Mountain shrines and pilgrimage in Mesoamerica

In ancient and contemporary Mesoamerica, mountains are central in worldviews and concepts of the cosmos; looming over the landscape, they dominate humanly conceived space and constitute physical embodiments and manifestations of world order. For the Nahua from Central Mexico and many Indigenous communities throughout Mesoamerica, mountains are living, sentient beings whose maintenance is crucial for the continued functioning of the universal order (Tedlock Reference Tedlock1992: 100; López Austin & López Luján Reference López Austin and López Luján2009). Sacred mountains are the source of both terrestrial waters (from within the mountain) and celestial waters (from the rainclouds forming at its peaks) (Broda Reference Broda, Broda, Iwaniszewski and Maupomé1991; López Austin Reference López Austin1999). This article presents a new lidar map and corpus of petroglyphs/stone monuments from a mountain peak rarely discussed in the Teotihuacan literature, Cerro Patlachique. We recorded carvings pecked into bedrock or boulders in situ (petroglyphs) and also on large rocks that were likely transported to their current location (stone monuments)—both here referred to as ‘monuments’. Our preliminary analysis of architectural features and 40 associated monuments (34 unpublished) at the summit of Cerro Patlachique confirms the presence of a shrine dedicated to the celestial and terrestrial water deities, the Teotihuacan Storm God and the Water Goddess, in agreement with previous research in the area (Helmke et al. Reference Helmke, Nielsen, Leni and Campos2013; Mejía Ramón Reference Mejía Ramón2021; Mejía Ramón & Froese Reference Mejía Ramón and Froese2022). We consider the cultural legacy of mountain worship at Cerro Patlachique, which we argue began before urbanisation and was formalised through architectural elaborations during Teotihuacan’s rise to prominence.

The mountain-top shrine constituted an important pilgrimage site closely associated with the ritual calendar, particularly emphasising year-bearer dates. In ancient Mesoamerica, the 365-day year was marked by four day names of the 260-day tonalpohualli calendric system—Reed, Flint, House and Rabbit—known as year-bearers. The year-bearer system, recorded between the Epiclassic (Xochicalco, Morelos; AD 650–900) and the Late Postclassic periods (Mexica; AD 1325–1521), was likely already in operation during the Teotihuacan occupation (AD 150–550) and monuments at Cerro Patlachique may thus record historical events (Helmke et al. Reference Helmke, Nielsen, Leni and Campos2013). This underscores the deep connections between directional mountain worship, the calendrical cycle, rain deities and pilgrimage that extended into the Classic Central Mexican landscape of Teotihuacan.

The great metropolis of Teotihuacan is oriented towards mountain worship, though discussion has largely concentrated on the northern mountain, Cerro Gordo, and its artificial counterpart, the Moon Pyramid. Local communities consider Cerro Gordo a mountain full of flowing water (Tobriner Reference Tobriner and Ruz Lhuillier1972), and the symbolic layout of sacrificed predatory animals within the Moon Pyramid indicate that this may also have been a sacred mountain (Sugiyama Reference Sugiyama2024). Burial 2 in the pyramid, containing five Storm God Jars, one in the centre and one in each corner of the cyst (see López Luján & Sugiyama Reference López Luján, Sugiyama and Robb2017: fig. 10.2), further supports such an interpretation. We posit that Cerro Patlachique was a southern counterpart to these mountains (see also Stuart & Garrison Reference Stuart and Garrison2022).

In the modern Mexican states of Puebla, Tlaxcala, Morelos and México, rural communities continue to make pilgrimages to specific mountains to petition for rain or control of the weather and to bring offerings to the sacred mountain. On the Day of the Cross, which occurs around 1 May, these rituals mark the beginning of the rainy season. This type of ritual and pilgrimage likely has a firm root in Indigenous knowledge of the cycles of rain and drought (Broda Reference Broda1982; Robichaux Reference Robichaux, Lammel, Goloubinoff and Katz2008; Lorente Fernández Reference Lorente Fernández2017; Benítez Corona Reference Benítez Corona and Sierra Carrillo2020), with sacred-mountain worship involving rain and water rituals arguably evidenced at Cerro Manatí, located in the vicinity of the Early Formative Olmec site of San Lorenzo (c. 1250–900 BC) (Ortíz & del Carmen Rodríguez Reference Ortíz and del Carmen Rodríguez2006). Even much later, the Mexica believed that rain could be ritually procured by ascending sacred mountains and making offerings (including sacrificed children) to the Tlaloque and Ehecatontin (assistants of the Storm and Wind Gods) during the months of greatest drought (Broda Reference Broda, Baez Cubero and Rodríguez Lazcano2008: 147).

