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⁷ Ophir, Adi, Michal Givoni, and Hanafi, Sari, ‘Introduction’, in Ophir, Adi, Givoni, Michal, and Hanafi, Sari (eds), The Power of Inclusive Exclusion: Anatomy of Israeli Rule in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (New York: Zone Books, 2009), pp. 15–30 (p. 15)Google Scholar.

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¹³ I thank the RIS anonymous reviewer for their feedback developing this point.

¹⁴ King-Irani, ‘Exiled to a liminal legal zone’, p. 930.

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¹⁸ Ibid.; McMahon, Discourses of Palestinian-Israeli Relations.

¹⁹ I thank the RIS anonymous reviewer for their feedback on this point.

²⁰ McConnell, ‘Liminal geopolitics', p. 141.

²¹ Ibid., emphasis added.

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⁴⁴ Malksoo, ‘The challenge of liminality for International Relations theory’, p. 481.

⁴⁵ Ibid., p. 482.

⁴⁶ Ibid., pp. 481–3.

⁴⁷ Rumelili, ‘Liminal identities and processes of domestication and subversion in International Relations’, pp. 493–7.

⁴⁸ McConnell, ‘Liminal geopolitics’, p. 150; Neumann, ‘Introduction to the forum on liminality’, p. 477.

⁴⁹ Malksoo, ‘The challenge of liminality for International Relations theory’, p. 493; Rumelili, ‘Liminal identities and processes of domestication and subversion in International Relations’; Neumann, ‘Introduction to the forum on liminality’.

⁵⁰ McConnell, ‘Liminal geopolitics’, p. 150.

⁵¹ Ibid., p. 149; Malksoo, ‘The challenge of liminality for International Relations theory’, p. 484.

⁵² Rumelilli, ‘Liminal identities and processes of domestication and subversion in International Relations’, p. 497.

⁵³ Ibid., p. 504.

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⁵⁹ Booth, ‘Security as emancipation’, p. 319.

⁶⁰ Tickner, Gender in International Relations, pp. 127–44.

⁶¹ Burke, Beyond Security, Ethics and Violence, pp. 20–1. I would also like to thank the anonymous RIS reviewer for helping to elucidate this point.

⁶² Wyn Jones, ‘On emancipation’, pp. 229–30, emphasis in original.

⁶³ Burke, Beyond Security, Ethics and Violence, p. 21, emphasis added.

⁶⁴ Falk, Achieving Human Rights; Falk, (Re)Imagining Humane Global Governance; Falk, Palestine; Falk, A New Geopolitics.

⁶⁵ Burke, Beyond Security, Ethics and Violence, p. 20.

⁶⁶ I thank the anonymous RIS reviewer for assisting to hone this point.

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⁸⁷ Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law.

⁸⁸ Thank you to the anonymous RIS reviewer for this point.

⁸⁹ Falk, Achieving Human Rights.

⁹⁰ Rajagopal, ‘Counter-hegemonic international law’, p. 775.

⁹¹ Falk, Achieving Human Rights; Falk, (Re)Imagining Humane Global Governance; Falk, Palestine; Falk, A New Geopolitics.

⁹² Robert R. Saunders, ‘Between paralysis and practice: Theorizing the political liminality of Palestinian cultural heritage’, Archaeologies: Journal of the World Archaeological Congress (2008), p. 472.

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¹⁰⁰ Ben-Naftali, Gross, and Michaeli, ‘The illegality of the occupation regime’, p. 45; UN OCHA, ‘50 Years of Occupation: 1967–2017’ (East Jerusalem: UN OCHA, 2017)

¹⁰¹ Peteet, Julie, ‘Camps and enclaves: Palestine in the time of closure’, Journal of Refugee Studies, 29:2 (2015), pp. 208–28 (pp. 209–10)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ben-Naftali, Gross, and Michaeli, ‘The illegality of the occupation regime’; Gordon, ‘From colonization to separation’, p. 260.

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¹⁰³ Mbembe, ‘Necropolitics’, pp. 23–4.

¹⁰⁴ Tilley, Beyond Occupation, p. xi.

