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⁴ Gardner, , American Heralds of the Spirit, 204–10; Curti, Merle, The Growth of American Thought, 3rd ed. (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1995), 296–98; David, W. Noble's The Progressive Mind, 1890–1917 (Chicago, IL: Rand McNally, 1970), 65 points to a parallelism in the lives of Hall, Dewey, and the progressive sociologist Cooley, John H. Their strict fathers pushed all three to seek solace in Emerson's thought with its themes of the powerful force of individualism. Note Dewey's indebtedness to Emerson in his 1903 essay, “Ralph Waldo Emerson”, in The Philosophy of John Dewey, ed. John J. McDermott (Chicago, EL: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 24–31.Google Scholar

⁵ Gardner, , American Heralds of the Spirit, 217.Google Scholar

⁶ Curti, Merle, The Social Ideas of American Educators, American Historical Association Commission on the Social Sciences (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1935; reprint, Paterson, NJ: Pageant, 1959), 402–5. Curti explored Hall's romanticism, yet without referencing its significant link to Emerson. This transcendentalist romanticism “attempted to preserve the spiritual and moral values of the Calvinists whilst rejecting their dogmas.” Emerson's thought was derived from his exposure to German Idealism and the Romantic movement, as H. O. Mounce notes in his book, The Two Pragmatisms: From Peirce to Rorty (London: Routledge, 1997). Hall's early struggle to rid himself of his Calvinistic Congregational upbringing and piety as well as his embrace of all things Germanic reflected an earlier adoption of Emerson's thought; Dorothy Ross, G. Stanley Hall: The Psychologist as Prophet (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 8–14. As one of his first intellectual crazes, it preoccupied his growing intellect, see Hall, Life and Confessions, 367–68; Lorine Pruette, G. Stanley Hall: A Biography of a Mind, introduction by Carl Van Doren (New York: Appleton, 1926), 3.Google Scholar

⁷ Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of the Species by Means of Natural Selection (New York: Murray, 1859).Google Scholar

⁸ Hofstadter, Richard, Social Darwinism in American Thought, rev. ed. (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1965), 3–12, 32; Ross, , G. Stanley Hall, 89–94; Roberts, , Darwinism and the Divine, 233–42; Numbers, Ronald L., Darwinism Comes to America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), chap. 1; Humes, Walter, “Evolution and Educational Theory in the Nineteenth Century,” in The Wider Domain of Evolutionary Thought, Volume 2, ed. Oldroyd, David and Langham, Ian, (London: Reidel, 1983), chap. 1; Pinar, William F., Reynolds, William M., Slattery, Patrick, and Taubman, Peter M., Understanding Curriculum: An Introduction to the Study of Historical and Contemporary Curriculum Discourses, Volume 17 (New York: Lang, 1996), 88–90.Google Scholar

⁹ Curti described this idea the best in Social Ideas of American Educators, 401. The phrase, “ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny,” meant that “during the course of embryological development (ontongenesis), an organism repeats the entire developmental sequence through which its species had evolved (phylogenesis).” See also Licht, Deborah M., “Hall, Granville Stanley (1946–1924),” in Philosophy of Education: An Encyclopedia, ed. Joseph J. Chambliss (New York: Garland, 1996), 245–47, especially 245.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Spencer, Herbert, Education: Intellectual, Moral, and Physical (New York: Appletons, 1883), originally published in two volumes in 1854 and 1859, respectively; idem, System of Philosophy on the Basis of the Doctrine of Evolution (New York: Appletons, 1860); Hofstadter, Richard and Metzger, Walter P., The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States, American Academic Freedom Project (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955), chap. 7, particularly 357–63; Paul, Ellen Frankel, “Herbert Spencer: The Historicist as a Failed Prophet,” Journal of the History of Ideas 44, no. 4 (1983): 619–38; Humes, “Evolution and the Educational Theory, 30–33.Google Scholar

¹¹ Kliebard, Herbert M., The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 1893–1958 (New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004), 283 noted Hall's particular Weltanschauung, a comprehensive synthetic intellectual worldview, but did not discuss it further. As it was noted, “G. Stanley Hall, Marietta Johnson, and Stanwood Cobb shared certain key ideas and a recognizable weltanschauung.” For discussion on worldview, see Naugle, David K., Worldview: The History of a Concept (Grand Rapids, ML Eerdmans, 2002); James W. Sire, Naming the Elephant: Worldview as a Concept (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 2004).Google Scholar

