas, Airplanes, and the Construction of Andean Modernity in 1920s Cuzco, Peru,” The Americas 63:3 (January 2007), pp. 327–358.Google Scholar

11. El Comercia (Cuzco), April 23, 1902, p. 1.

12. El Sol announced that it would print 8,000 copies for its July 28, 1921, centennial special section (El Sol [Cuzco], July 9, 1921, p. 3). For its independence-day section two years later, however, the newspaper printed only 2,500 (El Sol [Cuzco], July 26, 1923, p. 1).

13. Anderson, Amanda “Cosmopolitanism, Universalism, and the Divided Legacies of Modernity,” in Cosmopolitics, p. 268.Google Scholar

14. van der Veer, Peter “Colonial Cosmopolitanism,” in Conceiving Cosmopolitanism: Theory, Context, and Practice, eds. Vertovec, Steven and Cohen, Robin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 166–167.Google Scholar

15. Ramos, Julio Divergent Modernities: Culture and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Latin America, trans. Blanco, John D. (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2001), pp. 88–91.Google Scholar

16. Walker, Charles F. “‘La orgía periodística’: prensa y cultura política en el Cuzco durante la joven república,” Revista de Indias 61:221 (January-April 2001), pp. 12–14.Google Scholar Cuzco newspapers in the early twentieth century envisioned their place within a rich journalistic tradition. According to Pedro J. Bravo Escobar, Cuzco newspapers such as La Libertad Restaurada (1839), El Restaurador (1841), El Pabellón Nacional (1842), La Némesis Peruana (1841), and La Trompa Guerrera (1841) waged their own war against Bolivian general Andrés de Santa Cruz. Later, El Huáscar, El Deber, and La Defensa Nacional rallied support during the 1879-1883 War of the Pacific in which Chile dealt Peru a devastating loss. In the 1890s appeared La Libertad, La Unión, La Reforma, El Cuzco, La Nueva Era, La Defensa, El Independiente, and El Eco del Cuzco. In 1895, La Regeneración and La Gaceta Popular, among others, fought against the military government of Andrés A. Cáceres in favor of Nicolás D. Piérola, who would become president. This overview appeared in El Comercio (Cuzco), August 23, 1924, p. 3.

17. Krüggeler, Thomas “Indians, Workers, and the Arrival of ‘Modernity’: Cuzco, Peru ( 1895–1924),” The Americas 56:2 (October 1999), pp. 163.Google Scholar

18. Aragón, Luis Ángel Historia del periodismo ciizqueño, 1822–1983 (Cuzco: Idea, 1983), pp. 75–78.Google Scholar El Comercióos original patrons lent the newspaper an aristocratic prestige. They included Serapio Calderón, then a member of the superior court of Cuzco and Apurimac and a future president of Peru ( 1904), and Eliseo Araujo, Cuzco’s mayor and eventual president of the university.

19. Ángel Aragón, pp. 818–2. The author added that Vega Enriquez’s aggressive style ruffled more than a few feathers: an assailant once seriously injured him with a blow to the head.

20. National Paper and Type Company of New York to Diocese of Cuzco, December 23, 1913, Archivo Arzobispado (Cuzco).

21. Krüggeler, p. 166; El Sol (Cuzco), July 28, 1924, p. 21.

22. Herrera, José Tamayo Historia social de Cuzco republicano (Lima: Universo, 1981), p. 129.Google Scholar Two decades later, the circulation of those two newspapers was still less than 1,000 each. See Herrera, Tamayo El Cusco del Oncenio: un ensayo de historia regional a través de la fuente de la revista “Kosko” (Lima: Universidad de Lima, Departamento Académico de Ciencias Humanas, 1989), p. 8.Google Scholar

23. [Illegible] Ortiz to Bishop of Diocese, February 5, 1925, Archivo Arzobispado (Cuzco).

24. Many newspapers had a life span of just a few editions. Most were published weekly and sold in stores. See Walker, “‘La orgía periodística,’” pp. 12–15.Google Scholar

25. El Comercio (Cuzco), July 28, 1924, p. 5.

26. Valcárcel, Luis E. “Memorias,” eds. Mar, José Matos José Deustua, C, and Réniquc, José Luis (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1981), p. 49;Google Scholar Farfán, Grimaldo S. to El Diario, June 5, 1921, Archivo Arzobispado (Cuzco).Google Scholar

27. In a 1919 reader-participation survey, El Sol asked Cuzqueños to identify urgent urban projects. However, the newspaper betrayed its imagined bourgeois readership by courting contributions from the university president and educators, social and athletic clubs, the Mutual Society of Merchants, the Society of Peruvian Ladies, the Artisan Society, the postal director, and doctors (El Comercio, June 26, 1919, p. 2).

