^{page 99 note 1} Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen i, 83, 120, and 229 ff.

^{page 99 note 2} Articles in R.A. ix (1907), x (1907), xix (1912), xx (1912), xxvii (1928).

^{page 99 note 3} TheSanctuary of Artemis Orthia, ed. by Dawkins, R. M., London, 1929 (hereafter referred to as A.O.). Pp. 52–116Google Scholar recapitulate scattered articles which had previously appeared in B.S.A. For the vases from the Akropolis, B.S.A. xxviii 49–81Google Scholar is important, and J.H.S. 1910, 1–34 is an attempt to date the exported vases by comparison with evidence derived from the stratification at Sparta.

^{page 99 note 4} See J.H.S. 1932, 303–4.

^{page 100 note 1} See pp. 128 ff. below, where this is more fully explained.

^{page 100 note 2} Droop himself at times admits the necessity of using evidence of style to assist that of stratification when this is not entirely satisfactory.

^{page 100 note 3} There is Protocorinthian and Corinthian from Soteriades' excavations here in the Chaironeia Museum.

^{page 100 note 4} Tegea had a Geometric style of its own. The clay is soft and powdery, but yellower than the typical orange-red clay of Lakonia. See B.C.H. 1921, 404–414.

^{page 100 note 5} For example, Waldstein, Argive Heraeum ii 117 fig. 42Google Scholar; 159 fig. 93; 161 fig. 94.

^{page 101 note 1} I am especially indebted to Professor Ernst Buschor, who gave me every help in studying the material in Samos and allowed me to publish several fragments; to Dr. Bartoccini, for permission to publish the vases at Taranto, and to Professor J. D. Beazley for photographs and advice. Photographs of vases in the British Museum, at Leipzig, at Taranto, and at Boston were kindly provided by the authorities at the Museums concerned, and Fig. 8 A and B are from negatives in the possession of the Hellenic Society.

^{page 101 note 2} See also Kunze's, review of Artemis Orthia, Gnomon ix 4.Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 3} A table of motives is given in A.M. 1927, 51 fig. 29 (the wavy lines late). From the number of fragments, one presumes that large, unslipped vases with compass-drawn circles were made at Sparta over a long period, and were still produced after the introduction of slip for the more careful work. A similar love of circles is to be noticed in the Cretan, Boeotian, and ‘Theran’ Geometric styles, but I doubt if there is any conscious connection between these and Lakonian.

^{page 101 note 4} A.M. 1918, 53 ff.

^{page 102 note 1} See p. 107, FIG. 4 and PLATE 25 e.

^{page 102 note 2} Attic: Boston Cat. 274 (plate 24). Boeotian: Würzburg Kat. 73, plate 4; Berlin, , J.d.I. 1888, 340 fig. 17Google Scholar; Florence 4316, 4319. One from Keos in Heidelberg, perhaps Boeotian.

^{page 102 note 3} The foot in this drawing is a conjectural and unconvincing restoration.

^{page 104 note 1} Pfuhl, op. cit. i 71Google Scholar, A.A. 1913, 444 fig. 2; Würzburg, Kat. 58 pl. 4, etc.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 1} The fragment is upside-down in the photograph.

^{page 105 note 2} Slipped. On the upper surface, cross-hatching; on the side, a simple unhatched meander. The fragment is broken off close behind the neck, on which is no trace of a handle.

^{page 105 note 3} Johansen Les Vases Sicyoniens 27.

^{page 105 note 4} Délos x. pls. xvi, xvii.

^{page 105 note 5} Later evidence for the shape: Transitional, B.S.A. xxviii 56 fig. 3 i and k (these are from the same vase, the rays being on the inner, the cable on the outer surface of the ring). Sixth century; p. 197.

^{page 105 note 6} FIG. 3, third in second row, appears also on PLATE 21 e.

^{page 107 note 1} Closely similar vases were being made at Argos about the same time, viz. Argive Heraeum ii pl. LVI 6–10 and p. 117 fig. 42; Tiryns i pi. 19, 1–4, p. 145; Schweitzer, , A.M. 1918, 88 ff.Google Scholar That they are very late is shewn by the use of outline technique for the heads and hair of the figures and by the stalk-rosette on Argive Heraeum ii pl. LVI 10.

^{page 108 note 1} Profiles to right, the whole right half of the vase being shewn when possible. The outside decoration is drawn to the right of the fragment, the inside to the left.

^{page 108 note 2} Though simple dotted snakes are a commonplace in Protocorinthian—see Johansen, Les Vases Sicyoniens pl. V 1.

^{page 108 note 3} Fragments in the British Museum and Cambridge (C.V.A. Cambridge i, III D, pl. 3, no. 117). There is no slip, but the technique of the vase is excellent.

^{page 108 note 4} Johansen op. cit. 30–31.

^{page 108 note 5} In Oxford, badly worn, but shewing traces of a ‘running dog’ pattern round the body.

^{page 110 note 1} Note the dots of added white paint on the meanders.

^{page 110 note 2} Boehlau Nekropolen pl. VI, 1. Fragments were apparently found with the monstrous Lakonian pot mentioned on p. 136 below, dating from the early sixth century.