¹⁰⁵ ‘Security Council Veto List’, UN Dag Hammarskjöld Library, available at: {https://research.un.org/en/docs/sc/quick}.

¹⁰⁶ Peter Beaumont, ‘US abstention allows UN to demand end to Israeli settlements’, The Guardian (24 December 2016), available at: {https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/dec/23/us-abstention-allows-un-to-demand-end-to-israeli-settlements}.

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¹⁰⁹ Ibid., p. 85.

¹¹⁰ Ibid., p. 103.

¹¹¹ Ibid., p. 98.

¹¹² Malksoo, ‘The challenge of liminality for International Relations theory’, p. 484.

¹¹³ Zureik, Israel's Colonial Project in Palestine, p. 72.

¹¹⁴ Ibid.; Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Security Theology, p. 5; Wolfe, ‘Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native’; Veracini, Israel and Settler Society.

¹¹⁵ Zureik, Israel's Colonial Project in Palestine, p. 51.

¹¹⁶ Ibid.; Wolfe, ‘Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native’; Veracini, Israel and Settler Society.

¹¹⁷ Zureik, Israel's Colonial Project in Palestine, p. 51.

¹¹⁸ For in-depth discussion, see Zureik, Israel's Colonial Project in Palestine; Wolfe, ‘Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native’; Veracini, Israel and Settler Society; Tilley, Beyond Occupation.

¹¹⁹ Masalha, Nur, Palestine: A Four Thousand Year History (London: Zed, 2018), pp. 313–14Google Scholar; Khalidi, Rashid, The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood (Beacon Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Mansfield, Peter, A History of the Middle East (3^rd edn, London: Penguin, 2010), p. 162Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Masalha, Palestine, pp. 313–14; Khalidi, The Iron Cage; Mansfield, A History of the Middle East, p. 162.

¹²¹ Zureik, Israel's Colonial Project in Palestine, p. 53.

¹²² Ibid., p. 54; Khalidi, The Iron Cage.

¹²³ Zureik, Israel's Colonial Project in Palestine, pp. 59–63.

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¹²⁸ This right to armed struggle is also an established norm of international law. Any resistance must, of course, conform to international law, and therefore certain acts – such as attacks on civilians – are illegal and/or may comprise acts of terrorism. Mason and Falk, ‘Assessing nonviolence in the Palestinian rights struggle’.

¹²⁹ Busbridge, Rachel, ‘Israel-Palestine and the settler colonial “turn”: From interpretation to decolonization’, Theory, Culture & Society, 35:1 (2018), pp. 91–115 (pp. 97–8)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹³² Gordon, ‘From colonization to separation’, p. 244; Yehouda Shenhav and Yael Berda, ‘The colonial foundations of the state of exception: Juxtaposing the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories with colonial bureaucratic history’, in Ophir, Givoni, and Hanafi (eds), The Power of Inclusive Exclusion, pp. 355–6; Makdisi, ‘Spectres of “terrorism”’, p. 266; McMahon, Discourses of Palestinian-Israeli Relations.

¹³³ Makdisi, ‘Spectres of “terrorism”’, p. 266.

¹³⁴ McMahon, Discourses of Palestinian-Israeli Relations; Tony Klug, ‘Antisemitism: the Middle East Connection’, Open Democracy (5 March 2015), available at: {https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/north-africa-west-asia/antisemitism-middle-east-connection/}.

¹³⁵ Ibid.

¹³⁶ Said, Orientalism.

¹³⁷ Ibid., p. 27. For a discussion of how such stereotypes remain pervasive today, see Morey, Peter and Yaqin, Amina, Framing Muslims: Stereotyping and Representation after 9/11 (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ Burke, Beyond Security, Ethics and Violence, pp. 199–200.

¹³⁹ Zureik, Israel's Colonial Project in Palestine; Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Security Theology.

¹⁴⁰ Mbembe, ‘Necropolitics’, p. 24.

¹⁴¹ Ibid., pp. 29–30.

¹⁴² Ophir, Givoni, and Hanafi, ‘Introduction’, pp. 22, 18.