¹² Early educational literature pointed to Hall's pioneering work. His success in linking child-study to psychology can be understood in a retrospective view from George M. Stratton, “Child-Study and Psychology,” Educational Review 14 (September 1897): 132–39. Kandel, Issac L. in his edited work, Twenty-Five Years of American Educators: Collected Essays by Former Students of Paul Monroe (New York: Macmillan, , 1926), 59, later heralded Hall's reform work in child study for “putting the study of education on a scientific basis.” One of Hall's doctoral students, Frederick Eby, who became professor of education at the University of Texas, placed his mentor's work within the larger history of education and called him one of the four major leaders of educational reform, see Frederick Eby and Charles Finn Arrowood, The Development of Modern Education: In Theory, Organization, and Practice (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1934), 840–55. Greater praise came from Merle Curti's The Social Ideas of American Educators (1935) who noted his research on the individual child and its importance for redirecting all things in the school to assist her or his “particular stage of development.” Overall, Curti believed that “whatever the final fate of his leading theories,” particularly the role of evolution in education, Hall had opened “up new fields for study” (see pages 416, 425). Lawrence Cremin in The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education, 1876–1957 (New York: Vintage, 1961) gave Hall a central role in progressive education with his advocacy for the child-centered school where curriculum was created with a scientific orientation to student development. Cremin believed Hall's work was “Copernican” in allowing all types of activities that furthered the child's learning and development: “American schools were never quite the same again.” Hall's laissez-faire evolutionary pedagogy had “enormous appeal,” and, although later discredited, shifted the focus of teaching to the student (see pp. 102–4). It paved the way for Dewey and others to focus on the child's experiences and social life as a curricular foundation. Paul Boyer also points to Hall's extensive influence on the developing idea of kindergarten education and the growth of public playgrounds as a way for children to go through their early recapitulation stages, see his Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820–1920 (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1978), 245–51. Charles E. Strickland and Charles Burgess in their “G. Stanley Hall: Prophet of Naturalism“ provided one of the more helpful monograph studies of Hall's natural education with a critical commentary and his writings in their edited book, Health, Growth, and Heredity, Classics in Education, no. 23 (New York: Teachers College Press, 1965). They called for a more indepth assessment. These accolades led Dorothy Ross to write her brilliant psychologically oriented Hall biography (1972). Other works have focused on Hall's higher education achievements. Hugh Hawkins's Pioneer: A History of the Johns Hopkins University (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1960), a masterful and award-winning early history of this research university, and William A. Koelsch's Clark University, 1887–1987: A Narrative History (Worcester, MA: Clark University Press, 1987), a complete institutional history, provide more seasoned understandings of university politics and Hall's difficulties than Ross was able to acknowledge in her biography. Each work offered new insights into Hall's complex activities at these institutions, yet left more systematic treatments of his theoretical educational pioneering ideas underdeveloped. More recent research presented at the 1992 centennial of the American Psychological Association in Washington, DC and elsewhere brought forth a critical assessment of Hall's contributions in founding the association, as can be seen in Michael M. Sokal, “Origins and Early Years of the American Psychological Association, 1890–1906,” American Psychologist 47, no. 2 (1992): 111–22, as well as new calls for Hall's reappraisal, see Sheldon H. White, “G. Stanley Hall: From Philosophy to Developmental Psychology,” Developmental Psychology 28, no. 1 (1992): 25–34; idem, “Child Study at Clark University, 1894–1904,” Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 26, no. 2 (1990): 131–50; Pauly, Philip J., “G. Stanley Hall and His Successors: A History of the First Half-Century of Psychology at Hopkins, Johns,” in One Hundred Years of Psychological Research in America: G. Stanley Hall and the Johns Hopkins Tradition, ed. Hulse, Steward H. and Green, Bert F., Jr. (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986): 21–32; Goodchild, Lester F., “G. Stanley Hall's Psychological Avocation: Founding the Study of Higher Education,” a research paper presented at 1992 American Psychological Association centennial meeting. Recently, Ellen Condliffe Lagemann in her comprehensive,” An Elusive Science: The Troubling History of Educational Research (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 10, 23–35 points to Hall's major contributions to the beginnings of education.Google Scholar