^{page 110 note 3} Arg. Her. ii 141–2 figs. 76–82 shew a series of Protocorinthian plates, and fig. 82 is not far removed from the Lakonian form. There are many Protocorinthian plate fragments from Perachora, some of new shapes; vertical wavy lines, black triangles, and a pointed leaf-rosette are features of the decoration.

^{page 110 note 4} FIG. 6 c shews respectively the upper and under surfaces of the same plate.

^{page 110 note 5} A handle from a similar vase is published in C. V.A. Cambridge i, III D, pl. 3, no. 10.

^{page 110 note 6} FIG. II w is a Lakonian II fragment, evidently of the same shape, found at the Menelaion.

^{page 111 note 1} Cf. Arg. Her. ii pl. LVII 15–18.

^{page 112 note 1} Ca. 35 cm. in diameter at lip.

^{page 112 note 2} And the fragment C.V.A. Cambridge i, III D, pl. 3, no. 98.

^{page 112 note 3} Ht. 4·5 cm. Usual Lakonian clay, slipped. Part of lip restored in the drawing. The dots are not meant to be leaves, their shape being due to careless brushwork.

^{page 112 note 4} Op. cit. 173 f.

^{page 112 note 5} B.S.A. xxviii 52 fig. 1 g is not Geometric, but a careless, unslipped piece of the archaic period. It may belong to the second half of the sixth century.

^{page 113 note 1} Kretische Bronzereliefs 93.

^{page 113 note 2} Cf. A.M. 1929, 18 fig. 10 (Samian); Cl. Rh. iii fig. 76; B.C.H. 1912, 501 figs. 7, 8 (Rhodian).

^{page 113 note 3} See also A.O. 56.

^{page 114 note 1} The other two are like FIG. 8 B, one unslipped and unpainted. Ht. of FIG. 8 A, 20 cm.; of B, 32 cm. Coarse household ware, but interesting for the shapes; no provenance is recorded.

^{page 115 note 1} Price East-Greek Pottery 1–2. East-Greek examples usually have only one bird in the centre of the frieze.

^{page 115 note 2} Other sherds made of this white clay are a fragment from a lakaina (p. 114 above), and A.O. fig. 42 h. There is in the Sparta Museum a series of miniature figurines made of the same material.

^{page 115 note 3} A.O. 66, 70.

^{page 116 note 1} Hereafter abbreviated NC.

^{page 117 note 1} The shape is descended from the Protogeometric bell-krater (cf. B.S.A. xxix 232–3); it was employed in East Greece during the Orientalising period (see Jacobsthal, Metr. Mus. Studies V, 1934, 117)Google Scholar, but so far no East-Greek examples look early enough to suggest that the Lakonian bell-krater is derived from them.

^{page 117 note 2} E.g. PLATE 26 d (early Lakonian III).

^{page 117 note 3} PLATES 25 a, 26 a.

^{page 117 note 4} PLATES 26 a, 28 a.

^{page 117 note 5} PLATE 27 c.

^{page 117 note 6} PLATE 25 a.

^{page 118 note 1} Apparently with a painting of a vase. Compare A.M. 1903 Beil. v (Theran), and an unpublished Protocorinthian sherd from Perachora painted with a row of aryballoi.

^{page 119 note 1} B.S.A. xxxi 61; B.S.A. xxxii 254.

^{page 119 note 2} B.S.A. xxviii 58–9.

^{page 119 note 3} Kunze (Kretische Bronzereliefs 109) doubts this and would ascribe it to Melian influence. But on Melian vases it is rare by comparison, never advancing beyond the simplest form, and no examples are earlier than the earliest Lakonian, where a continuous development of the motive can be followed. Dr. Kunze told me that he has now changed his mind. There are only isolated instances of its use in Protocorinthian—e.g. Johansen op. cit. pl. XXI, 1.

^{page 120 note 1} Inset top right, on a slightly larger scale, are two sherds which I found after the first photograph was taken.

^{page 120 note 2} For example, B.S.A. xxviii 56 fig. 3 q. No purple on the shoulder, but varnish reddened by bad firing; an unpainted triangle on the right edge not shewn in the drawing makes it certain that one foot was raised.

^{page 121 note 1} J.d.I. 1887, 56 figs. 21, 22.

^{page 121 note 2} Perhaps the vase was fired extra hard to prepare it for incision, and thus the slip has become buff in colour.

^{page 122 note 1} Corinthian, NC. 310; Attic, ib. 194 ff. and Greifenhagen Eine Attische Schwarzfigurige Vasengattung.

^{page 122 note 2} Compare the ‘Vroulian’ and ‘une marque’ cups, Kinch Vroulia pls. IX, X. PLATE 31 c shews fragments of two cups with convex lip and unusual decoration; apparently Lakonian, they came from Naukratis and are in the British Museum. PLATE 32 b, at Sparta, is another cup of this type.

^{page 124 note 1} See p. 145 below.

^{page 125 note 1} Interior decoration shewn in the drawing, a rosette with alternate purple and black leaves in the centre. For Transitional and Lakonian I examples, see pp. 110–11, 119.

^{page 125 note 2} L = A.O. fig. 46 y. Of M only the rim fragments, A.O. fig. 47 ff, survive.

^{page 125 note 3} For earlier bell-kraters, see p. 117.

^{page 125 note 4} One fragment of T is shewn on A.O. fig. 47 m.

^{page 125 note 5} x = A.O. fig. 46 x.

