Introduction
The Second Jewish Revolt against Rome (132–135/6 CE) led to the emergence of a short-lived independent Jewish state in Judea headed by Shimon Bar Kosiba (Bar Kokhba). Footnote 1 The rebel government established a functional administration in the territories under its control, and two of the duties it took charge of were coinage and weights and the leasing of state land. Remarkably, minting authorities managed to issue a large quantity of silver and bronze coins, struck in various denominations with a great variety of types and legends, Footnote 2 by overstriking coins that were already in circulation before the revolt. Because of the paucity of literary sources for the Second Revolt, evidence from coinage has proved invaluable in understanding the ideology and goals of Bar Kosiba’s regime. In this respect, the iconography and legends on Bar Kosiba’s silver tetradrachm, which was the highest denomination of coins produced by the rebels, have been a topic of special interest in current research as well as a subject of much controversy.
The first part of this article describes the motifs and inscriptions on Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachms and their variations over the years and presents the main hypotheses that have been advanced to interpret them. In the second part of this article, I propose that the combination of the temple facade on the obverse of the tetradrachms with the four species used during the Feast of Tabernacles (Sukkot) on the reverse was intended to represent and proclaim the future inauguration ceremony of the restored temple. This interpretation may also explain some of the other symbols embossed on the coin. To conclude the article, I suggest that Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachms not only reflected the main goal of the rebel authorities (the desire to reconstruct the temple), but it may also have been a response to the coins struck by Hadrian in celebration of the inauguration of Aelia Capitolina on the ruins of Jerusalem.
Description of the Tetradrachms
Bar Kosiba’s administration issued three denominations of silver coins: the sela (tetradrachm), the shekel (didrachm; equivalent to half a sela), and the zuz (drachma or Roman denarius; equivalent to one quarter of a sela). The tetradrachms, which were struck during the four-year uprising, exhibit a single type for each side, with variations over time. Footnote 3 On the obverse of the tetradrachms from the first year is depicted the facade of a tetrastyle building adorned with fluted columns that have bases and capitals, upon which rests an entablature made of either two or three horizontal strips. Footnote 4 This edifice, which stands on a thin base and has a flat roof, has been almost unanimously identified as a representation of the temple of Jerusalem. Footnote 5 Much of the discussion focuses on whether it is a realistic image of the sanctuary Footnote 6 or a schematic representation of it. Footnote 7 This issue is part of a more general debate about the extent to which monuments on ancient coins reflect their models and whether or not they should be used to reconstruct ancient buildings. Footnote 8
On the center of the temple’s facade, between the inner pillars, is inserted a square design made up of dots, with two dots in the middle and a semicircular top; the whole structure appears to stand on two short legs. This item has been variously interpreted as the double door to the building itself, Footnote 9 the ark of the covenant (seen from one of the narrow sides), Footnote 10 a Torah shrine with the scrolls of the Law within it, Footnote 11 or the shewbread table. Footnote 12 The reverse side of the tetradrachms always shows a representation of the four species used during the Feast of Tabernacles; it depicts a centrally placed lulav consisting of three bundled branches (date palm, willow, and myrtle) and a small etrog (a citrus fruit) to the left of the lulav. Footnote 13 This design remains unchanged on the tetradrachms issued in the following years. Footnote 14 The legends on the tetradrachms issued in the first year of the revolt are in Paleo-Hebrew and read ירושלם (Jerusalem) Footnote 15 on the obverse andשנת אחת לגאלת ישראל (Year One of the Redemption of Israel) on the reverse.
In the second year of the revolt, changes were made to the obverse of the tetradrachms. The temple is now depicted as standing on a structure made of two horizontal parallel lines, between which is inserted a row of short vertical lines. Footnote 16 This structure has been sometimes described as the soreg (the fence that surrounded the inner sacred courtyards), Footnote 17 a portico, Footnote 18 or a staircase. Footnote 19 Likewise, above the temple appears a four-pointed design (a plus sign), Footnote 20 that was later changed to a six-pointed Footnote 21 or an eight-pointed figure, Footnote 22 and which has been described either as a star or a rosette. Footnote 23 At some point during the second year, the legend “Jerusalem” was replaced by the name “Shimon” (שמעון). Footnote 24 Likewise, a new inscription was embossed on the reverse, reading in an abbreviated form, “Year II of the Freedom of Israel” (ש ב לחר ישראל).