Tlaloc (the Postclassic Náhuatl name for the Storm God) was related to the intersection of directional and calendrical divisions, including the separation of the 260-day period into four quarters of 65 days, each associated with a directional rain god. The pre-Hispanic Codex Borgia illustrates another division with the years 1 Reed (east), 1 Flint (north), 1 House (west) and 1 Rabbit (south) (Codex Borgia 1976: 27), thereby breaking the 52-year cycle into four quarters of 13 years, each with its own directional Tlaloc of a specific colour (Anderson & Helmke Reference Anderson and Helmke2013). This division is also evident on a Mexica stone box, which has 13 divisions of the 52-year cycle on its four sides and an image of Tlaloc on the base (see López Luján & Santos Reference López Luján and Santos2012: figs. 5–13). Tlaloc is depicted in the pose of the Mexica earth god, Tlaltecuhtli, with four streams connecting him to the intercardinal corners and thereby quartering him to the cardinal directions. Thus, though we focus here on the rain ritual and symbolism of the Storm God, it must be kept in mind that Cerro Patlachique probably had other, overlapping themes and significance relating to the ritual calendar and directionality.

Teotihuacan was a major pilgrimage destination for migrants and visitors from throughout Mesoamerica. Processions figured into the daily praxis of moving throughout the city and were a dominant theme in mural iconography. This mobility was intricately tied to water worship and power, as evidenced by the hydrological features prevalent in urban design and iconography (Evans & Nichols Reference Evans, Nichols, Gonlin and French2016; Mejía Ramón Reference Mejía Ramón2021). Considering archaeological evidence from a shrine in the southern Patlachique Range, we argue that such ritual processions were conducted in these directional mountains, which could be readily ascended and descended in a single day.

Cerro Patlachique

Cerro Patlachique is the highest peak of the Patlachique Range (approximately 2740masl) that sits south of the Teotihuacan Valley (Figure 1c). Topographic maps (INEGI 2015, 2023) indicate that the summit has three names: Cerro Xoconoch, Patlachico and Patlachique, although the latter is the most commonly used among nearby communities. The name Patlachique could derive from patlachiuhcan (‘on the plain’), or refer to ‘a wide area’ or the place where wide things are made (UNAM 2012). However, interpretation of the patla-achiuhcan glyph in Codex Vergara (1539), where water coming from a hand suggests the production of water (achiuhcan), could provide a different etymology: “the place where exchanges/trades/barters are made to produce/manipulate water” (Mejía Ramón Reference Mejía Ramón2021: 69 based on Simeón Reference Siméon1977: XXIII).

Figure 1. Maps of the summit of Cerro Patlachique created by the TVP (a) and PPCC lidar data (b), and a general lidar map of Teotihuacan Valley (c) (a: redrawn from Parsons & Sanders Reference Parsons, Sanders, Sanders and Evans2000: fig. 161; b: lidar visualisation generated by A. Texis Muños, using the Red Relief Image Map technique by the Spatial and Digital Analysis Laboratory, National Autonomous University of Mexico (Gerardo Jiménez Delgado and Javier López Mejilla), (c) Project Plaza of the Columns Complex; c: INEGI 2016).

The Teotihuacan Valley Project (TVP) surveyed the summit of Cerro Patlachique in 1963 and 1966 and named the site Santuario de Tlaloc (TC-100, TA-185 and TA-248) (Sanders Reference Sanders1996; Parsons & Sanders Reference Parsons, Sanders, Sanders and Evans2000). A series of temple platforms, residential areas and ceremonial precincts were described, including the mapping of 27 mounds, one patio, one ditch, four terraces and two monuments (one carved as depicted in Figure 2a) located north and west of Complex 1 (Figure 1a). In 2012, a trip to the summit identified four monuments with Storm God motifs and calendrical signs (Figure 2b–e; Helmke et al. Reference Helmke, Nielsen, Leni and Campos2013), as well as architectural elements (including a talud sloped wall) and Teotihuacan-period ceramics. More recently, a drone-photographic survey recorded some of the architectural elements (Mejía Ramón Reference Mejía Ramón2021) and subsequent presentation of the results of a ground-truthing survey (Sugiyama et al. Reference Sugiyama, Taube, Sugiyama and Texis2022), identified an additional petroglyph of the Storm God (Figure 2f; Mejía Ramón & Froese Reference Mejía Ramón and Froese2022).