^{page 125 note 6} See p. 136 below.

^{page 126 note 1} Mr. Payne informs me that there was found at Perachora a small clay impression which gave every appearance of having been stamped by a seal of this kind.

^{page 126 note 2} Not Lakonian IV, as there suggested.

^{page 126 note 3} See also p. 156.

^{page 126 note 4} In Tomb V bis, Contrada Vaccarella, 1922.

^{page 127 note 1} Two in the National Museum at Athens. A reserved rosette occurs on the underside of Middle Corinthian aryballoi. Cf. C.V.A. Louvre viii, III Ca, pl. 18, 30.

^{page 128 note 1} In the centre apparently a gorgoneion, the point of whose beard is shewn upside down on the central sherd. The large animals indicated by A.O. fig. 49 are too badly worn on the other two sherds to make reproduction worth while.

^{page 128 note 2} J.H.S. 1910, 21.

^{page 129 note 1} On this subject, see a review of Artemis Orthia which appeared J.H.S. 1930, 146–150. The distinction there drawn between Formgefühl and technique is much to the point.

^{page 129 note 2} For example, the Hunt Painter in his early work is strongly influenced by the Arkesilas Painter, and so was active in the second quarter of the century; another kylix, of ‘Droop cup’ shape, is unmistakably by his hand and I have classed it with Lakonian IV, after 550 (p. 142).

^{page 130 note 1} A.O. 72.

^{page 131 note 1} I have to thank Mr. R. M. Cook for the photograph.

^{page 131 note 2} These would in any case supply a local precedent for the high foot, but perhaps Ionian potters had already adopted the high foot and influenced the Lakonians to do the same.

^{page 131 note 3} No. 2 is exceptional in having a concave lip instead of the usual slightly convex one.

^{page 131 note 4} For a case where the compliment was returned, and Samian potters imitated a Lakonian cup, see p. 185 and PLATE 36 e.

^{page 131 note 5} See p. 178.

^{page 132 note 1} Lakonian handle-palmettes always have a straight horizontal stem (except the freak C.V.A. Cambridge i, iii D, pl. 4, 25). The Attic kleinmeister type with curved stem appears in its earliest form on a seventh-century kotyle recently found at the Kerameikos, but even there is not suggestive of metallic influence.

^{page 133 note 1} Langlotz Katalog no. 166 pl. 28.

^{page 133 note 2} As on no. 8, PLATE 35 b.

^{page 133 note 3} The centre, lost in the two cups named, is suggested by another fragment from Naukratis shewing an incised ‘Catherine wheel’ (PLATE 35 f). This does not fit the cup no. 7 but comes from a similar one. An unincised but otherwise similar pattern is often found in Corinthian cups of the period; the narrow concentric fillets are clearly copied from Ionian cups like Munich no. 529, Sieveking-Hackl pl. 10, A.M. 1929, 34 ff.

^{page 134 note 1} The dress worn by Athena, and her polos, are very close to some of the lead figurines on A.O. pl. CXC. Apparently the polos was abandoned in Lakonia early in the sixth century; it is worn on the plastic heads A.O. pls. VII, VIII, but later ones are without it.

^{page 134 note 2} A.O. 76.

^{page 135 note 1} P. 130.

^{page 135 note 2} Other exported examples from Carthage, (R.A. 1928, 55)Google Scholar, Caere (Leipzig, unpubl.), Corneto (unpubl.), Italy (J.H.S. 1910, 7 and J.d.I. 1923–4, 28).

^{page 135 note 3} In Grave V bis, Contrada Vaccarella, August 1922. Cf. p. 181.

^{page 135 note 4} Museum Journal xxiii 61. The clay on analysis proved to be similar to that of an authenticated Lydian vase, but unfortunately no comparative analysis of a Lakonian piece was made. The only Lakonian vase from Lydia is the kylix mentioned on p. 151, and it dates about 40 years later. No ‘krateriskoi’ of this shape were found at Sparta; they occur, however, in Samos (Boehlau Nekropolen pl. viii 5, 6, 10, 12), and this raises a possibility that the Philadelphia vase was made in that island, where we know that Lakonian kylikes of the Hephaistos group were imitated (p. 185). But nothing in the decoration looks unfamiliar, and I prefer to call the vase Lakonian. The shape of the foot is paralleled on the Hephaistos Painter kylikes, and the omission of slip on a broad band round the body is an interesting early example of this practice. See also A.M. 59 (1934) 100 n. 1.

^{page 136 note 1} The vase will be published in due course by Mr. D. Evangelides.

^{page 137 note 1} See p. 141.

^{page 137 note 2} NC. 309, 310. Their upper limit should fall earlier than 575, the approximate date for the end of ‘Middle Corinthian.’

^{page 137 note 3} For the subject, see p. 160. The hairy man may be compared with those on the krater-fragment, PLATE 39 d; the figures cannot represent silens, as they have no tails. There are only three cases of silens on Corinthian vases, and there perhaps they were suggested by Attic examples (NC. 90).

^{page 137 note 4} The handle band of this cup was unslipped.

^{page 137 note 5} Found in grave 119 with the Middle Corinthian aryballos NC. 304 no. 834.

^{page 139 note 1} P. 130 no. 5.

^{page 139 note 2} As FIG. 24, 11.

