Recently there have been renewed dialogues concerning the therapeutic effectiveness of psychotropic and/or psychoactive substances, demonstrated by burgeoning debates and regulatory shifts around 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine across different jurisdictions.Reference Andrews and Wright1–Reference Reardon4 Previously, such substances have been associated in the Western world with the rave scene of the 1990s and counterculture of the 1960s, both attracting scrutiny, intrigue and stigma.Reference Kunstler, Smith, Langmead, Goodwin, Wright and Hatty5 Indeed, sociocultural patterns around certain substances can fluctuate, from the subcultural to the respectable and from the recreational to the medical.Reference Nutt6 Given the history of drugs in the 20th century (i.e. their roles in wars, illicit trade and psychopharmacological therapy), they can be seen theoretically not just as chemical entities but as objects imbued with cultural agency.Reference Smith, Griffin, Buadze, Zullino and Liebrenz7 More broadly, this notion has a potential role to play in the application of the medical humanities to psychiatry. As psychiatric pedagogy adapts to meet the demands of modern practice and societal developments, greater awareness about the cultural and experiential dynamics of drug use may be increasingly important for informing holistic educational approaches.Reference Bhugra, Smith, Ventriglio, Hermans, Ng and Javed8
A conjunction of the empirical and the subjective is not foreign to drug-based explorations in medicine, nor the humanities; this is demonstrated by qualitative academic research on substance use, alongside renowned figures including Aldous Huxley (1894–1963) self-administering mescaline and recording its effects, or the work of Timothy Leary (1920–1996) in the 1950s and beyond.Reference Muir, Adams, Evans, Geijer-Simpson, Kaner and Phillips9–Reference Nichter, Quintero, Nichter, Mock and Shakib13 For a more modern example, we might point to the entrepreneur and anti-ageing advocate Bryan Johnson, whose self-experimentation goes beyond the remit and practices of institutional science and has been showcased in a Netflix documentary.14 However, this history goes back much further. The English writer Thomas De Quincey (1785–1859) published his first-person account of opium use, Confessions of an English Opium-Eater (hereafter Confessions) in 1821.Reference De Quincey15 This provides enlightening first-hand accounts of the effects of opium on the human mind in the early 19th century, producing a cultural lineage of which Huxley, Leary and even Johnson can conceivably be seen as descendants. As Stuart Walton has noted, many users ‘go on to write abuse confessionals, and each is a distant descendant of De Quincey’.Reference Walton16
Notably, Confessions presents pertinent questions for contemporaneous drug-related debates. Over 200 years ago, De Quincey discussed issues such as medical professional–patient consent, the interaction of Western capitalism with different cultures and neuropharmacological effects. However, the 19th century was a time radically different from 2025: opium was legally obtainable in the UK and largely unregulated, leading to its widespread availability.Reference Berridge17 Robert Morrison, in his introduction to Confessions, writes that opium ‘was cheap: people who could not afford ale or spirits could afford the drug’.Reference Morrison and De Quincey18 Equally, ‘it was legal: there was no effort to limit its sale until the Pharmacy Act of 1868. It could be purchased in a vast range of commercial cure-alls: Batley’s Sedative Solution, Collis Browne’s Chlorodyne, Godfrey’s Cordial, the Kendal Black Drop and Mother Bailey’s Quieting Syrup, to name only a few.’Reference Morrison and De Quincey18 Likewise, early opium agents were administered in psychiatric practice of the time as a more humane treatment than physical restraints.Reference Berridge17
Despite temporal discrepancies, the relevance of psychotropic substances to the literature of modernity is worthy of consideration. In The Gay Science (1882), Friedrich Nietzsche proclaimed: ‘Who will tell us the entire history of narcotics? – It is nearly the history of “culture”, our so-called higher culture.’Reference Nietzsche19 Likewise, De Quincey’s influence extends from Edgar Allan Poe to Elizabeth Barrett Browning, Charles Baudelaire and Arthur Conan Doyle in the 19th century, to Jean Cocteau, William Burroughs, Hunter S. Thompson and Ann Marlowe in the 20th.Reference Morrison and De Quincey18 In exploring these perspectives through Confessions, we can gain valuable insights into the phenomenological and societal dimensions of substance use in the 19th century. These may also be relevant to the era of digital communication – with an increasingly subjectivised culture of health and wellness – that opens up new paths for the exchange of substances exterior to medical or academic circles.Reference Rutherford, Lim, Johnson, Cheng, Chung and Huang20,Reference Buadze, Kaiser, Stohler, Roessler, Seifritz and Liebrenz21 In turn, a more thorough understanding of these paradigms could enrich current psychiatric educational content, further elucidating past and contemporary drug-related dialogues and demonstrating how subjective illness theories can differ over time and at an individual level.Reference Jay22
Substance use beyond science in De Quincey