28. Tamayo Herrera observed that heavy advertising in the left-leaning magazine Kosko in the 1920s was “incongruent” with Marxist and socialist currents. See El Cusco del Oncenio, p. 60.

29. The Scott’s Emulsion logo, a man carrying a huge codfish, was ubiquitous in Cuzco newspapers in the 1920s. For a concise product history, see Wendt, Diane “The Man with a Fish on His Back: Science, Romance, and Repugnance in the Selling of Cod-Liver Oil,” Chemical Heritage Magazine 28:1 (Spring 2010).Google Scholar Edwin Emery and Michael Emery demonstrated the prevalence of patent medicine makers, such as Castoria, Scott’s Emulsion, and Lydia Pinkham’s Female Compound. The authors derided these as “mis-leading, deliberately deceptive, and often outwardly fraudulent advertisements” that brought in lots of advertising dollars. See The Press and America: An Interpretive History of the Mass Media (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1984), p. 270.

30. Dooley writes, “Essentially, journalists, rather than politicians, would be discursively defined in prospectuses as the group the public should trust to serve as their primary providers of political news and editorial opinion.” See Dooley, Patricia L. Taking their Political Place: Journalists and the Making of an Occupation (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1997), pp. 26, 75.Google Scholar

31. El Comercio (Cuzco), April 23, 1902, p. 1.

32. El Comercio (Cuzco), June 7, 1910, p. 1.

33. Joyce, Patrick The Rule of Freedom: Liberalism and the Modern City (London: Verso, 2003), p. 100.Google Scholar Here Joyce argues, “Only by making community transparent to itself by directing what I call the light of publicity could liberalism and liberal community be implemented. In turn, political legibility, and the proper practice of freedom, depended very much on the free availability of knowledge in general, knowledge of the self and the social being but subdivisions of this greater knowledge.”

34. El Comercio (Cuzco), May 9, 1914, p. 2.

35. Valcárcel, p. 145.

36. El Comercio (Cuzco), September 2, 1938, p. 1.

37. Valcárcel, p. 124.

38. Ibid., pp. 222–223.

39. [Illegible] Ortiz to El Diario, April 25, 1924, Archivo Arzobispado (Cuzco).

40. A Peruvian living abroad lamented that “Peru, with its ancient splendor, its proverbial hospitality, knows only civil wars, political megalomania, defeat of its leaders, and finally, the cursed War of the Pacific” (El Comercio [Cuzco], August 31, 1902, p. 2).

41. Dooley, p. 74.

42. Anderson, Benedict “Nationalism, Identity, and the World-in-Motion: On the Logics of Seriality,” in Cosmopolitics, pp. 120–121.Google Scholar

43. For two recent works on the public sphere, see Crack, Angela M. Global Communication and Transnational Public Spheres (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008);CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Piccato, Pablo “Public Sphere in Latin America: A Map of the Historiography,” Social History 35:2 (May 2010), pp. 165–192.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

44. El Sol (Cuzco), August 10, 1913, p. 8.

45. On the Peruvian oligarchy, see Cotler, Julio Clases, estado y nación en el Perú (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1978);Google Scholar and Gilbert, Dennis La oligarquía peruana: historia de tres familias (Lima: Editorial Horizonte, 1982).Google Scholar

46. El Comercio (Cuzco), December 31, 1898, p. 2.

47. El Comercio (Cuzco), April 1, 1911, p. 2.

48. Corte Superior de Justicia, March 20,1911, Archivo Histórico (Cuzco). That was not the first time Castro took up arms to defend his honor. After an aide to President Calderón insulted Castro by questioning his seating preference in 1904 at the Politeama Theater in Lima, the two emerged unscathed after shots from 25 paces and 15 paces missed their mark (El Comercio [Cuzco], July 5, 1904, p. 2).

49. El Comercio (Cuzco), October 28, 1905, p. 2.

50. El Comercio (Cuzco), October 26 1910, p. 2.

51. El Comercio (Cuzco), June 7, 1906, pp. 5–8.

52. El Comercio (Cuzco), July 28, 1914, p. 20.

53. Rénique, “De la fe en el progreso al mito andino,” pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

54. El Comercio (Cuzco), September 30, 1901, p. 2.

55. El Comercio (Cuzco), September 13, 1901, p. 2.

56. El Comercio (Cuzco), October 26, 1910, p. 2.

57. Ramos, pp. 97–98. González Prada, for example, criticized lowbrow journalism because it “spreads a literature of clichés or stereotypes, it favors the intellectual idleness of the crowds, and kills or puts to sleep individual initiatives.”