^{page 139 note 3} C.V.A. Louvre i III Dc, pls. 3, b and 4, 4.

^{page 139 note 4} Compare also the krateriskos in Philadelphia (p. 135) and the Samian fragments on PLATE 39 e.

^{page 139 note 5} P. 141. The foot of nos. 2 and 3 above is, however, not nearly so deep at the edge.

^{page 139 note 6} A.A. 1924, 80.

^{page 139 note 7} FIG. 24, 4.

^{page 139 note 8} B.S.A. xxviii 71 fig. 13 ee.

^{page 140 note 1} Vasseur, Annales du Musée d'histoire naturelle de Marseille xiii, 1914, pl. xi.Google Scholar

^{page 140 note 2} B.S.A. xxix 108 ff., where the Naukratis and Louvre banquet cups are brought together. The style of the oinochoe in question is certainly earlier, and in my opinion the vase is contemporary with Middle Corinthian. Its fellows are the lakaina fragments on PLATE 38 a, and the kylikes mentioned on p. 137.

^{page 141 note 1} The handle-band is unslipped.

^{page 141 note 2} J.H.S. 1910, 18. Wherefore he places it in the fifth century, but it is certainly by the same hand as the Berlin cup no. 1, which he dates about 545—an example of what may happen through turning a Nelson eye to the picture and observing the back of the canvas on which it is painted.

^{page 141 note 3} So also Pottier C.V.A., loc. cit.

^{page 142 note 1} I am grateful to Prof. J. D. Beazley for calling my attention to this vase, here published by courtesy of the Visitors of the Ashmolean Museum. Shape as FIG. 14 E, but no channelled rings round the stem, and a torus moulding where it joins the bowl. Exterior; lip black, handle-band with myrtle bough in black, omitting the stems, and palmette as FIG. 24,8; bowl, bands and rays; foot, with groups of fillets on reserved ground round the stem, reserved band round the edge, and concentric bands on the reserved underside, the rest black. Interior; lip black, with reserved bands at top and bottom, and in centre of bowl, a medallion containing a siren with spread wings to right, surrounded with black fillets and purple bands and a broad black zone. A very thin yellowish slip covers the whole surface except where specified.

^{page 143 note 1} I wish to thank Mr. T. J. Dunbabin and Prof. J. D. Beazley for information about this cup.

^{page 143 note 2} A.M. 1929, Beil. XVI 1. For one of the inscriptions see p. 163. The Arkesilas and Hunt Painters were apparently the only Lakonian painters of the time who knew how to write, and it is a fair chance that inscribed Lakonian III vases are by one or the other of them. On the outside of the Samos fragment are the feet of a komast frieze which recalls the figures on nos. 6 and 7 above.

^{page 143 note 3} See J.d.I. 1901, 191–2.

^{page 143 note 4} Published provisionally in L'Illustrazione, 13 January, 1935, p. 43. The resemblance in subject and treatment to Corinthian vases like NC. pl. 41, 4 gives a valuable indication of its date.

^{page 143 note 5} In Dresden. No provenance recorded, but surely Lakonian. The archaic stone capital from Slavochori illustrated in J.d.I. 1918, 209 fig. 54 is an allied work on a larger scale.

^{page 143 note 6} Olympia iv 202.

^{page 144 note 1} Sphinx. C.V.A. Louvre i, III De, pl. 3, 8; PLATE 44 c and FIG. 14 c.

^{page 144 note 2} Perhaps the grooves round the stem indicate an early attempt at a kylix of ‘Droopcup’ shape; this idea is supported by the concave profile of the lip.

^{page 144 note 3} C.V.A. Bib. Nat. i pl. 23, 1–3. Reserved, bands inside lip, outside of lip, band on lower bowl, plastic ring at top of stem.

^{page 144 note 4} Immediately connected with cups by the Hephaistos Painter.

^{page 144 note 5} C.V.A. Louvre i, III Dc, pl. 3, 7.

^{page 144 note 6} P. 139 and FIG. 24, 6.

^{page 144 note 7} Boehlau JVekropolen pl. x 5 shews one from Samos.

^{page 145 note 1} Omitted in the restorations A.O. fig. 64 and B.S.A. xxviii pl. VII. See A.O. fig. 65 for other details.

^{page 145 note 2} PLATE 26 e shews a similar lion from what was perhaps the handle of a clay patera (found at the Argive Heraeum).

^{page 145 note 3} NC. 33 fig. 10 F, G.

^{page 145 note 4} Examples: A.O. figs. 59 t, u; 60 u; B.S.A. xxviii 67 fig. 11 a.

^{page 146 note 1} Cf. Boehlau Nekropolen pl. x 6.

^{page 146 note 2} Ibid. pl. vi 1, and unpublished examples at Vathy.

^{page 146 note 3} For the new hydria in Rhodes by the Hunt Painter, see p. 143.

^{page 146 note 4} Hydria, , C.V.A. Louvre i, III Dc, pl. 6, 3–4Google Scholar; krater, ib. pl. 6, 1–2.

^{page 146 note 5} PLATES 43, 44a, b. Called Caeretan in the Brit. Mus. catalogue, and Attic by Pfuhl, i § 231.

^{page 146 note 6} The vase is in a very bad state, the numerous restorations not being indicated in the official publication. See J.H.S. 1910, 8.