The star-like design continues to appear on the obverse of most of the tetradrachms from the third year (fig. 1, below); however, it is absent on some of the dies from this year, where it is replaced by a wavy line made up of half circles topping the roof of the temple. Footnote 25 This linear design has been interpreted as a part of the temple entablature, Footnote 26 or as the golden vine hung above the entrance of the sanctuary. Footnote 27 In the third year, the legend on the obverse remains “Shimon”, while the inscription placed on the reverse simply says, “To the Freedom of Jerusalem” (לחרות ירושלם), with no date. Footnote 28
A tetradrachm found in Sabar cave near Ein Gedi, from the third year of the Second Revolt, with the inscriptions “Shimon” on the obverse and “To the Freedom of Jerusalem” on the reverse. Reproduced with permission of Roi Porat. Photograph by Zeev Radovan.
The Facade of the Sanctuary and the Lulav as Complementary Symbols of the Inauguration Ceremony of the Restored Temple
It is therefore obvious that the most characteristic and constant feature of the imagery on Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachms is the combination of a representation of the Jerusalem temple facade with the four species Footnote 29 from the Feast of Tabernacles. Footnote 30 As shall be shown below, the association of the festival of Sukkot with the founding of temples and altars is a recurring motif in biblical tradition and Second Temple literature.
A prime and well-known example of this is provided by the biblical accounts of King Solomon’s inauguration of the First Temple of Jerusalem. First Kings (ch. 8) recounts that when Solomon had finished building the temple in Jerusalem, he assembled the priests and the leaders of Israel to bring the ark of the covenant from the City of David into the sanctuary “at the feast (בחג), in the month of Ethanim—that is, the seventh month” (1 Kgs 8:2). According to the vast majority of scholars, “the feast” in this verse is to be identified as a reference to Sukkot. Footnote 31 After the priests had placed the ark, the tent of meeting, and all the holy vessels into the holy of holies, a cloud manifesting the glory of the Lord filled the temple. Then, Solomon gave a prayer of dedication while standing before the altar, and, together with the people, he offered sacrifices in the sanctuary, while observing the festival of Sukkot (1 Kgs 8:65–66).
A retelling of the dedication of Solomon’s Temple is found in 2 Chr 5:2–7:10; although it adds little to the account in 1 Kgs 8, it does display an interesting difference.
When Solomon had ended his prayer, fire came down from heaven and consumed the burnt offering and the sacrifices; and the glory of the Lord filled the temple. The priests could not enter the house of the Lord, because the glory of the Lord filled the Lord’s house. When all the people of Israel saw the fire come down and the glory of the Lord on the temple, they bowed down on the pavement with their faces to the ground, and worshiped and gave thanks to the Lord, saying, “For he is good, for his steadfast love endures forever.” (2 Chr 7:1–3 NRSV)
As Itamar Kislev has noted, the depiction of the fire that descends from heaven to consume the sacrifices displays a similarity to the account of the inauguration of the tabernacle in the Sinai wilderness, for there too the sacrifices on the altar were consumed by divine fire (Lev 9:24). Footnote 32 Also noteworthy is the emphasis that Solomon and all Israel observed the Feast of Tabernacles for seven days and the aseret on the twenty-third of the seventh month (2 Chr 7:8–9). Jeroboam’s dedication of the Bethel temple coinciding with his institution of an alternate and rival Feast of Tabernacles on the fifteenth day in the eighth month (1 Kgs 12:32–33) provides a further example of connecting the celebration of Sukkot with the inauguration of a sanctuary. Footnote 33
Likewise, the book of Ezra presents the restoration of sacrificial worship after the return from captivity in Babylon in the setting of the festival of Sukkot. According to Ezra 3:1–6, the rebuilding of the altar and the resumption of the sacrificial service by Joshua (son of Jozadak the High Priest) and Zerubbabel (son of Shealtiel) coincided with the celebration of the Festival of Booths. In all likelihood, Ezra 3:1–6 deliberately cast the restoration of worship after the exile in the same mode as the ceremony of inauguration of the Temple of Solomon. In this regard, Jeffrey Rubinstein stated: “The initiation of the festival cycle on Sukkot recalls the dedication of Solomon’s Temple, and the parallel serves to confer legitimacy on the restored cult. Just as God responded to the dedication of the First Temple by Solomon, so the efforts of Yeshua and Zerubavel should receive divine favor.” Footnote 34