¹⁴³ See reports by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC); the UN ‘Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in the Palestinian Territories Occupied since 1967’; Amnesty International; Human Rights Watch; B'Tselem; Breaking the Silence.

¹⁴⁴ Judge ad hoc of the ICJ, John Dugard, for example, has provided clear evidence that the majority of the ‘inhuman acts’ outlined in Article II of the ICSPA are carried out as part of the Israeli occupation. While Israel is not a party to ICSPA, the prohibition of Apartheid is widely regarded as a jus cogens (non-derogable preemptive) norm of international law. (Yearbook of International Law Commission, ‘Draft articles on Responsibility of States’). The crime is also prohibited under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) (which Israel is a signatory to) and is treated as a distinct crime against humanity under the Rome Statute of the ICC. Dugard, John and Reynolds, John, ‘Apartheid, international law, and the occupied Palestinian territory’, European Journal of Human Rights, 24:3 (2013), pp. 867–913Google Scholar; Richard Falk and Virginia Tilley, ‘Israeli Practices towards the Palestinian People and the Question of Apartheid’, Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA) (Beirut, 2017), E/ESCWA/ECRI/2017/1, available at: {https://electronicintifada.net/sites/default/files/2017-03/un_apartheid_report_15_march_english_final_.pdf}; Tilley, Beyond Occupation; Ophir, Givoni, and Hanafi (eds), The Power of Inclusive Exclusion.

¹⁴⁵ Gordon, ‘From colonization to separation’, p. 256.

¹⁴⁶ Butler, Precarious Life, pp. xiv–v.

¹⁴⁷ Ibid., pp. 35–6.

¹⁴⁸ Ibid.

¹⁴⁹ Falk, Achieving Human Rights, p. 91.

¹⁵⁰ Burke, Beyond Security, Ethics and Violence, p. 91.

¹⁵¹ Falk, Achieving Human Rights, p. 91.

¹⁵² Falk, Achieving Human Rights; Falk, (Re)Imagining Humane Global Governance; Falk, Palestine; Falk, A New Geopolitics.

¹⁵³ King-Irani, ‘Exiled to a liminal legal zone’, p. 935.

¹⁵⁴ Ibid., p. 930.

¹⁵⁵ Ibid.

¹⁵⁶ Ibid., p. 931.

¹⁵⁷ Ibid., p. 933.

¹⁵⁸ Soeren Kern, ‘The UK's Selective Application of the Universal Jurisdiction Law’, Gates Institute (22 November 2010), available at: {http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/1671/uk-universal-jurisdiction-law}.

¹⁵⁹ King-Irani, ‘Exiled to a liminal legal zone’, pp. 933–43.

¹⁶⁰ Alexandra Malatesta, ‘UK passes law limiting arrests under universal jurisdiction’, Jurist (16 September 2011), available at: {http://jurist.org/paperchase/2011/09/uk-passes-law-limiting-arrests-under-universal-jurisdiction.php}.

¹⁶¹ Burgis-Kasthala, Michelle, ‘Over-stating Palestine's UN membership bid? An ethnographic study on the narratives of statehood’, European Journal of International Law, 25:3 (2015), pp. 677–701CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶² While Israel is not a member of the ICC, due to Palestine's accession, the Court has jurisdiction over alleged crimes committed on Palestinian territory, including by Israel.

¹⁶³ Peter Beaumont, ‘ICC to investigate alleged Israeli and Palestinian war crimes’, The Guardian (21 December 2019), available at: {https://www.theguardian.com/law/2019/dec/20/icc-to-investigate-alleged-israeli-and-palestinian-war-crimes}.

¹⁶⁴ Ben Doherty, ‘Australian government tells ICC it should not investigate alleged war crimes in Palestine’, The Guardian (10 May 2020), available at: {https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2020/may/10/australian-government-tells-icc-it-should-not-investigate-alleged-war-crimes-in-palestine}.

¹⁶⁵ King-Irani, ‘Exiled to a liminal legal zone’, p. 930.

¹⁶⁶ Falk, Achieving Human Rights, pp. 13–24; Falk, (Re)Imagining Humane Global Governance.

¹⁶⁷ Mason and Falk, ‘Assessing nonviolence in the Palestinian rights struggle’.