58. El Comercio (Cuzco), February 16, 1902, p. 1.

59. For example, see “New York Under the Snow” and “Two Views of Coney Island,” in Martí, José Insiiie the Monster: Writings on the United States and American Imperialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1975), pp. 158–175.Google Scholar For more on the modernist chronicles, see González, Aníbal Journalism and the Development of Spanish American Narrative (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), Chapter 5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

60. El Comercio (Cuzco), February 16, 1902, pp. 1, 3.

61. El Comercio (Cuzco), March 17, 1902, p. 1; and April 8, 1902, p. 1.

62. El Comercio (Cuzco), February 16, 1902, p. 1.

63. Although Cuzco’s lettered elite were hardly monolithic, their focus on regional issues and interest in Indian communities united them. The group included historians Luis Valcárcel and José Uriel Garcia; educators Humberto Luna and Roberto F. Garmendia; politicians José Angel Escalante and Francisco Tamayo Pacheco; writers José Gabriel Cosió, Félix Cosió, and Rafael Aguilar; economists and sociologists César Antonio Ugarte and Francisco Ponce de León; university leaders such as José Mendizábal; lawyers and journalists such as Luis Rafael Casanova; and naturalist Miguel Corazao. See Herrera, Tamayo Historia del indigenismo cuzqueño, siglos XIV–XX (Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura, 1980), pp. 175–178.Google Scholar

64. El Sol (Cuzco), November 19, 1921, p. 2. De la Cadena argues that indigenistas tended to “dcle-gitimize” literate indigenous leaders while protecting illiterate workers of the land. See De la Cadena, pp. 88–89.

65. Writer and politician Pío Benigno Mesa laid the groundwork for Cuzco’s post-independence indigenista movement. In 1868, the Cuzco senator proposed legislation that addressed the “great social crime” committed against Indians, who were exploited, oppressed, and treated liked “beasts of burden.” Congress never approved Mesa’s proposals, which included abolishing free labor. See Herrera, Tamayo Liberalismo, indigenismo y violencia, pp. 29–33.Google Scholar

66. Limeño oligarchs gave nodding approval to a pernicious feudalism, calledgamonalistno, which tacitly placed the indigenous masses under the control of nefarious landowners in regions removed from the capital. See Poole, Deborah “Performance, Domination, and Identity in the Tierras Bravas of Chumbivilcas (Cusco),” in Unruly Order: Violence, Power, and Cultural Identity in the High Provinces of Southern Peru, ed. Poole, (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994), pp. 100–103;Google Scholar and Galindo, Alberto Flores In Search of an Inca: Iden-tity and Utopia in the Andes, trans, and eds. Aguirre, Carlos Walker, Charles F. and Hiatt, Willie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 153–156.Google Scholar

67. Valcárcel, pp. 139–140; Giesecke, Albert “My History,” unpublished manuscript, Giesccke family collection, Lima, Peru, 1954;Google Scholar and Antonio, Marcial Correa, Rubio Albert Anthony Giesecke Partliymucller: El más peruano de los norteamericanos’ (Lima: Ediciones Nova Print SAC, 2007), pp. 17–25.Google Scholar

68. Hcaney, Chris Cradle of Gold: The Story of Hiram Bingham, a Real-Life Indiana Jones, and the Search for Machu Picchu (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010).Google Scholar Heaney’s work is by far the most complete study on Bingham. See also Salvatore, Ricardo D. “Local Versus Imperial Knowledge: Reflections on Hiram Bingham and the Yale Peruvian Expedition,” Nepantla: Views from South 4:1 (2003), pp. 67–80.Google Scholar

69. Heaney, p. 92.

70. Valcárcel, Luís Tempestad en los Andes (Lima: Editorial Universo S.A., 1972), p. 21.Google Scholar

71. While not denying that indigenous uprisings occurred, De la Cadena argues that mestizos, landowners, authorities, and others were quick to characterize any sort of indigenous activity or gathering as a “rebellion” (pp. 118–125). Flores Galindo also alludes to the “imaginary dimension” of the uprisings: “Any peasant rebellion inspired by the past evoked the restoration of a supposedly egalitarian peasant order” (pp. 173–174).