Figure 2. Previously published monuments: a) Parsons Reference Parsons2019: Fig 3c.9; b–e) Helmke et al. Reference Helmke, Nielsen, Leni and Campos2013; f) Mejía & Froese 2022: fig. 2c (redrawn by K.A. Taube (EL-36–38) and A. Texis Muñoz (EL-04, 39, 40)).

Explorations at the summit of Cerro Patlachique were carried out from 2018–2022 by the Project Plaza of the Columns Complex (PPCC) and Ciudades Cosmicas Project, as part of a ground-truthing survey of archaeological features identified on a 165km² lidar map of Teotihuacan Valley (Sugiyama et al. Reference Sugiyama, Sugiyama, Catignani, Chase and Fernandez-Diaz2021). A total of 61.3ha was surveyed at Cerro Patlachique, resulting in the identification of 35 monuments, 16 mounds and two depressions that function as water reservoirs, as well as a possible avenue that connects the two main ceremonial complexes (Figure 1b). The avenue is 380m long and is oriented between 12 and 16° east of north, likely following Teotihuacan’s urban grid. The two depressions currently function as jagüeyes, watering holes for cattle, but TVP survey maps demonstrate that they were originally much smaller and surrounded by mounds (Figure 1a). These water reservoirs are placed strategically along a causeway and could therefore pertain to water rituals. Such ‘rain roads’ are found throughout greater Mesoamerica and the Southwestern US (Schaafsma & Taube Reference Schaafsma, Taube, Quilter and Miller2006: 244). For example, the Mexica conducted regular pilgrimages to Mount Tláloc, east of Mexico City, which has a stone-lined avenue leading directly to the enclosed shrine of the rain god (Townsend Reference Townsend1992: fig. 4).

The main northern complex at Cerro Patlachique is a possible temple/residential area that sits atop a large platform (approximately 160 × 80m) (Figure 1b) and overlooks Teotihuacan. During manual feature detection, topographic rises and depressions on the lidar map were given identification numbers as ‘potential mounds’ (PM) and ‘potential depressions’ (PD) and assigned confidence levels to inform a ground-truthing survey strategy (Sugiyama et al. Reference Sugiyama, Sugiyama, Catignani, Chase and Fernandez-Diaz2021). Twelve structures were identified from the lidar map, with two more independent structures, PM 96 and PM 893, identified east of the complex. Ground-truthing allowed the reclassification of Patio A from the TVP survey as a water reservoir (PD 53) connected to a northward-running ditch.

The southern complex is composed of a possible platform/structure (35 × 40m), elevated by the accumulation of large rocks (PM 90). A circular feature to its south (PM 95) may be more recent as it is associated with a modern watchtower. It is in this area where carved monuments were previously reported. According to local informants, many of these elements were stolen and our survey could only identify one of the previously published monuments (Figure 2b). Local authorities report severe erosion at the site and reforestation attempts since the 1990s; machine-assisted surface modifications were observed during the survey. PD 54 and PM 895 are located 100m north-west of this complex. Enlargement of PD 54 to create another large water reservoir has occurred since the TVP survey, destroying much of PM895 and possibly two additional mounds.

The monuments

Each of the 35 monuments were assigned an element number (EL-01–35), and an additional five element numbers (EL-36–40) designated other previously published monuments that were not identified in the survey (EL-04 was previously published; see online supplementary material (OSM) Table S1). Though the majority seem to be carved on volcanic stone, possibly basalt (with one probable sandstone: EL-34, see Table S1), formal analysis of rock type was not conducted. Many of the monuments are directly associated with the aforementioned structures, while others are at the head of a seasonal water stream. Here, we focus on a few key features of this new corpus (Table 1). First, the portrayal of many elements related to water worship, including celestial and terrestrial water deities, particularly the Teotihuacan Storm God and Water Goddess (with nine and three representations, respectively). Second, the many calendric dates/numerals identified. Finally, the substantial variation in artistic style and quality; some pieces are executed in the fine Classic Teotihuacan style, while others are more akin to individualistic expedient marks. On two occasions (EL-05, EL-12), there is evidence that carvers overlaid new designs atop old iconographic elements, suggesting some monuments were revisited over long periods.