^{page 148 note 1} Compare also A.O. fig. 50 c and B.S.A. xxviii 69 fig. 12 b.

^{page 148 note 2} C.V.A. Louvre i, III Dc, pl. 6, 1, 2.

^{page 148 note 3} B.S.A. xxviii 71 fig. 13 b. Not ‘winged creatures in human form’. Compare the hairy man on PLATE 39 a.

^{page 148 note 4} Hoppin Black-figure Vases 206 no. 20, by Nikosthenes. The subject of the fragment may be similar to that of PLATE 39 d.

^{page 149 note 1} There are fragments of a similar vase, but much smaller, from Naukratis in the British Museum, and others in Samos.

^{page 149 note 2} See especially Mingazzini Castellani Catalogue 186–7.

^{page 149 note 3} B.S.A. xxxii 247–54.

^{page 149 note 4} NC. 330 fig. 174.

^{page 149 note 5} See p. 122 and FIG. II.

^{page 149 note 6} NC. 212.

^{page 150 note 1} The drawing is unreliable.

^{page 150 note 2} I am indebted to Miss G. M. A. Richter for the photograph.

^{page 151 note 1} Published by Witte, de, Signa Antiqua ex Museo pl. XI (Amsterdam, 1710).Google Scholar PLATE 45 c is from the Berlin Museum photograph.

^{page 151 note 2} Also C.V.A. Louvre i pl. 3, 12; 4, 2. The loose drawing and flocks of dejected birds suggest that this cup may actually be the work of the Rider Painter.

^{page 152 note 1} B.S.A. xxviii, 71 fig. 13 e is a highly fanciful rendering of this kind of vase. The bowl is not so deep and it does not have baroque handles.

^{page 152 note 2} J.H.S. 1910, 21 (Droop); Ἐφημ. 1915, 122, and J.H.S. 1932, 55 (Ure); J.H.S. 1929, 270 (Beazley and Payne).

^{page 152 note 3} In J.H.S. 1932, 56, 57, though in J.H.S. 1909, 332 it is put after 550. The cup is described, but not illustrated, in Ἐφημ. 1915, 123.

^{page 152 note 4} See pp. 123, 145 for my reason for attributing the painted feet to shapes other than the kylix. The cups Munich 382 (Sieveking-Hackl p. 34 fig. 48), Vatican 220 (Albizzati pl. XVII), and Fouilles de Delphes v 146 fig. 601 have downward-pointing rays, and not rings, as the chief ornament of their stems.

^{page 152 note 5} Fouilles de Delphes v fig. 601.

^{page 153 note 1} Diam. 24·7 cm. Slip badly encrusted but fairly thick, varnish thin and poor, purple thick, inclining to brown. Reserved, lip and handle-band, plastic ring at top of stem, ridges between the grooves, edge of foot; inside, bands at top and bottom of lip. My own photograph, PLATE 47 b, is reproduced as giving a clearer view of the lower segment.

^{page 153 note 2} Note that folds hardly ever occur on Corinthian drapery (NC. 108, 112), supporting the view that this vase was produced after Attic influence had supplanted Corinthian.

^{page 153 note 3} Perhaps the Lakonian potter had learnt the technical secret from Attica.

^{page 154 note 1} Some black polychrome specimens are shewn on FIG. 20.

^{page 154 note 2} Apparently that shewn in B.S.A. xxviii 73 fig. 14. Exterior unslipped, brown-red varnish inside neck.

^{page 154 note 3} See A.O. 106; B.S.A. xxviii 62.

^{page 155 note 1} Height 16·8 cm.

^{page 155 note 2} In A.M. 1927, 53 ff. an attempt is made to date these on grounds of style, shape of lip, etc. The round shape was adopted at Corinth in the last quarter of the seventh century, and there are a few Lakonian fragments bearing the ‘dot and square’ which is commonest before 590. But one white-bottomed aryballos was found at Rhitsona with Middle Corinthian, (J.H.S. 1910, 355Google Scholar fig. 19).

^{page 156 note 1} The concentric circles on the lower part are exceptional, the more usual decoration being like NC. 204 fig. 91.

^{page 156 note 2} Others in Boston, Catalogue pl. xlii no. 419; Ἐφημ. 1910, 287 fig. 7 ε.

^{page 156 note 3} Two already published, B.S.A. xxviii 64, A.O. fig. 70 e.

^{page 156 note 4} NC. 178–9; Maximova Les vases plastiques 153 ff. A similar vase in bronze from the Spartan akropolis is published in B.S.A. xxviii 92 no. 23, and bronze helmeted heads were also found at Olympia, Bassae and Kaiapha, all places within the Spartan pale (B.S.A. xxviii loc. cit.).

^{page 156 note 5} A.O. fig. 70 g.

^{page 156 note 6} Clay soft and powdery, pale yellow buff. No slip. Decoration round the body consists of diagonal wavy lines in black varnish.

^{page 156 note 7} Easily recognisable as the Mediterranean partridge, Alectris graeca, which appears on ‘Fikellura’ and ‘Pontic’ vases (NC. 174 note 1 ).

^{page 157 note 1} MrsWoodward's, J. M. article in J.H.S. 1932, 25 ff.Google Scholar is entirely based on the misapprehension that Lakonian vases with figure subjects are later than the throne. Unless Fiechter and Buschor are wrong, that would involve setting the floruit of the vase fabric early in the fifth century.