¹³ Bredo, Eric, “The Darwinian Center to the Vision of James, William,” in William James and Education, ed. Garrison, Jim, Podeschi, Ronald, and Bredo, Eric (New York: Teacher College Press, 2002), 1–26; David Tyack and Elisabeth Hansot, Learning Together: A History of Coeducation in American Public Schools (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990), 146–64; Edward L. Thorndike, Educational Psychology, 2nd ed. (New York: Lemke and Buechner, 1913).Google Scholar

¹⁴ One of the few works to do so is Diehl, Lesley A., “The Paradox of G. Stanley Hall: Foe of Coeducation and Educator of Women,” in A History of Psychology: Original Sources and Contemporary Research, ed. Benjamin, Ludy T., Jr., 2nd ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1997), 266–82; also see Koelsch, Clark University, 72–74 and Goodchild, Lester F., “G. Stanley Hall and the Study of Higher Education,” The Review of Higher Education 20, no. 1 (1996): 69–99, especially 88–93.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Goodchild, Lester F. and Miller, Margaret M., “The American Doctorate and Dissertation: Six Developmental Stages,” in Rethinking the Dissertation Process: Tackling Personal and Institutional Obstacles, ed. Goodchild, Lester F., Green, Kathy E., Katz, Elinor L., and Kluever, Raymond C. (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 1997), 17–32, particularly 25–26; Geraldine Jonçich Clifford and James W. Guthrie, Ed School: A Brief for Professional Education (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 148–53, 271.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Cremin, , Transformation of the School, 141, especially note 7. See also, Humes, , “Evolution and Educational Theory,” 28–29; Ryan, Alan, John Dewey and the High Tide of American Liberalism (New York: Norton, 1995), 85, 130–33; Bannister, , Social Darwinism, 95. Dewey's philosophical contributions to the emerging science of education were initially much greater than his actual plans and methods for teaching in the school itself, as may be seen from his own admissions and administrative difficulties, as portrayed in Kathleen Cruikshank's “In Dewey's Shadow: Julia Bulkley and the University of Chicago Department of Pedagogy, 1895–1900,” History of Education Quarterly 38, no. 4 (1998): 373–406. Ellen Condliffe Lagemann in An Elusive Science, 47–56, further points to how Dewey's experiential and social methods became more formalized in the University of Chicago's Lab School under the later leadership and direction of Ella Flagg Young.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ Hall, G. Stanley, “Eugenics: Its Ideals and What It Is Going to Do,” Religious Education 6 (June 1911): 152–59.Google Scholar

²⁰ Strickland, and Burgess, , Health, Growth, and Heredity, 1–26; Ross, G. Stanley Hall, 356–58.Google Scholar

²¹ Cremin, , Transformation of the School, 15–18; Cruikshank, Kathleen, “The Prelude to Education as an American Discipline: American Herbartianism and the Emergence of a Science of Pedagogy,” in History of Educational Studies, Paedagogica Historical International Journal of the History of Education, Volume 3, ed. Drewek, Peter and Lüth, Christopher (Ghent, Belgium: University of Ghent, 1998).Google Scholar

²² Kliebard, , Struggle for the American Curriculum, 271–92.Google Scholar

²³ Ibid., 23–25.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid., 286–87.Google Scholar

²⁵ Cremin, , Transformation of the School, viii–x, 270–73.Google Scholar

²⁶ Smuts, Alice Boardman, Science in the Service of Children, 1893–1935 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 33, 69–71. While Hall wrote about eugenics, he was a moderate in his positions, and challenged those who sought to eliminate the most needy persons. Ross, G. Stanley Hall, 413; Tucker, William H., The Science and Politics of Racial Research (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), chap. 2.Google Scholar

²⁷ Wiebe, Robert H., The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), chaps. 7 and 8.Google Scholar

²⁸ Jurgen Herbst's review essay provides an interesting commentary on progressive education with the title, “Toward a Theory of Progressive Education?,” with his review of Röhrs, Hermann and Lenhart, Volker, ed., Progressive Education Across the Continents: A Handbook (Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Lang, 1995) in the History of Education Quarterly 37, no. 1 (1997): 45–59, for it suggests Hall's insights may have begun in Germany (see also cf. 187). It furthermore invites commentary on a theory of progressive education. My efforts here may offer another argument and contribution in favor of Herbst's enterprise.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ross, , G. Stanley Hall, 120, 125, 127.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid., 58, 152; Kliebard, Struggle for the American Curriculum, 21–25; Wiebe, Search for Order, 146, 156.Google Scholar