¹⁶⁸ Falk and Tilley, ‘Israeli Practices towards the Palestinian People’.

¹⁶⁹ Ben-Naftali, Gross, and Michaeli, ‘The illegality of the occupation regime’, pp. 67–8.

¹⁷⁰ King-Irani, ‘Exiled to a liminal legal zone’, p. 930.

¹⁷¹ Falk, Achieving Human Rights; Falk, (Re)Imagining Humane Global Governance; Falk, Palestine; Falk, A New Geopolitics.

¹⁷² Cohen, Stanley, ‘Government responses to human rights reports: Claims, denials, and counterclaims’, Human Rights Quarterly, 18:3 (1996), pp. 517–43 (p. 538)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷³ Merry, Sally Engle, ‘Transnational human rights and local activism: Mapping the middle’, American Anthropologist, 108:1 (2006), pp. 38–55 (p. 41)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷⁴ Busbridge, ‘Israel-Palestine and the settler colonial “turn”’, p. 99.

¹⁷⁵ Barghouti, Omar, Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS): The Global Struggle for Palestinian Rights (Chicago: Haymarket, 2011)Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁶ Nathan Thrall, ‘BDS: How a controversial non-violent movement has transformed the Israeli-Palestinian debate’, The Guardian (14 August 2018); Barghouti, Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS); Lim, Audrea (ed.), The Case for Boycotts Against Israel (London: Verso, 2012)Google Scholar; McMahon, Sean F., ‘The Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions campaign: Contradictions and challenges’, Race and Class, 55:4 (2014), pp. 65–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ Thrall, ‘BDS’.

¹⁷⁸ Ibid.

¹⁷⁹ Ibid.

¹⁸⁰ BDS National Committee (BNC), ‘Racism and Racial Discrimination are the Antithesis of Freedom, Justice & Equality’, BDS website (n.d.), available at: {https://bdsmovement.net/news/%E2%80%9Cracism-and-racial-discrimination-are-antithesis-freedom-justice-equality%E2%80%9D}; See also Hanan Ashraw, ‘Is a boycott of Israel just?’, New York Times (18 February 2014); Barghouti, Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS); Lim (ed.), The Case for Boycotts Against Israel (2012).

¹⁸¹ BNC, ‘Racism and Racial Discrimination are the Antithesis of Freedom’.

¹⁸² Mearsheimer, John and Walt, Stephen, The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy (London: Penguin, 2007), pp. 188–96Google Scholar; Beinart, Peter, The Crisis of Zionism (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2012), pp. 54–8Google Scholar; Pappé, Ilan, Out of the Frame: The Struggle for Academic Freedom in Israel (London: Pluto, 2010), pp. 175–6, 179–80, 194, 198Google Scholar; Abraham, Matthew, Out of Bounds: Academic Freedom and the Question of Palestine (New York: Bloomsbury, 2014)Google Scholar; Butler, Precarious Lives, pp. 101–27.

¹⁸³ Tilley, Beyond Occupation, pp. 54–5; Tovah Lazaroff, ‘Netanyahu: A Palestinian state won't be created’, Jerusalem Post (8 April 2019).

¹⁸⁴ Tilley, Virginia, The One State Solution: A Breakthrough for Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Deadlock (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; James Ron, ‘Palestine, the UN and the one-state solution’, Middle East Polity, XVIII:4 (2011), pp. 59–67; Yousef Munayyer, ‘There will be a one-state solution: But what kind of state will it be?’, Foreign Affairs, 98:6 (2019), pp. 30–1; ‘The One State declaration’, Electronic Intifada (29 November 2007), available at: {https://electronicintifada.net/content/one-state-declaration/793}.

¹⁸⁵ ‘The One State declaration’.

¹⁸⁶ Ibid.

¹⁸⁷ Michelle Alexander, ‘Time to break the silence on Palestine’, New York Times (19 January 2019).

¹⁸⁸ Busbridge, ‘Israel-Palestine and the settler colonial “turn”’, p. 98; Mason and Falk, ‘Assessing nonviolence in the Palestinian rights struggle’.