A further important example of associating Sukkot with the inauguration of the temple is found in the book of Zechariah. In chapter 14, the prophet predicts the coming day of the Lord after the destruction of Jerusalem by the nations: God will come forth and rebuild his city, causing the nations to convert to worship of him. Then, Zechariah envisions the celebration of Sukkot in the restored temple. Although this vision does not portray any dedication ceremony, it does depict a new sanctuary and the advent of a new era. Footnote 35
The motif of the coinciding of the dedication of the temple with the celebration of Sukkot is also found in later Second Temple literature. In this respect, certain passages of 2 Maccabees are of direct interest to our discussion. Second Maccabees claims to be an epitome of Jason of Cyrene’s lost work that comprised five volumes. While Jason’s work is usually ascribed to the first Hasmonaean generation, the date of its abridgement is still disputed; it has been variously dated between the reign of John Hyrcanus (134–104 BCE) and Pompey’s conquest of Judea (63 BCE). Footnote 36 Second Maccabees deals with the Jews’ revolt against Antiochus IV Epiphanes until the defeat of the Seleucid general Nicanor (161 BCE). Of special interest is the second of the two letters that are appended to the abridgment of Jason’s history (2 Macc 1:10–2:18), both of which instruct the Jews of Egypt to join the Jews in Judea in commemorating the purification of the Jerusalem temple by observing the newly instituted “feast of Tabernacles in the month of Kislev” (1:9). Footnote 37 The second letter says: “Inasmuch as we are about to celebrate, on the twenty-fifth of Kislev, the Purification of the temple, we thought we ought to let you know, so that you, too, might celebrate it as Days of Tabernacles and Days of the Fire, as when Nehemiah, the builder of the temple and the altar, brought sacrifices” (1:18). Footnote 38
The letter contains a story about Nehemiah dedicating the newly rebuilt altar with the remains of the sacred fire, which the priests of the First Temple had hidden away before they were taken into exile. Footnote 39 This fire was preserved underground in a thick liquid form and miraculously went up in flames when poured upon the altar and exposed to the sun. Footnote 40 As seen above, that dedication occurred at the time of the festival of Sukkot. The first eight verses of the next chapter go on to say that it was the prophet Jeremiah who had instructed the captives to take sacred fire from the altar. Jeremiah himself took the holy tent, the ark, and the altar of incense and sealed them in a cave on Mount Nebo, where they would remain undiscovered until God again gathers his people.
“At that time the Lord will bring these things to light again and the Glory of the Lord and the cloud will be seen, as they were over Moses and as Solomon, too, requested, in order that the Place should be greatly sanctified.” We are also told that Solomon in his wisdom offered a sacrifice in honor of the dedication and completion of the temple. Just as Moses prayed to the Lord and fire came down from heaven and devoured the sacrifices, so Solomon prayed, and fire came down and consumed the burnt offerings. (2 Macc 2:8–10) Footnote 41
Most noteworthy is the recurrent motif of the sacred fire descending from heaven at the dedications of Moses, Solomon, and Nehemiah. It appears thus that the epistle in 2 Macc 1:9 –2:18 had two goals. The first goal was to legitimize the altar of the Second Temple by using the theme of sacred fire as a symbol of God’s presence and of his approval. Footnote 42 The second goal was to connect the rededication of the temple by Judah Maccabeus (celebrated “as Days of Tabernacles and Days of the Fire”) to the dedications by Solomon and Nehemiah who inaugurated the temple and altar on Sukkot. Footnote 43 Moreover, Daniel Schwartz has proposed that the account of Judas Maccabeus rededicating the altar by igniting rocks and extracting fire from them (2 Macc 10:3) was an implicit reference to the rocks on which the viscous liquid was poured at the time of Nehemiah. Footnote 44 Also noteworthy is the fact that 2 Macc 10:7 says that during the festival of purification of the temple, the Jews carried “wreathed wands, and branches bearing ripe fruit, and palm fronds,” which is most likely a reference to the four species used during the Feast of Tabernacles. Footnote 45 Another reference to a connection between Sukkot and the inauguration of an altar can be found in the book of Jubilees (16:20–31), which records that it was Abraham who introduced the Feast of Tabernacles, when after the birth of the promised child Isaac, he built an altar beside the Well of the Oath.