The term psychonaut, from Ancient Greek meaning mind/soul navigator/sailor, denotes an (often drug-assisted) explorer of inner mental space, searching for new experiences and knowledge. Coined by Ernst Junger in the 1940s, this may have influenced the thinking of the creator of lysergic acid diethylamide, Albert Hoffmann.Reference Jay22 Contemporary connotations of psychonaut can suggest an individual operating beyond the conventional frameworks of institutional science.Reference Jay22 Nevertheless, this distinction is not necessarily absolute, because these subjects often conducted their experiments in collaboration with prominent scientists.Reference Jay22
Blending the empirical and introspective, De Quincey was a proto-psychonaut, placing his account both inside and outside of science. As he notes: ‘I am bound to confess that I have indulged in it [opium-eating] to an excess, not yet recorded of any other man.’Reference De Quincey15 De Quincey’s mode of administration was laudanum, entailing the dissolving of opium in alcohol. Thus, the excess he speaks of is doubly so, because he probably had a further addiction to this second, de-emphasised substance.Reference Morrison23 Regardless, De Quincey appeals to personal experience as a means to authorial validity. This is as an individualised recitation of what he deems to be symptoms, but also as an enquiry of such epistemological depth that it develops a ‘record’. This can be construed as both competitive and curatorial, exceeding contemporary understanding and offering this excess to further human knowledge. De Quincey’s subjective approach becomes a site of verifiable and empirical enquiry, reflecting goals of current qualitative approaches towards substance use.Reference Narayanan and Murthy24 However, in Confessions this self-gained knowledge is presented as being beyond the scope of medical professionals – although this was not necessarily the case – rather than data to be interpreted by them: ‘therefore, worthy doctors, as there seems to be room for further discoveries, stand aside, and allow me to come forward and lecture on this matter’.Reference De Quincey15
The truth, when turning to the observations of medical professionals, is more complicated. In 1829, Robert Christison described opium as ‘the most common drug in medical practice’.Reference Christison25 Furthermore, Christison was one of the earliest medical professionals to acknowledge some of De Quincey’s observations, describing his account as follows: ‘a very poetical, but I believe also a very faithful, picture of the phenomena now alluded to is given in the Confessions of an English Opium-Eater, – a work published not long ago by a gentleman who writes from personal experience’.Reference Christison25 Christison goes on to further state: ‘it is singular that our profession should have observed these phenomena so little, as to be accused by the author of having wholly misrepresented the action of the most common drug in medical practise’.Reference Christison25 In accordance with Christison’s observations, De Quincey posits the subjective as a route towards the objective in the search for verifiable information. In turn, he seeks to emphasise the ineffectiveness of contemporary scientific investigation, inverting a professional-recreational paradigm of substance use in the process:
‘I speak from the ground of a large and profound personal experience: whereas most of the unscientific authors who have at all treated of opium, and even of those who have written expressly of the materia medica, make it evident, from the horror they express of it, that their experimental knowledge of its action is none at all.’Reference De Quincey15
This technique of self-enquiry may be traced into the development of psychoanalysis almost 100 years later. In his preoccupation with dreams, internal states and the influence of childhood experiences, De Quincey foreshadows Carl Jung (1875–1961), and especially Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), who likewise blurred scientific object and subject. In Uber Coca (1885), Freud presents self-administration of cocaine – a stimulant with different properties and drug classification than opium – as a mode for scientific research: ‘I have carried out experiments and studied, in myself and others, the effect of coca on the healthy human body.’Reference Freud26 As a doctor who believed in scientific approaches, Freud does not adopt such an oppositional stance towards the medical establishment, affirming that ‘many doctors felt that coca would play an important role by filling a gap in the medicine chest of psychiatrists’.Reference Freud26
De Quincey’s text can, however, be seen in the extension of the self-analytic method. Freud’s self-administration prefigured the self-interpretive technique inherent in The Interpretation of Dreams (1899), and may have contributed to the development of psychoanalysis. This link has been acknowledged within De Quincey scholarship. For instance, although evidence would indicate that Freud was not familiar with De Quincey’s work at first hand, they shared similarities in their insights.Reference Proudfit and Snyder27 De Quincey’s self-analysis led to a theorisation of the human mind, evocative of later conceptions of the unconscious. In the sequel to Confessions, Suspiria de Profundis (1845), he represents the human mind as a palimpsest inscribed with impressions that may or may not be recalled: ‘everlasting layers of ideas, images, feelings, have fallen upon your brain softly as light. Each succession has seemed to bury all that went before.’Reference De Quincey15 As Robert Maniquis writes:
‘The Freudian unconscious is now more and more firmly addressed as an extension of Romantic explorations into presence, transcendence, the hidden, the repressed, and the Romantic self-conscious self can be seen even as the psychotherapist. Freud, who gladly invoked the poets to shore up his ideas, has taken on the aura of a late-blooming Romantic consciousness.’Reference Maniquis28
Recent scholarship has, however, argued against the limitations of reading De Quincey as a teleological predecessor to psychoanalysis. Joel Faflak, in his Romantic Psychoanalysis, contends that De Quincey’s own writing invites reading ‘synchronously rather than teleologically’ to reveal its dense and allusive contents, placing him, as a subject who invites analysis, in a ‘conflicted relationship to the psychoanalysis he helps to invent’.Reference Faflak29 Markus Iseli has similarly argued that tracing ‘the historical line that finally and logically leads to the wisdom of the grandmaster, Freud’s psychoanalysis’ obscures the influence De Quincey exerts over separate fields and concepts, such as cognitive psychology and the cognitive unconscious.Reference Iseli30
De Quincey’s opium use
De Quincey’s literary form is an important consideration for exploring subjective illness theories and individual experiences; the mode of the autobiography presents a specific capacity for figuratively representing the structure of the mind. Historically the form emphasises the life of the narrator, in the first person, for self-questioning and scrutiny. Through this, De Quincey’s own mind is both the contents and the measure of the narrative, foregrounding the voice of the opium user, emphasising its validity and underlining the centrality of the ‘patient’s view’ in the medical humanities.Reference Porter31 This centrality of the individual, a ‘medical history from below’, aligns with De Quincey’s view on his substance-induced excursions, although it remains open to interpretation whether he would have explicitly described himself as ‘sick’.Reference Porter31 Specifically, De Quincey claims his reasons for first taking opium to be therapeutic: the easing of ‘excruciating rheumatic pains’, although its pleasures are equally the motivator of his continued usage.Reference De Quincey15 As he states: ‘That my pains had vanished, was now a trifle in my eyes: – this negative effect was swallowed up in the immensity of those positive effects which had opened before me – in the abyss of divine enjoyment thus suddenly revealed.’Reference De Quincey15
Contrary to contemporary medical consensus, De Quincey portrays opium as a memory aid. Although its capacity for pain relief is verified (as are its effects of euphoria), the experience of recollection appears personal to De Quincey.32 His consumption, occurring at a time of loose regulation, could likewise have produced contaminations and thus different chemical structures.Reference Berridge17 Commentators have frequently discussed the fact that opium in De Quincey’s time differed depending on its place of origin. Drawing together medical sources, Robert Morrison notes that East India opium was ‘considered weaker than that of Turkey’.Reference Morrison33 According to the American Journal of Science, ‘the Turkey opium has hitherto possessed the best reputation and has been considered superior to any other’.Reference Morrison33 Likewise, the Colonial Magazine reported that the ‘opinion very generally entertained in Europe’ is that the ‘East India opium is inferior to that grown in Persia (known as Turkey opium)’.Reference Morrison33 In Confessions, De Quincey records himself as having used both: ‘I … have taken happiness, both in a solid and a liquid shape, both boiled and unboiled, both East India and Turkey’.Reference De Quincey15
Regardless of scientific veracity, impurities of substance collate with poetic yet unwanted adulterations of neurochemistry. Memory is ‘disjointed’, with decontextualised and partially deciphered moments of recall. Here, opium is again wrongly classified as a panacea for forgetfulness. De Quincey voices his belief that ‘there is no such thing as forgetting possible to the mind’, and opium provides his proof, serving to emphasise critical and traumatic life events.Reference De Quincey15 In Suspiria, De Quincey recollects his childhood with his three sisters, two of whom, Elizabeth and Jane, died at an early age. The pain of these losses, occurring years before, returns as remembrances, such as speculation over Jane’s being ‘treated harshly’ by her carer in the days leading up to her death.Reference De Quincey15 His sisters return in his dreams, the faculty which in Suspiria he calls ‘the one great tube through which man communicates with the shadowy’, and in combination with which ‘opium … seems to possess a specific power … not merely for exalting the colours of dream-scenery, but for deepening its shadows; and, above all, for strengthening the sense of its fearful realities’.Reference De Quincey15 Opium thus serves to stimulate the dreaming mind, exalting, deepening, but also distorting an all too real childhood trauma.