72. “Reglamento de peluquerías,” August 1915, Legajo 65, Archivo Histórico, Municipalidad de Cusco.

73. Gendarmes likely rounded up “pure” indigenous subjects based on clothing because those from outlying towns were believed less Westernized than urban mestizos. See Bingham, Hiram Inca Land: Explorations in the Highlands of Peru (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1922), pp. 158–160.Google Scholar

74. Bingham, Hiram Across South America: An Account of a Journey from Buenos Aires to Lima by Way of Potosí (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company), p. 262.Google Scholar

75. Astete, Antonio “Reorganización del servicio de la Baja Policía,” September 25, 1908,Google Scholar Legajo 47, Archivo Histórico, Municipalidad de Cusco.

76. Chambi, Martín Martín Chambi: Photographs, 1920–1950 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1993), p. 52.Google Scholar The city prohibited raising chickens, rabbits, dogs, cats, and other animals in chicherías. Untitled report, January 28, 1915, Legajo 64, Archivo Histórico, Municipalidad de Cusco.

77. Kimmich, José “Colegio Nacional de Ciencias del Cuzco: memoria correspondiente al año 1911, presentada por su director Dr. J. Kimmich” (Cuzco: Tipografía La Sin Par, 1911), p. 33.Google Scholar

78. Valcárcel, p. 150.

79. Rénique, “De la fe en el progreso al mito andino,” pp. 13–15.Google Scholar

80. Calvo, Rossano “El Diario El Comercio de Cusco: la historia urbana y el cusqueñismo,” Allpanchis 30:51 (1998), p. 87;Google Scholar El Sol (Cuzco), November 24, 1921, p. 2.

81. Particularly relevant to this study is Vich, Victor and Zavala, Virginia Oralidad y poder: herramientas metodológicas (Bogotá: Grupo Editorial Norma, 2004), pp. 36–44.Google Scholar See also Olson, David R. Tlie World on Paper: The Conceptual and Cognitive Implications of Writing and Reading (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994);Google Scholar and Olson, and Torrance, Nancy eds., The Making of Literate Societies (Maiden, Mass.: Black-well Publishers Ltd., 2001).Google Scholar

82. Cornejo Polar, pp. 175–176.

83. El Comercio (Cuzco), September 15, 1915, p. 2. The newspaper later participated in an investigation into the massacre and exonerated the offending governor (El Comercio [Cuzco], May 26, 1923, p. 2).

84. El Comercio (Cuzco), March 9, 1923, p. 2.

85. El Comercio (Cuzco), July 23, 1923, p. 3.

86. El Comercio (Cuzco), August 7, 1924, p. 2.

87. El Comercio (Cuzco), March 8, 1922, p. 2.

88. El Sol (Cuzco), January 24, 1922, p. 3. The newspaper claimed that no evidence suggested Indians had mutilated the body and that authorities had not initiated judicial action against the accused.

89. El Sol (Cuzco), September 15, 1921, p. 2.

90. Reported in El Sol (Cuzco), September 26, 1921, p. 2.

91. El Comercio (Cuzco), March 27, 1922, p. 2. For two insightful fictional representations of pongos, see Arguedas, José María “The Pongo’s Dream,” in Tlie Peru Reader: History, Culture, Politics, eds. Stani, Orin Degregori, Carlos Iván and Kirk, Robin (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1995), pp. 259–263;Google Scholar and Arguedas, Los ríos profundos (Madrid: Ediciones Cátedra, 2000),Google Scholar particularly the early part of the novel. For a discussion of Bolivian pongueaje, see Gotkowitz, Laura A Revolution for Our Rights: Indigenous Struggles for Land and Justice in Bolivia, 1880–1952 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2007), pp. 135–137;Google Scholar and Reyeros, Rafael A. El pongueaje: la servidumbre personal de los indios bolivianos (La Paz: Empreso Editora “Universo,” 1949), especially pp. 127–50.Google Scholar Reyeros includes a compelling description by Bolivian writer Alcides Arguedas (1879–1946): “A pongo is the being most similar to man; he is almost a person … The pongo walks on two legs because he has not been ordered to walk on four, laughs, eats, and above all, obeys. I am not sure if he thinks” (p. 134).

92. Valcárcel, p. 208.

93. Professional lawyers showed little tolerance for tinterillos. As reflected in the title of Angel Valdei-glesias’s play from the period, Ese plaga de tinterillos (That Tinterillo Plague), “decent” Cuzqueños viewed these shady lawyers as poorly educated hacks who exploited ignorant and vulnerable Indians, profiteering from those who needed protection. In 1904, a reporter asserted that tinterillos were ‘as formidable a scourge’ as the ‘very gamonales of gallows and knife who are so abundant in these mountains’ (El Comercio [Cuzco], October 5, 1904, p. 2).