In light of the above, I propose that the iconography on Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachm is probably referring to this ancient tradition setting the dedication of the temple (or of altars) in the context of the Feast of Tabernacles. In other words, combining a depiction of the temple facade with symbols related to the festival of Sukkot on Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachms was intended to represent and announce the coming inauguration of the new sanctuary. Footnote 46
A Representation of the Descent of Heavenly Fire or of the Glory of God
Furthermore, such a proposition opens new perspectives on the study of other symbols on Bar Kosiba’s coinage, among which is the star-like item depicted above the temple on the tetradrachms from the second year of the revolt onward. Interpreting this design has been an object of intense discussion. A popular understanding has been to view it as a stellar design alluding to the Aramaic nickname Bar Kokhba (Son of the Star), which was given to the leader of the Jewish revolt, with a probable messianic reference to Num 24:17. Footnote 47 The sobriquet is found transliterated in patristic literature, where he is named Βαρχωχεβας, Footnote 48 Χοχεβᾶς Footnote 49 or Cochebas. Footnote 50 Eusebius, in an account probably derived from Aristo of Pella’s lost Disputatio Iasonis et Papisci, explicitly links this name to the Jewish leader’s Messianic self- understanding:
At that time the one who led the Jews was a man by the name of Barchochebas, which in fact means “star” (ἀστέρα). He was a man in all respects murderous and criminal, yet, based on his name, he tricked them like slaves into thinking that he was a star come down to them from heaven, to illuminate those suffering evil. Footnote 51
In this regard, we should also mention the famous rabbinic tradition, according to which Rabbi Akiba saw in Bar Kosiba the fulfillment of Balaam’s oracle of the star rising out of Jacob (Num 24:17) and identified him as the king messiah:
R. Shimon b. Yohai taught, My teacher Akiba used to expound: A star (כוכב) shall step forth from Jacob (Num. 24:17): Koziba steps forth from Jacob. When R. Akiba saw Bar Koziba, he exclaimed: This one is the king messiah. R. Yohanan b. Torta said to him, Akiba, grass will grow between your jaws and still the son of David will not have come. Footnote 52
Identifying the star-like item as a messianic star has been seriously questioned by scholars such as Gedalyahu Alon and Leo Mildenberg, according to whom neither Bar Kosiba’s coinage nor the documents and letters found in the Judean desert hint at any messianic self-awareness on the part of the rebel chief. In their opinion, this design is a common rosette devoid of symbolic value. Footnote 53 Without entering into the debate on Bar Kosiba’s messianic status, Footnote 54 the main difficulty with the identification of the star-like design as a messianic stellar symbol alluding to Bar Kosiba is that the nickname Bar Kokhba does not appear on the coins and weights Footnote 55 from the Second Revolt or in the documents from the Judean desert. Footnote 56 It seems to have been neither a self-designation of Bar Kosiba himself nor a key element in his official propaganda. Footnote 57 This being said, it seems very unlikely that the design above the temple is merely a decorative device and has no symbolic signification. Mildenberg himself emphasized the great care with which the rebel administration chose the legends and symbols on Bar Kosiba’s coinage for propaganda purposes. Footnote 58
Another interpretation has been suggested according to which the star-like item represents the golden chandelier bestowed by Queen Helena of Adiabene. Footnote 59 According to the Mishnah (Yoma 3:10), it was placed “over the opening of the temple” (על פתחו של היכל). The Babylonian Talmud (Yoma 37b) says that when the sun rose, sparkling rays of light would emanate from the candelabra because it was polished. The difficulty with this proposition is that the item depicted on Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachm is above the sanctuary and not part of it. It is therefore unlikely that it was a temple accessory. Furthermore, we note with Michael Avi-Yonah that according to the Mishnah, Queen Helena’s lamp “was not placed above the outer door of the temple, the door of the ullam (porch), but over the inner door to the sanctuary (hekhal).” Footnote 60