The deaths operate as an initially unacknowledged but significant motivator in Suspiria’s textual development. In ‘representing’ the unconscious, the form of the work reveals the ambiguities of individual experience, and the apparent effects of the substance become irretrievably linked with the subjective act of writing. Regardless, in making the workings of his unconscious publicly available for interpretation and scrutiny, Confessions and Suspiria present a theory from certain schools of psychoanalysis that may be recognisable to the modern reader.
Social factors
The role of the reader as an interpreter of the text is important to Confessions, as is what the act of literary interpretation could offer by portraying subjective illness experiences in a cultural form. Yet rather than solely emphasising a medical reading, a more productive approach may be found in an acceptance of ambiguity. This could allow for a deeper engagement with the text, and the multiple meanings – social, political and medical – that it concurrently holds.
For instance, De Quincey charted the growth of industrial capitalism and its effect on the production of subjectivity. Under the effects of opium, he wandered the streets of London. He relays in detail these meanderings among the shops and markets of an ever-changing city. Nevertheless, although his impressions are mediated through opium, the drug also induces a social reprieve for him. In Suspiria, he writes that ‘Crowds become an oppression’, representative of a ‘colossal pace of advance’; ‘the natural tendency of so chaotic a tumult’, he writes, ‘must be to evil’.Reference De Quincey15 Writing in 1845, twenty-four years after the Confessions, De Quincey’s words present the increasingly concerned voice of an individual whose subjectivity is under threat. Crucially, of all the qualities affected by this changing social life, ‘none suffers more than the power of dreaming’, a faculty that he believes opium to directly stimulate.Reference De Quincey15
This points towards an unacknowledged aspect of escapism, as opium becomes a social inoculant for dealing with the ever-changing sensations of modernity, or what we may today consider as a coping strategy for these situations. As De Quincey himself writes, opium permits him to stand ‘aloof from the uproar of life; as if the tumult, the fever, and the strife, were suspended’.Reference De Quincey15 Drug use is here explained through cultural and historical circumstances, which for De Quincey had clearly made the effects of dreams harder to appreciate and the aid of opium in a sense more necessary, in the long gap between the publications of Confessions and Suspiria. Such an explanation may clarify why a user rejects a cure that would appear logical from a solely medical perspective to the determinant of acknowledging wider systemic contexts. A reader of De Quincey can confront these problematics.
Literature and science
This article explores the intersection of science and the humanities on the subject of substance use from a number of interrelated angles. We acknowledge that this is a single individual in two specific narratives, and therefore its applicability and scientific validity have limitations, particularly since De Quincey may be misattributing the effects of other substances solely to opium. Nevertheless, his account has proved culturally influential despite contradicting current medical knowledge on addiction. Milligan writes:
‘As an anonymous doctor attested in an untitled Medical Times and Gazette article of 1845, “the law of [De Quincey’s] self-experience is paramount in the profession”, and his “is the only modern instance … of a non-medical writer submitting, upon a medical subject, an opinion which the whole profession has acknowledged as orthodox testimony”.’Reference Milligan34
This acceptance has, more recently, prompted Theodore Dalrymple to condemn De Quincey’s romanticising and mythologising of opium:
‘In modern society the main cause of drug addiction, apart from the fact that many people have nothing to live for, is a literary tradition of romantic clap-trap, started by Coleridge and De Quincey, and continued without serious interruption ever since.’Reference Dalrymple35
Regardless, our aim here has been to show the productiveness of such an approach and its potential applications in psychiatric education, to highlight individual patient experiences and the sociocultural lineage and dynamics of substance use. In this sense, a joint humanities–medical paradigm makes the investigation of these concerns a richer proposition; owing to its ambiguities and subjective descriptions, Confessions and Suspiria could provide rich sources to use in the classroom.
About the authors
Nicholas Griffin is a PhD candidate in the School of English at the University of Sheffield, UK. His thesis studies the interrelation of writing and oneiric experience through recourse to the literature of drugs and addiction, and his research interests include American literature, continental theory of the 1950s/60s/70s and the interface of literature with psychiatry and psychoanalysis. Alexander Smith is a senior researcher in the Department of Forensic Psychiatry at the University of Bern, Switzerland. His research interests centre around geopsychiatry and human rights, with an emphasis on how cultural factors interact with psychiatry. Michael Liebrenz is Head of the Department of Forensic Psychiatry at the University of Bern, Switzerland, and his research interests lie in geopsychiatry and substance use, particularly opioid maintenance treatment in forensic contexts.
Author contributions
N.G.: conceptualisation; writing – original draft; writing – review and editing. A.S.: conceptualisation; writing – original draft; writing – review and editing. M.L.: conceptualisation; supervision; writing – review and editing.
Funding
This study received no specific grant from any funding agency, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Declaration of interest
None.
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