94. In a fiery 1923 speech in Cuzco, Luis Velasco Aragón skewered the Peruvian provincial judges who had “become docile instruments of criminal gamonalismo and hoarders of land—land whose fertility increases with the tears, blood, and cadavers of many aborigine Indians.” La verdad sobre el fango: conferencia leída ante tin cornicio popular por el escritor, el 22 de abril de 1923 (Cuzco: Librería Imprenta H.G. Rozas, 1923), p. 17.

95. El Comercio (Cuzco), March 27, 1922, p. 2.

96. El Comercio (Cuzco), December 1, 1922, p. 2.

97. The interview was neither the first nor the last encounter between Aguilar and Quispe. Less than a year later, Aguilar bristled when Quispe criticized the ineffectiveness of the Patronato de la Raza Indígena, a pro-Indian commission that Aguilar had once directed. Aguilar claimed Quispe was slightly more crafty but just as ignorant as other “false redeemers” who exploited Indians—the “altruistic writers” and “compassionate journalists” in Lima who did not care about the indigenous. Aguilar also resented Quispe’s ingratitude for the work of Indian “benefactors” like himself (El Comercio [Cuzco], July 23, 1923, p. 2). Valcárcel claimed that Quispe later disappeared and was rumored to have been killed (p. 237).

98. In a different context, Laura R. Graham illuminated the challenge facing Amazonian Indians in representing themselves to Western audiences. Although it was acceptable for Western politicians to employ speechwritcrs without losing credibility, Indians who represented their people raised questions of authorship and authenticity. Their ability to write and speak Spanish created suspicions about whether they were “real” Indians. Sec “How Should an Indian Speak? Amazonian Indians and the Symbolic Politics of Language in the Global Public Sphere,” in Indigenous Movements, Self-Representation, and the State in Latin America, eds. Kay B. Warren and Jean E. Jackson (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001), pp. 187–189.

99. Villaizán, Manuel E. wrote, “I sincerely believe that the Indian problem that troubles our intellectuals in Lima should be discussed and resolved by those truly interested in their rehabilitation, by those who recognize the virtues, defects, and customs of that giant race—in a word, by the new men and new values of the Andean regions.” See “Los payasos del periodismo,” La Sierra (Lima), August 1927, p. 43.Google Scholar

100. For an excellent analysis of cosqucñismo, see Mendoza, Creating Our Own, pp. 1–11.Google Scholar

101. El Sol (Cuzco), May 26, 1920, pp. 2–3. Reprinted from El Tiempo (Lima). Like William Randolph Hearst and other press magnates in the United States, France, and Argentina, Cuzco’s newsmen reduced printed pages and increased sale prices to offset newsprint costs. In 1917, El Sol temporarily suspended its Monday edition (El Sol [Cuzco], June 23, 1917, p. 1).

102. El Sol (Cuzco), April 26, 1918, p. 1. The advance report on Leguia’s scheduled visit to Cuzco stated, “In this capital, one sees much enthusiasm for this candidacy.”

103. Tamayo Hcrrera’s El Cusco del Oncenio provides a strong overview of the period. One of the most comprehensive studies of the Oncenio is Grohmann’s, Jorge Basadre Historia de la república del Perú (1822–1933), Vol. 14 (Lima: El Comercio, 2005).Google Scholar See also Stein, Steve, Populism in Peru: Tlie Emergence of the Masses and the Politics of Social Control, chapter 3 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1980);Google Scholar Klarén, Peter Flindell Peru: Society and Nationhood in the Andes, chapter 9 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000);Google Scholar Luis Alberto, Sánchez Legata: El dictador (Lima: Ed. Pachacútec, 1993);Google Scholar Planas, Pedro La república autocràtica (Lima: Fundación Friedrich Ebert, 1994);Google Scholar and Riaza, Ascensión Martínez “El Peru y España durante el Oncenio. El hispanismo en el discurso official y en las manifestaciones simbólicas (1919–1930),” Histórica 18:2 (December 1994), pp. 335–363.CrossRefGoogle Scholar This list is far from exhaustive. For works on the broader milieu of the Leguia period, see Galindo, Alberto Flores La agonía de Mariátcgui (Lima: Instituto de Apoyo Agrario, 1989);Google Scholar Burga, Manuel and Galindo, Flores Alberto Apogeo y crisis de la república aristocrática (Lima: Ediciones Rikchay Peru, 1981);Google Scholar Bazán, Mario Meza “Campesinado, estado y modernización en la ley de conscripción vial: enfoques y perspectivas para un balance historiográfico,” Diálogos en Historia 2 (2000), pp. 207–230;Google Scholar and Macera, Pablo “Reflexiones a propósito de la polémica del indigenismo,” Apuntes 3:6 (1977), pp. 75–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