Table 1. Summary of iconographic elements.

Asterisks indicate petroglyphs with multiple iconographic elements. References: 1) Parsons (Reference Parsons2019); 2) Helmke et al. (Reference Helmke, Nielsen, Leni and Campos2013); 3) Mejía Ramón & Froese (Reference Mejía Ramón and Froese2022).

Storm God/Water Goddess

Nine carvings portray the Storm God with his characteristic goggles and a prominent, fanged mouth. In one case (EL-24; Figure 3), the Storm God has protruding, round ‘bug eyes’ characteristic of early forms. This trait first appeared on water jars c. 300 BC at Tlapacoya, a site in the southern Valley of Mexico (Piña Chan Reference Piña Chan, Ekholm and Bernal1971: 10a; see also Carballo Reference Carballo2007; Carballo Reference Carballo2016: fig. 5.12), and is seen in early Teotihuacan Storm God jars excavated from the Moon Pyramid and the tunnel under the Feathered Serpent Pyramid (Gómez Chávez Reference Gómez Chávez and Robb2017). A petroglyph at Tlalancaleca, Puebla, presents another early form of the Storm God that is rounded, but does not have ‘bug’ eyes, and exhibits a fanged mouth with an eight-petal flower motif on its lower part (García Cook Reference García Cook1973; Murakami et al. Reference Murakami, Kabata, López J. and Chávez V2017: fig. 3). Although the ceramic data suggest site use at Cerro Patlachique preceded urbanisation (see below), most of the Storm God monuments seem to adhere to Classic and Postclassic styles.

Figure 3. Examples of monuments investigated by the PPCC with storm god elements (models by A. Texis Muñoz; © Project Plaza of the Columns Complex).

By the fourth century AD, the Storm God’s appearance changed markedly, with eyes now rimmed by the round shell goggles that were also worn by Teotihuacan warriors (e.g. Figure 2b/d & Figure 3: EL-34). The Storm God appears to have become a patron deity of warriors, perhaps associated with the imperial expansion of Teotihuacan. At least one petroglyph may represent the Tlaloc year headdress, a sign denoting named year dates in ancient highland Mexico (EL-03; Figure 3). The variation in the Cerro Patlachique carvings suggests considerable time depth in the creation of the corpus, encompassing the entire Classic period (AD 250–600) and beyond (e.g. the Postclassic style of EL-25; Figure 3).

In three instances, the Storm God is depicted alongside another figure, likely its female and terrestrial counterpart, Chalchiuhtlicue or the Water Goddess (Figure 4). Comparison may be drawn to features of the female monoliths of the Water Goddess identified in the Moon Pyramid Plaza (López Lujan Reference López Luján, Finegold and Hoobler2017: fig. 5.1): the open mouth, hand position, adornment and overall sculpted application. In the Codex Borbonicus, these two figures are likewise found paired atop a mountain with Tlaloc wielding his lightning bolt (Codex Borbonicus 1974: 35).

Figure 4. Two monuments with Storm God/Water Goddess elements (models by A. Texis Muñoz; © Project Plaza of the Columns Complex).

Calendric/Numeral

Thirteen monuments have explicit dates in the 260-day calendar and/or numerals, with six having additional dates and/or other iconographic elements. At least eight seem to represent year-bearers, day names that specify the year of the 365-day calendar. To the year-bearer dates identified on previously reported monuments—3 Reed (EL-37) and 13 House (EL-39) (Figure 2)—PPCC data now add 8 House (EL-26; Figure 5) and 1, 6 and 13 Flint (EL-12, EL-14 and EL-13, respectively; Figures 5–7). The execution of these carvings is similar to the date 3 Flint found on a small stone element from Plaza of the Columns, near the Sun Pyramid (Feinman & Carballo Reference Feinman and Carballo2022: fig. 10). EL-36, identified in the TVP survey, might also be read as 13 Flint (Figure 2a; Taube pers. comm.). However, none of the Teotihuacan day names are marked with the characteristic year-bearer marker recorded in Epiclassic and Postclassic counterparts.