^{page 157 note 2} Paus, iii 18, 9.

^{page 157 note 3} Fiechter, in J.d.I. 1918, 242 ff.Google Scholar; Buschor, in A.M. 1927, 18–21.Google Scholar

^{page 157 note 4} With the reservation that some are of such dubious interpretation that they might belong to either class.

^{page 157 note 5} PLATE 41 a; Leipzig-Florence, (A.A. 1923–1924, 82, see p. 141 above)Google Scholar, both by the Hunt Painter, and Munich 383 (Sieveking-Hackl pl. 13), a later cup in his manner. For this painter's tendency to cut a panel-picture to fit a round frame, see p. 143. Perhaps he was more accustomed to painting large pots like the new hydria from Rhodes (see p. 143), where the space was less circumscribed. For boar-hunting in Lakonia, see Xenophon Cyneg. x. There are no lion-hunts on Lakonian vases, and in avoiding this subject Lakonia follows Corinth. The absence of the lion-hunt incidentally tells against the theory of a factory at Kyrene, where the lion would take the place of the boar as the hunters' greatest prize.

^{page 158 note 1} Cf. Xenophon Cyneg. v–viii for hare-hunting in the Peloponnese.

^{page 158 note 2} Foxes still abound on Taÿgetos and are shot by the modern Spartans.

^{page 158 note 3} Brussels (Richter Ancient Furniture fig. 171); Gumae fragment (M.A. xxii pl. 60, 1), both by the Painter, Arkesilas; C.V.A. Louvre i III DcGoogle Scholar, pl. 3, 2, our PLATE 42 b; Würzburg Kat. 166, pl. 28; Taranto Kylix, PLATE 48 a.

^{page 158 note 4} See NC. 118.

^{page 158 note 5} Table for food and vessels, footstool for climbing the couch and putting the boots and shoes on (C.V.A. Louvre i III Dc, pl. 3, 2). Dinos on stand, compare PLATE 42 b with NC. pl. 27; cups of the Corinthian shape NC. 297 fig. 132, and 119, fig. 44 D occur on our PLATE 42 b, but otherwise the shape is at present unknown in Lakonian. The legs of Lakonian couches are turned, and more slender than Early Corinthian (NC. pl. 27); later Corinthian prefers legs square in section with cut-out sides (Richter Ancient Furniture 59 ff.).

^{page 158 note 6} Weicker Der Seelenvogel 14 ff. The riders crowned by winged figures have no funereal significance; see p. 167 below.

^{page 159 note 1} Though the Berlin cup with the return from battle depicts an equally untimely subject.

^{page 159 note 2} A.O. pl. VIII (lakaina); C.V.A. Louvre, i, III De, pl. 3, 9 (kylix fragment), two warriors pursuing a third; A.J.A. 1916 pl. xi (kylix), wounded warrior retreating from his foe, cf. NC. pl. 39, 1, 2; Rhodes, , hydria, L' Illustrazione, 13 Jan. 1935, p. 48.Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 3} Though another type of helmet was also used at Sparta—cf. A.O. pls. XVI top right, CVIII. This notched variety is found on the Lakonian bronze hoplite from Olympia, , Olympia iv pl. vii 41.Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 4} One kylix fragment from the Argive Heraeum shews an oval shield, but the Boeotian type does not occur.

^{page 159 note 5} Brit. Mus. B. 1 (PLATE 45 b); Louvre, , A.Z. 1881 pl. xiii 3Google Scholar; Leningrad, , J.d.I. 1924 pl. 1.Google Scholar

^{page 159 note 6} Der Seelenvogel 14 ff.

^{page 160 note 1} Anthemion sprouting from the head of a decorative figure, Munich 382, Sieveking-Hackl pl. 13; as a wand, on PLATE 38 a, and on the Arkesilas cup.

^{page 160 note 2} Schnabel Kordax; Payne in NC. 118 ff.; Greifenhagen Eine Attische Schwarzfigurige Vasengattung, passim.

^{page 160 note 3} Compare the dress worn by komasts on the ‘Naukratite’ vases, J.H.S. 1924 pl. xi.

^{page 160 note 4} See p. 148 for further discussion.

^{page 160 note 5} Schnabel op. cit. 42.

^{page 160 note 6} Examples: 1. Brussels, unpublished kylix fragment, fat komasts in short chitons dancing in a narrow frieze round the interior, probably dating from about 575 (see p. 143); 2. B.S.A. xxviii 71 fig. 13 d (nude and not padded); 3. C.V.A. Bibl. Nat. i, pl. 22, 7 (nude, but fat as if padded); 4. Florence, , Boll. d' Arte 1921–1922, 169Google Scholar (apparently padded) (nos. 2–4 by the Hunt Painter, second quarter of the sixth century); 5. Louvredinos, , C.V.A. i. III Dc, pls. 7, 8 (with beards and padded)Google Scholar; 6. Brit. Mus. B. 3, PLATE 46 a (nude, not padded); 7. Würzburg, Kat. no. 166, pl. 28 (one dancer, padded); 8. Taranto kylix, PLATE 47 b (padded).

^{page 160 note 7} Except for the Paris kylix no. 3, where the dancers are nude but nevertheless fat.