³¹ Kandel, , Twenty-Five Years of American Educators, 59; Curti, Social Ideas of American Eductors, 102–4; Cremin, “Preface,” in Health, Growth, and Heredity, vii–viii.Google Scholar

³² Cremin, , Transformation of the School, 90–127; his final assessment of the progressive era and Hall's role may be seen in Cremin, Lawrence A., American Education: The Metropolitan Experience, 1876–1980 (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), 157–272, particularly 278–80, 305–9.Google Scholar

³³ Cremin, , Transformation of the School, 101–2. Cremin described Hall's foundational idea exceptionally well. “Hall's basic thesis—the ‘general psychonomic law,’ which he borrowed from Haeckel and Spencer—was that ontogeny, the development of the individual organism, recapitulates phylogeny, the evolution of the race. This thesis assumes that psychical life and individual behavior develop through a series of stages that correspond more or less to the stages through which the race is supposed to have passed from presavagery to civilization. Moreover, the normal growth of the minds requires living through each of the stages, since the development of any one stage is the normal stimulus for the emergence of the next. Herein lies the link between Hall's general psychology and its application to pedagogy. For he was ready to judge a civilization by the way its children grew, and a school system by the way it adapted itself to the natural growth of individuals. Nature was right, he insisted, particularly in the lives of children. To a nation about to celebrate ‘the century of the child,’ his doctrines had enormous appeal.”Google Scholar

³⁴ Spencer, , Education, 122.Google Scholar

³⁵ Ibid., chap. 1, especially, 35–96.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ibid., 155–59.Google Scholar

³⁷ Humes, , “Evolution and Educational Theory,” 32.Google Scholar

³⁸ William, F. O'Neill, Educational Ideologies: Contemporary Expressions of Educational Philosophy (Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt, 1981), see 18–19 on a definition of ideology, and 183–85 for a discussion of conservative Spencerian Social Darwinist ideology.Google Scholar

³⁹ Karier, Clarence J., The Individual, Society, and Education: A History of American Educational Ideas, 2nd ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 106–7.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Hawkins, Mike, Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860—1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1997). From the European point of view, University of Reading Professor Michael Biddiss's review of Hawkins's work praises its “breadth of coverage, clarity of exposition, and trenchancy of judgment” for creating a Social Darwinist worldview, while indicating some controversial points in the exclusion from it of some general ideas of other followers; idem, English Historical Review 113, no. 454 (1998): 1353–54. Leonard Moore of McGill University concurs with Biddiss's judgment, calling Hawkins's effort a “fascinating intellectual history”; idem, American Journal of Sociology 104, no. 2 (1998), 571–72. Other reviewers, Terence Ball, review of Social Darwinism in Europe and American Thought, 1860–1945, by Mike Hawkins, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 559 (September 1998), 198–99; P. Kivisto, review of Social Darwinism in Europe and American Thought, 1860–1945, by Mike Hawkins, Choice 35, no. 5 (1998): 910, supported these assessments.Google Scholar

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⁴³ Hall acknowledged his debt to Darwin in “Evolution and Psychology: Darwin's Contribution to Psychology,” Fifty Years of Darwinism, 251–67. Having completed his work on child study and adolescence, Hall retired from the Clark presidency in 1920 and wrote a book on the aged, Senescence: The Last Half of Life (New York: Appleton, 1922), vii. He posited five overlapping stages of human development: (1) childhood; (2) adolescence; (3) middle life from 25 to 45; (4) senescence, after 40; and (5) senectitude, approximately near the end of life; for an assessment of its significance, see White, “Hall: From Philosophy to Developmental Psychology,” 28–32.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ross, , G. Stanley Hall, 412. For an example of Hall's understanding of adolescent development and education see his chapter, G. Stanley Hall, “Intellectual Development and Education,” in Adolescence: Its Psychology and Its Relations to Physiology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Education, 2 vols. (New York: Appleton, 1904), vol. 2, 449–560, which offers an extensive discussion of intellectual development and appropriate curricula for the high school, college, and university.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Hall, “Evolution and Psychology,” 265–67; Curti, Social Ideas of American Educators, 414–28; Cremin, Transformation of the School, 92–95, 100–5.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Ibid.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid.; Strickland and Burgess, Healthy, Growth, and Heredity, 11–24; Hall, “Evolution and Psychology,” 260–65; much later Hall attempted to describe how this recapitulation theory was evident from human behaviors, see G. Stanley Hall, “What We Owe to the Tree-Life of Our Ape-Like Ancestors,” Pedagogical Seminary 23, no. 1 (1916): 94–119.Google Scholar