Figure 5. Examples of monuments investigated by the PPCC with calendric/numeral signs (models and drawing by A. Texis Muñoz; © Project Plaza of the Columns Complex).

Figure 6. Examples of monuments investigated by the PPCC with anthropomorphic forms (drawing and models by A. Texis Muñoz; © Project Plaza of the Columns Complex).

Figure 7. El-12 and its eight iconographic elements (models by A. Texis Muñoz; © Project Plaza of the Columns Complex).

EL-20 (Figure 5) displays three numerals: 6 Reptile Eye/Reed, 6 Water and 7 Cloud. The S-shaped element within the cartouche commonly denotes clouds throughout Mesoamerica, dating back to the Olmec period, although it has not previously been associated with a specific day name. The reading of 7 Water on EL-23 (Figure 5) is consistent with the water-related and calendric symbolism of the site. This new corpus of dates and numerals provides new data for understanding the relationship between Teotihuacan’s writing calendric systems.

Feline figure

Multiple elements are observable on two surfaces of EL-32, including a feathered conch trumpet and a spotted jaguar in profile (Figure 8). The feline seems to be clutching a bleeding heart in his claws. Felines consuming hearts and blowing feathered conch trumpets are a common depiction throughout Teotihuacan (de le Fuente Reference de le Fuente1995: fig. 12.4; Sugiyama Reference Sugiyama and Robb2017). Another iconographic element, possibly a schematic rendering of a feathered shield, appears below the feathered conch.

Figure 8. The two faces of El-32 (models by A. Texis Muñoz; © Project Plaza of the Columns Complex).

Flower/Shield

Six monuments portray circular elements that are likely flowers (EL-01, EL-27, EL-31) or shields (EL-02, EL-12, EL-35) (Figures 7 & 9a–b). Both rectangular and round shields appear in Teotihuacan art; a mural from Totometla depicts Tlaloc carrying a lightning bolt and a round shield marked with a Tlaloc-quincunx sign (Taube Reference Taube, Boone and Urton2011: fig. 5.20). Four-petaled flowers are also commonly depicted within a round element (e.g. carved panels of Quetzalpapálotl). The carving on EL-31 represents the day name 5 Flower. The presence of shields as indications of militarism and warfare, suggests that the Teotihuacan state may have commissioned many of these monuments.

Figure 9. Monuments investigated by the PPCC with four-petal flower (a), day name 5 Flower (b), mountain (c), tilled earth/torch (d) and torch (e) motifs (models by A. Texis Muñoz; © Project Plaza of the Columns Complex).

Spatial and temporal considerations

Working from the lidar map, 10 × 10m surface collection tracts were established at six of the identified architectural features (PD 53, 54, PM 92, 94, 96 and PP 1). Preliminary analysis of 278 ceramic sherds indicates activity at the site from the Patlachique phase (100–1 BC) to the Postclassic period. Patlachique phase materials were the most abundant (47%), followed by Mexica, Xolalpan and Tlamimilolpan materials (Table 2). The ceramic data therefore indicate that occupation and/or pilgrimage at this summit site began during the Terminal Formative period (100 BC–AD 100). Yet, Tlamimilolpan-phase sherds and the hypothesised Teotihuacan orientation of the structures/avenue suggest the shrine complex was likely built during Teotihuacan’s heyday; discussion of any potential earlier architectural phases is, unfortunately, precluded by the absence of excavation data. The presence of Postclassic sherds (15%) affirms that the shrine continued to be visited beyond the city’s apogee, consistent with colonial records of Mexica-period pilgrimages to Teotihuacan and water shrines at key directional mountains.

Table 2. Ceramic frequencies by phase.

The stone monuments also evince the longevity of this mountain shrine. Two record revisitation, with the considerable variation in style suggesting that the various carvings were created across a long temporal span and by different groups. Eight iconographic elements were identified on EL-12 (Figure 7), a boulder measuring 1.09 × 0.58 × 0.46m. The original design likely started as a sculpted, possibly female figure, given the often-paired imagery with the Teotihuacan Storm God (likely carved at a later date) found on the other side of this piece. Two circular elements, an S-shaped cloud scroll, a calendric date of 1 Flint, a shield (or flower) and a skull are also identified on the boulder. Elements of fine Classic Teotihuacan style are mixed with simple lines and sculpted forms that may be temporally distinct, creating a design palimpsest. The original sculpture was likely a paired element, as the faint carving of the eyes, nose and hairline is similar to the base sculpture of EL-05 (Figure 4).