^{page 160 note 8} Ar. Lysistrata 82, ποτὶ πυγὰν ἄλλεσθαιsi Pollux iv 102, ἄλλεσθαι καὶ ψαύειν τοῖς ποσὶ πρὸς τὰς πυγάσ

^{page 161 note 1} See C.V.A. Bibl. Nat. i for full bibliography; Buschor in F.R. iii 212, pl. 151, for the best reproduction.

^{page 161 note 2} Not a specifically African type; this conical hat is found on the Lakonian fragment A.A. 1891, 17 (in Bonn), and on a series of Arkadian bronze statuettes. One of the latter series in Athens has a hat with fine feathery volutes curving back from a lotus-bud; for others see Lamb, W.B.S.A. xxvii 133 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 161 note 3} The idea that the white, fluffy substance represents the silphion cannot be reconciled with Theophrastus' account (Hist. Plant, vi, 3, 1): ὄταν βάλωσι εἰς ἀγγεῖα καὶ ἄλευρα μίξωσι σείουσι χρόνον συχνὸν ὄθεν καὶ τὸ χρῶμα λαμβάνει καὶ ἐργασθέν ἄσηπτον ἤδη διαμένει Instead of packing the stuff into jars to keep it moist, they are putting it in open wicker baskets. The right explanation was given by de Luynes as early as 1833 (Annali v 60).

^{page 161 note 4} The disposal of the awning is admittedly hard to follow, but it seems unlikely that the canvas represents the sail of a ship, because when ships are anchored in harbour, they have their sails furled. So the lower part of the cup represents a store-room, not the hold.

^{page 161 note 5} See Keller Antike Tierwelt 86; here the animal is modelled on the familiar Corinthian ‘panther.’

^{page 161 note 6} Compare A.O. fig. 74.

^{page 161 note 7} It has been suggested that this is the Egyptian marabu (see Buschor in F.R., loc. cit.).

^{page 161 note 8} Monkeys must have been familiar in Sparta, for there are other representations which were found locally. A.O. pl. IX is one, and another, eating a fruit, sits on the bronze handle PLATE 41 e. This is in the store-room of the museum without any indication of provenance, but another similar handle was found on the akropolis. This long-nosed type differs from Arkesilas' monkey, but is very like an East-Greek plastic vase figured in Maximova Les vases plastiques 115 and pl. xiv 57.

^{page 161 note 9} Considering the number of Lakonian vases which reached Naukratis, this is not improbable.

^{page 162 note 1} See Puchstein, in A.Z. 1881, 185–6.Google Scholar

^{page 162 note 2} F.R. iii, 211–12 (Buschor); Studniczka Kyrene 11 ff; R.A. 1907, i, 401 (Dugas: somewhat eccentric); Athenaeum iv 1916 (Patroni); B.S.A. xxiv 96–7, 117 (Woodward). The inscriptions are: ᾿Αρκεσίλας (ἰ)σοφορτος σταθμός (ε)ἰρμοφόρος ὄρυξο (ν) (imperative of ὀρύσσω ‘haul away’), σλιφόμαχος φύλακος μα(γ)έν (from μάσσω ).

^{page 162 note 3} σἰλφη = Lat. blatta. Arist. H.A. 17, 8; Ael. N.A. 1, 37; Luc. Gall. 31.

^{page 162 note 4} MrsWoodward, J. M., in J.H.S. 1932, 25 ff.Google Scholar See also p. 157 above. Paus, iii 19, 9 ff.

^{page 162 note 5} J.d.I. 1901, 189 ff.

^{page 163 note 1} I could not find the fragments at Sparta mentioned by Payne, NC. 128.

^{page 163 note 2} A.O. 211–12.

^{page 163 note 3} J.H.S. 1932, 39 for a suggestion that the figures are Pluto and Kore; Studniczka op. cit. 22 (Battos and Kyrene).

^{page 163 note 4} Richter Sculpture and Sculptors of the Greeks fig. 380.

^{page 164 note 1} J.d.I. 1901, 192.

^{page 164 note 2} Studniczka, , op. cit. 33, 57.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 3} Hauser, in Ö. Jh. x 9.Google Scholar

^{page 164 note 4} Op. cit. i § 232.

^{page 164 note 5} J.H.S. 1910, 20.

^{page 165 note 1} Louvre E 666. Hauser suggests that it represents a cattle-raid in Crete, but it now appears that Lakonian vase-painting had little to do with that island.

^{page 165 note 2} C.V.A. Louvre i, III Dc, pl. 3, 7 (text).

^{page 165 note 3} Olympia V 16; Studniczka op. cit. 28 ff.

^{page 165 note 4} Op. cit. 15 ff.

^{page 165 note 5} A.O. 54.

^{page 165 note 6} By the Arkesilas Painter, ca. 560–50, cf. p. 140 above.

^{page 165 note 7} Gerhard, , A.V. ii 21Google Scholar; Albizzati 66. Atlas was again portrayed by a Lakonian artist when Theokles made his group for the Epidamnian Treasury at Olympia (Paus. vi 19, 8).

^{page 165 note 8} A.M. 1929, Beil. xvi 1. Second quarter of the sixth century.

^{page 166 note 1} Boehlau Nekropolen Pl. x 4 and p. 128. Daidalos at work on the labyrinth (Hauser, in Ö. Jh. 1907, 10)Google Scholar; Apollo with the diskos (MrsWoodward, J. M. in J.H.S. 1932, 40).Google Scholar The round object is in any case too large for a diskos.