104. Rénique, José Luis Kausachun Qosqo: la lucha del Cusco por la descentralización y el desarrollo regional (1900–1985) (Lima: CEPES, 1987), pp. 45–48.Google Scholar

105. El Sol(Cuzco), September 24, 1920, p. 2. On another occasion, the newspaper editorialized: “The city of Cuzco, the Rome of Peru, the Mecca of South America … has to this date no decorations, no galas, nothing that shows economic prosperity, cultural development, efficiency.” El Sol (Cuzco), January 20, 1921, p. 2.

106. El Comercio (Cuzco), May 17, 1920, p. 2.

107. El Sol (Cuzco), April 14, 1921, p. 3. Leguia officially expropriated La Prensa of Lima and converted it into a government mouthpiece.

108. Guevara, Víctor J. “La supranacionalización de la prensa” Revista Universitaria 49–50 (1925–1926), pp. 38–52.Google Scholar The author later published Mundialización de ¡aprensa (Cuzco: Editorial Garcilaso, 1956).

109. See Kant, Immanuel To Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch, trans. Ted Humphrey (Indianapolis, Ind.: Hackett Publishing, 2003);Google Scholar and Scrivner, Michael The Cosmopolitan Ideal in the Age of Revolution and Reaction, 1776–1832 (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2007), especially chapter 1.Google Scholar

110. Gutmann, Amy and Thompson, Dennis Democracy and Disagreement (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1996), p. 95.Google Scholar

111. Guevara, p. 38. For a recent discussion on international enforcement, see Tan, Kok-Chor “Enforcing Cosmopolitan Justice: The Problem of Intervention,” in Cosmopolitanism in Context: Perspectives from International Law and Political Theory, eds. Picrik, Roland and Werner, Woutcr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 155–175.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

112. Guevara, pp. 39–45.

113. El Sol (Cuzco), August 10, 1925, p. 3. Guevara frowned upon the degraded condition of Indians and argued that “if one wants to obtain different fruit, one must change the seed.” Transplanting Indians to the coast introduced them to civilized comforts and hygienic customs, but on returning “they forget everything and are the same unhygienic and backward beings as before.”

114. [Illegible], Subprefectura de la Provincia de Paucartambo to Sr. Prefecto del Departamento, )an-uary 17, 1930; Prefecturas, Ministerio de la Interior, Archivo General de la Nación (Lima).

115. Franco L. Alvariño, Prefectura del Cuzco, to Señor Director de Gobierno, March 9, 1921; Prefecturas, Legajo 227, Archivo General de la Nación (Lima). Cuzco governor Franco L. Alvariño came to Guevara–s defense, however, and after concluding that the Partirò subprefect had trumped up charges against Guevara and falsified medical reports, recommended the dismissal of the subprefect.

116. [Illegible], prefectura, Cuzco, to Señor Director de Gobierno, January 24, 1930; Prefecturas, Legajo 295, Archivo General de la Nación (Lima).

117. Valcárcel, p. 226.

118. “Biografías de buen humor:Guevara, don Víctor J.” Buen Humor (Lima), November 19, 1933, p. 5.Google Scholar

119. Deloria, Philip J. Indians in Unexpected Places (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004).Google Scholar

120. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty “Can the Subaltern Speak?” in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (London: Macmillan, 1988), pp. 271–316.Google Scholar

121. De la Cadena, p. 119.

122. Sánchez-Flores exposes the “Western liberal nation-states whose peoples allowed their local stories of superiority to contaminate liberal universality with exclusion, marginalization, and discrimination of people perceived as other-than-us-civilized-white-folk.” (p. 12).

123. El Comercio (Cuzco), June 7, 1904, p. 1. In the nineteenth century, Cuban José Antonio Saco called for “respectable” people to read newspapers aloud to less intellectually fit parishioners after Sunday mass. Antonio Saco’s scorn for the popular classes betrayed the reformist current within liberalism: intellectual tutelage would keep the masses from gambling and other “dangerous diversions.” Cited in Ramos, pp. 89–90.