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⁵⁰ Hall, G. Stanley, “The New Psychology as a Basis for Education,” Forum 17 (August, 1894): 713–17, 719.Google Scholar

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⁵² For example, see John Dewey, “My Pedagogic Creed,” School Journal 54 (January 1897): 77–80. Written fourteen years later, Dewey conversely focused on both individual psychology and sociology with concerns of how race and instincts are translated by society. School should focus on the present life of the child within this institutionalized form of communal life. Focusing on the child's own social activities rather than specialized studies, Dewey also claimed nature should be the center of instruction. Its method should therefore be more visual and related to the development of the child's intellect and emotions. Finally education is the “fundamental method of social progress and reform.” The community has an obligation to educate the child, and thereby assists in the proper development of social life.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ Beatty, Barbara, Preschool Education in America: The Culture of Young Children from the Colonial Era to the Present (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), chap. 3, especially 38–51, 78–80.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Hall, “Educational Needs,” 286.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ Ibid., 288. Strickland, Charles E. and Burgess, Charles, “G. Stanley Hall: Prophet of Naturalism” in Health, Growth, and Heredity, 1–26. Fifteen years later, William H. Payne also attempted to address this issue, qualifying the complete support of Spencer's endorsement of such a project and supporting rather Rousseau's treatment, see “Education According to Nature,” Educational Review 22 (September 1895): 137–51.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Hall, “Educational Needs,” 288–89.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ibid., 289.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ibid.Google Scholar

⁶² Hall, “Educational Needs,” 289–90.Google Scholar

⁶³ Hall, G. Stanley, “New Departures in Education,” North American Review 140 (February 1885): 145.Google Scholar

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⁶⁸ Hall, G. Stanley, Life and Confessions of a Psychologist (New York: Appleton, 1924), 300–2, 318. In discussing the beginning of education and women's education, Hall notes the institution's financial difficulties, pointing out how this study and clientele greatly helped. He indicated that he lowered some admission standards to bring in greater student enrollments. See Goodchild, “Higher Education,” 16–17; idem, “Hall and the Study of Higher Education,” 81.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Goodchild, , “Hall and the Study of Higher Education,” 88–89, 92–93.Google Scholar

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⁷³ Ibid., 230–39. Scholars would later reclassify these studies as education, genetic psychology, and educational psychology.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Ibid., 236.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid., 229.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid., 240.Google Scholar

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⁷⁸ White, , “Child Study,” 131. Later Professor Werner, Heinz at Clark University explored this approach and renamed it comparative-developmental psychology. See Ross, G. Stanley Hall, 423 on Werner's contribution. Furthermore, this type of inquiry brought fame six years later to Ivan Petrovitch Pavlov, director of the St. Petersburg's Institute for Experimental Medicine, whose studies on dogs enabled the idea of conditioned reflex to be applied to humans. From the 1930s to the 1960s, Harvard Professor B. Frederic Skinner's similar work on pigeons and rats advanced our knowledge of human behaviorism. See Woodworth, Robert S. and Sheehan, Mary R., Contemporary Schools in Psychology, 3rd ed. (New York: Ronald, 1964), 74–80, 162–69.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ This ideal of motherhood as a “holy mission” was part of the Romantic and religious ideal for women in the nineteenth century, as espoused by Emerson, Alcott, and others—again being part of Hall's worldview and, for example, the leader of early kindergarten education Elizabeth Peabody, as described by Barbara Beatty, “‘A Vocation from on High': Kindergarten Teaching as an Occupation for American Women,” in Changing Education: Women as Radicals and Conservators, ed. Antler, Joyce and Biklen, Sari Knopp (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 35–50. See also Curti, Merle, “The Education of Women,” in The Social Ideas of American Educators (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1935; reprint, Paterson, NJ: Pageant, 1959), chap. 5, especially 175; Tyack and Hansot, Learning Together, 203–4; Gordon, Gender and Higher Education, 4–5.Google Scholar