In my opinion, the star-like design should be understood within the context of the iconic depiction of the inauguration of the temple. This leads me to propose two alternative but related interpretations of this item. First, it may be a representation of the holy fire descending from heaven to consume the sacrifices on the altar of burnt offerings. As seen above, this motif, which is found in several biblical accounts that describe the inauguration of the temple (or of an altar), Footnote 61 was taken as a confirmation that God had accepted the dedication. There is another possible interpretation. In a study from 1942, Paul Romanoff proposed: “The star (sc. on Bar Kosiba tetradrachm), suggesting a pedimental star, may have represented celestial abode, as the temple actually symbolized the world and the Holy of Holies, the Seat of Divine Glory.” Footnote 62 If I am correct in understanding the imagery on Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachms as a representation of the inauguration of the temple, then the star may more accurately represent the return of the glory of God (כבוד יהוה). In the biblical narrative, the glory of God symbolizes the divine presence of God. Footnote 63 The glory filling the newly built tabernacle of Moses (Exod 40:34; Num 9:15–23) and the Temple of Solomon after the ark of the covenant was placed in it (1 Kgs 8:11; 2 Chr 5:13b–14; see also 2 Chr 7) indicates the entrance of God into his divine dwelling place. In the book of Ezekiel, the glory of God leaves the temple because of the sins of the Israelites (11:23), but in the eschatological age, it will once again take up permanent residence in the rebuilt temple (43:2). Footnote 64 After 70 CE, the tradition about God’s presence departing from the temple is echoed in various writings responding to the destruction the Second Temple; Footnote 65 likewise, the hope was expressed that the sanctuary would be restored and God would situate his presence in it. Footnote 66 In the Priestly source, Yahweh’s glory is depicted as a blazing fire surrounded by a cloud; Footnote 67 elsewhere in biblical literature, it is pictured as having a physical appearance of radiant light. A famous example is found in Isa 60:1–3, which emphasizes the restoration of Jerusalem and the shining brilliance of the glory resting over the city. Footnote 68 Also noteworthy is the connection of the glory of God to the fire coming down from heaven to consume the sacrifices on the altar, as is found in several biblical texts including the account of the dedication of the temple in 2 Chr 7:1. Footnote 69
A Representation of the Placing of the Ark of the Covenant in the Holy of Holies
If my proposition that the imagery on Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachms is to be understood as a representation of the dedication of the temple is indeed correct, then this may also shed new light on the controversial identification of the square structure with a semicircle top that is inserted inside the facade of the building. Among the above-mentioned proposals that have been advanced, Footnote 70 the one that would best fit the context of the inauguration of the temple is to identify this object as the ark of the covenant. As seen above, the accounts of the ceremonial inauguration of Solomon’s Temple in 1 Kgs 8 and 2 Chr 5 report that the main ritual act of the dedication (which was held around the time of Sukkot) was the placing of the ark of the covenant in the holy of holies. It was only then that the glory of God filled the sanctuary (1 Kgs 8:6–11). Against this proposal, it has been argued that the ark had disappeared following the Babylonian sack of Jerusalem in the sixth century BCE, and that both Josephus (J.W. 5.219) Footnote 71 and the Mishnah (Šeqal. 1–2) clearly say that the ark was not in the Second Temple. For this reason, Dan Barag has seriously questioned the likelihood that Bar Kosiba made the claim of restoring the ark. Footnote 72 However, this argument is not compelling, because traditions about the concealment of the ark of the covenant prior to the Babylonian conquest are not rare in late Second Temple and post-destruction writings. As already mentioned, according to 2 Macc 2:1–8, just before the Israelites were exiled to Babylon, Jeremiah hid the ark on Mount Nebo and then professed: Footnote 73
The place will remain unknown until God gathers His people together in the Age of Mercy. At that time the Lord will bring these things to light again, and the Glory of the Lord and the cloud will be seen, as they were over Moses and as Solomon, too, requested, in order that the Place should be greatly sanctified. (2 Macc 2:7–8) Footnote 74
Likewise, the Temple Scroll confirms a frequent hope that there would be an ark in the restored temple. Footnote 75 Here it should be emphasized that according to the opinio communis, Bar Kosiba neither conquered nor held Jerusalem; Footnote 76 it is therefore more than likely that the imagery on the tetradrachms is an idealized representation of the expected inauguration of the temple. Footnote 77 It seems safe to assume that Bar Kosiba’s propaganda campaign sought to promote the idea that the restoration of the temple would be a full restoration that would include the placing of the ark of the covenant in the holy of holies, symbolizing God’s presence in the temple (unlike the restoration following the return from Babylon). Footnote 78