The spatial distribution of the stone monuments demonstrates the directionally sensitive placement of iconography. Storm God and dual Storm God/Water Goddess motifs are primarily restricted to the area east of the avenue (excepting EL-16 and El-11) (Figure 10). While some monuments may have been relocated, the association of these water deities with the east seems intentional, with clusters found at the heads of seasonal streams. Four monuments, including one Storm God carving (EL-34), are situated within the northern temple complex, while 10 monuments (including five water deities) are found near the platform (PM892), the jagüey (PD53) or other structures (PM 96, 893), indicating a relationship between the function and symbolism of the architectural installations.

Figure 10. Spatial distribution of iconographic motifs on stone monuments (labelled by element numbers) across the site (image © Project Plaza of the Columns Complex).

Cerro Patlachique: a pilgrimage site

Lidar data and a corpus of monuments support the hypothesis that the architectural complex at the summit of Cerro Patlachique was a mountain shrine evoking water deities. Iconography on the monuments consistently emphasises the celestial and terrestrial water deities, the Teotihuacan Storm God and Water Goddess, while abundant representations of calendrical dates suggest the site functioned as an important pilgrimage centre, visited during key events commemorated on the monuments. With these latter monuments, our survey also provides a sizable increase in the corpus of petroglyphs that support the assertion that the tonalpohualli calendric system was already practiced when Teotihuacan was occupied, and the new calendrical dates have the potential to advance our understanding of the Teotihuacan writing system. As the principal southern counterpart to Cerro Gordo, and given the repeated emphasis on House, Flint and Reed among the calendric dates, Cerro Patlachique was likely related to year-bearer symbolism and associated ceremonies atop directional mountains.

While some monuments are executed in fine Classic Teotihuacan style, likely carved by state-commissioned specialists, others suggest more individualised expression, with some resembling graffiti. We propose that this variation conveys the participation of distinct groups in state-sanctioned rituals, which were supplemented by more personalised pilgrimages. The overlay of iconographic elements on the same monument (e.g. EL-12) demonstrates instances of revisitation, indicative of the cultural legacy of this locus as the southern mountain for residents in the Teotihuacan Valley. This mountain-top complex was an active place related to water and directional mountains that was dynamic, with new icons and text added by pilgrims from the city and beyond.

Ceramic phases—extending from Patlachique to Postclassic (Mexica)—and the variation in monument iconography suggest this shrine likely pre-dates the Teotihuacan occupation and lasted well beyond the collapse of the metropolis. With Patlachique sherds comprising 47 per cent of the ceramic assemblage, the initial and likely year-round residential occupation of Cerro Patlachique began during an incipient period of urbanisation in the Teotihuacan Valley. However, the architectural elements, including a temple complex, two water reservoirs and an avenue all roughly aligned with the Teotihuacan orientation, suggest that state-mitigated control of this temple complex was formalised during the Teotihuacan occupation, possibly linked to powerful personages such as the putative fire priest depicted on EL-13. Teotihuacan-style architecture, ceramic assemblages and monuments, some of which were potentially commissioned by the state, add to a call for the renewed definition of the geographic boundaries of cities and the intimate ties between centres and peripheries (Sugiyama et al. Reference Sugiyama, Sugiyama, Catignani, Chase and Fernandez-Diaz2021).

The worship of water and its relationship to the mountains is evident in Teotihuacan iconography and architecture (Evans Reference Evans and Evans2016). As a predilect site of communication with the divine, Cerro Patlachique is revealed as a sacred mountain based on the monuments and their depictions of water deities and calendar dates. The site provides a firm example of the intricate and long-term entanglement of directional mountains, rain deities, calendric cycles and pilgrimage that characterises many ancient and contemporary Mesoamerican communities. As extensive looting has prevented the re-identification of published monuments, and as erosion continues to damage the site, the photogrammetric models, GPS locations and lidar documentation presented in this study provide a critical digital archive of heritage data related to this UNESCO World Heritage site.