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⁹⁷ A demographic reassessment of this perceived problem points to the failure of race suicide to materialize. It seemed that second-generation immigrant women never did marry as much as predicted, because they supported financially their families and later took care of their elderly parents. In so doing, they stopped what appeared initially as the first generation of immigrant women and their children overwhelming the American White Anglo-Saxon population, because of its relative decline in prodigy during the first decades of the 20th century. See Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, “American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20, no. 3 (1990): 347–69.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁶ Beatty, , Preschool Education, 93.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ This 1975 horror cult film describes a rural town in which men control their spouses so that they became “perfect wives,” based on Ira Levin's novel, The Stepford Wives (New York: Perennial, 2001).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Hall, , Adolescence, vol. 2, 640; also see Tyack, and Hansot's, , Learning Together, interesting similar commentary, 154.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ As cited by Tyack and Hanson, Learning Together, 155. A comprehensive response came from Thomas, M. Carey, “Present Tendencies in Women's College and University Education,” Educational Review 35 (January 1908): 64–85; also see Edith Finch, Carey Thomas of Bryn Mawr (New York: Harper, 1947).Google Scholar

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¹¹³ Hall, , Adolescence, vol. 2, 622, 627.Google Scholar

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¹²⁶ Sachs, Julius, “The Intellectual Reactions of Coeducation,” Educational Review 35 (May 1908): 466–75. Contemporary efforts to foster single sex education in public schools can be seen in Margaret Talbot, “Sexed Ed,” New York Times Magazine, 22 September 2002, 17–18. The National Association for Single Sex Education—http://www.singlesexschools.org—supports Hall's claim for genetic differences between boys and girls and their different learning styles. For more research-oriented works, see Janice L. Streitmatter, For Girls Only: Making a Case for Single-Sex Schooling (Albany, NY: State University Press of New York, 1999); Office of Planning, Evaluation, and Policy Development, Single Sex Versus Coeducational Schooling: A Systematic Review (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 2005). Recently Linda J. Sax, Women Graduates of Single Sex and Coeducation High Schools: Differences in their Characteristics and the Transition to College (Los Angeles, CA: Sudikoff Family Institute for Education and UCLA Graduate School of Education and Information Studies, 2009) showed positive measurable differences in girls from single sex high schools in self-confidence, political and social activism, life goals, and career orientation than from girls attending coeducational high schools.Google Scholar

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¹²⁸ Hall, G. Stanley, “Coinstruction in Graduate Schools,” Journal of Proceedings and Addresses of the Annual Conferences of the Association of American Universities 5 (January 1905): 42–46.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁵ Butcher, , Education for Equality, 45–48; Gordon, Gender and Higher Education, 112–20.Google Scholar

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¹⁵³ Fifty-five years later, one of the first such institutions opened in Chicago as The Du Sable Museum of African American History in 1961 (http://www.dusablemuseum.org/about/history/); the National Museum of African Art, founded in 1964, become part of the Smithsonian in 1979 and focused on African culture (http://africa.si.edu/).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Hall, , “The Undeveloped Races,” 149. For a concise discussion of his ideas within the progressive age, see Noble, Progressive Mind, 101–8.Google Scholar

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¹⁵⁹ This common admixture racist belief that white blood furthered black intelligence was finally refuted by Horace Mann Bond, “Some Exceptional Negro Children,” The Crisis 34 (1927): 259, as cited by Franklin, V. P., “The Tests Are Written for Dogs” The Journal of Negro Education, African American Children, and the Intelligence Testing Movement in Historical Perspective,” Journal of Negro Education 76, no. 3 (2007): 218. For a broader perspective on Bond's research and the “mulatto hypothesis,” see Thomas, William B., “Black Intellectuals’ Critique of Early Mental Testing: A Little-Known Saga of the 1920s,” American Journal of Education 90, no. 3 (1982): 265, 271–74, 282–83.Google Scholar

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¹⁷⁷ Koelsch, , Clark University, 122; Goodchild, “Hall and the Study of Higher Education” 89–90.Google Scholar

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¹⁸³ Hofstadter, , Social Darwinism, 170–200.Google Scholar

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¹⁸⁶ Kandel, , Twenty-Five Years of American Educators, 59; Eby and Arrowood, Development of Modern Education, 840–55; Curti, Social Ideas of American Educators, 416; Cremin, Transformation of the School, 102–4, n. 12.Google Scholar

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