Bar Kosiba Tetradrachms as a Response to the Foundation Coin of Aelia Capitolina
Considered in a larger context, Bar Kosiba tetradrachms may also be interpreted as a response to Hadrian coinage, and more specifically to the coin type struck in celebration of the inauguration of Aelia Capitolina. The date of the founding of Aelia Capitolina on the ruins of Jerusalem has long been a focal point of scholarly debate: while many consider that the colony was established before the Second Jewish Revolt broke out, as reported by Cassius Dio, Footnote 79 others have dated it after the suppression of the uprising as stated in Eusebius’s writings. Footnote 80 However, recent archaeological finds seem to confirm Cassius Dio’s statement. Shlomit Weksler-Bdolah has demonstrated, on the basis of numismatic and epigraphic evidence and archaeological remains from the Eastern Cardo (the Western Wall Plaza), that the inauguration of Aelia Capitolina should be linked to Hadrian’s visit to the city in 129/130 CE. Indeed, by that time, the city already had main streets, plazas, and public and private buildings, and it is likely that Hadrian himself came to officially proclaim the founding of the colony. Footnote 81
Most interesting are the bronze coins struck to commemorate the founding of Aelia Capitolina (fig. 2). On the obverse of the coins is a portrait of Hadrian with a laurel wreath on his head and the inscription IMP[ERATORI] CAES[ARI] TRAI[ANO] HADRIANO AVG[USTO] P[ATRI] P[ATRIAE] (To Imperator Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, Father of the Fatherland). On the reverse is a depiction of the ceremonial founding of the colony with the inscription: COL[ONIA] AEL[IA] CAPIT[OLINA] and in exergue COND[ITA] (The Founding of the Colony of Aelia Capitolina). Footnote 82 Hadrian (?) is represented wearing a toga and plowing the sulcus primigenius, the “first furrow,” with a plow attached to an ox and a cow to establish the sacred limits (pomerium) of the new colony. The coin bears no date, but based on the legend on its obverse, Hannah Cotton and Avner Ecker have placed it between 128 CE—the year when Hadrian received the title of Pater Patriae—and 138 CE. Footnote 83 Rachel Bar Nathan and Gabriela Bijovsky have recently narrowed this dating to 128–130 CE on the basis of the discovery of a foundation coin of Aelia Capitolina at the site of Shuaʿfat, an urban Jewish settlement about three miles north of Jerusalem that was built circa 70 CE and abandoned circa 130 CE. Footnote 84 It is thus obvious that the minting of this coin antedated the outbreak of the Second Jewish Revolt. Accordingly, it is not unlikely that the imagery of Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachm that represents the ritual inauguration of the temple of Jerusalem was a response to the imagery of Hadrian’s coin representing the ritual foundation of Aelia Capitolina on the ruins of Jerusalem. Footnote 85 This would be a further illustration of what Mildenberg called “the political astuteness” with which Bar Kosiba and his men chose coins “to match Hadrian’s” coinage. Footnote 86
A coin from Colonia Aelia Capitolina depicting Hadrian as the founder of the colony. Reproduced with permission of the British Museum Images. Image © The Trustees of the British Museum.
Conclusion
This article has proposed that the facade of the temple on the obverse of Bar Kosiba’s tetradrachm and the four species on its reverse side are complementary symbols, for they work together in a relationship that expounds on the theme of the (planned) inauguration of the restored temple. Footnote 87 This interpretation also offers a coherent explanation for the star-like symbol above the temple and the square item in its center, which are likely to represent the holy fire or the glory of God descending from heaven after the placing of the ark of the covenant in the holy of holies.
If my interpretation of the Bar Kosiba tetradrachms is correct, then it confirms the fact that he made shrewd use of coins for propaganda and that he chose the symbols and legends on his coinage with considerable care. More significantly, it might also shed additional light on the ideology of his regime. The imagery on the tetradrachms was not only intended to proclaim the planned reconstruction of the temple, it was also meant to connect Bar Kosiba’s action with the biblical precedents of Solomon, Zerubbabel, Nehemiah, and Judah Maccabeus, as well as to present it as the realization of biblical prophecies about the future restoration and the return of the glory of God. In addition to these considerations, it is not unlikely that the symbolic representation of the expected inauguration of the restored temple was also chosen with the intent to respond to the coins Hadrian issued to commemorate the founding of Aelia Capitolina.
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