^{page 166 note 2} Compare the well-known disc-akroteria Olympia ii 190 ff. fig. 3; A.O. 118 ff.; and on the cup, A.Z. 1881 pl. 12, 2.

^{page 166 note 3} See A.O. 11.

^{page 166 note 4} P. 137.

^{page 166 note 5} Studniczka op. cit. 14, where also is explained the altar upon which Zeus sits.

^{page 166 note 6} See p. 143.

^{page 166 note 7} See J.H.S. 1932, 38.

^{page 166 note 8} The left-hand figure is not necessarily male because of its black-figure technique; compare Würzburg Katalog no. 166 pl. 28.

^{page 167 note 1} Ducati explains her as Persephone among the shades (Rend. d. Lincei 1911, 142 ff.).

^{page 167 note 2} Studniczka op. cit. 18.

^{page 167 note 3} The earlier winged figure on A.O. pl. VII evidently belongs to a different class; instead of drifting vaguely about in the air he takes a vital part in the scene. Perhaps this is an early version of the Phineus story, but the vase is far too fragmentary for any certain conclusion to be drawn.

^{page 167 note 4} With the possible exception of a lead figurine, A.O. fig. 122 h.

^{page 167 note 5} Der Seelenvogel 14–16.

^{page 167 note 6} PLATE 42 b and C.V.A. Louvre i, III Dc, pl. 3, 11. See p. 159.

^{page 167 note 7} Cf. the Sicilian coins of the fifth century with Nike attending a chariot. Olympia is probable in view of the long run of Spartan successes there.

^{page 167 note 8} C.V.A. Louvre i, III Dc, pl. 3, 10, pl. 4, 3.

^{page 168 note 1} The view expressed in J.H.S. 1932, 31, that the artist's, ignorance led him to draw a one-headed lion instead of a three-headed dog, appears rather uncharitable.

^{page 168 note 2} Aelian, N.A. vii 48; Callimachus Ep. 48; Polemo fr. 71; Pliny viii 58. Cf. Pesce, Boll. d'Arte 1935, 233.Google Scholar

^{page 168 note 3} In view of the close relations between the two places (see p. 179).

^{page 168 note 4} Apollod, i, 9, 14; Hyginus frs. 50, 51; Schol, on Eurip. Alkestis 254, where Apollo is said to have done the work for Admetos.

^{page 168 note 5} Paus, iii 18, 16.

^{page 168 note 6} In B.M. Vases ii 49. In J.H.S. 1932, 30 this view is dismissed in favour of one more far-fetched, namely that the figure represents Diomedes.

^{page 168 note 7} Compare NC. pl. 51, 3; pl. 53, 7 and R.A. 1928, 61, fig. 8 (Attic).

^{page 169 note 1} The same formula for the eye is found on the kylix C.V.A. Rhodes i, III D pl. I, and can be traced back through Middle and Early Corinthian to Assyria (NC. 68, fig. 14 A).

^{page 169 note 2} PLATE 38 a and Morin-Jean fig. 128, 9.

^{page 169 note 3} PLATE 38 a, f.

^{page 169 note 4} A.O. fig. 50 b (late seventh century), and charging heraldic boars on the spouted pot from Samos, p. 136. The boar hunt is a popular subject with the Hunt Painter (p. 157).

^{page 169 note 5} A.O. fig. 50 b and on the kylix C.V.A. Louvre i, III De, pl. 3, 7.

^{page 169 note 6} The East-Greek type, with simple, knobbed horns, is found on one seventh-century fragment, PLATE 26 a.

^{page 169 note 7} PLATE 36, f, g. Fragments in Samos from a krater of similar style have a frieze of horses walking with bent knees.

^{page 169 note 8} NC. 72.

^{page 169 note 9} PLATE 45 b, C.V.A. Louvre i, III D, pl. 3, 4.

^{page 169 note 10} Lakonian IV; for other Peloponnesian examples see NC. 74.

^{page 169 note 11} Keller, Antike Tierwelt i 222.Google Scholar See PLATE 35 a, b.

^{page 169 note 12} PLATE 35 b, indicated by the shaggy coat.

^{page 169 note 13} One shewn on PLATE 41 e; compare the East Greek monkey, Maximova Les vases plastiques p. 115 and pl. xiv 57.

^{page 169 note 14} On the Arkesilas kylix and A.O. fig. 74.

^{page 170 note 1} On the vase in Samos mentioned on p. 136.

^{page 170 note 2} But on A.Z. 1881 pl. 12 3 and our PLATE 37 b a. flying eagle; on PLATE 39 b a heron; on C.V.A. Rhodes i, III D, pl. 1 and A.O. fig. 47 o, an owl; on the Arkesilas kylix a stork or marabu. PLATE 37 c is a plastic vase in the form of the Mediterranean partridge which occurs on ‘Fikellura’ and ‘Pontie’ vases.

^{page 170 note 3} PLATE 45 b, A.O. fig. 59 h, m.

^{page 170 note 4} Compare NC. fig. 20; pl. 17, 4; pl. 36, 12.

^{page 170 note 5} There is evidently no development corresponding to that found in Corinthian (NC. figs. 20, 21). The earliest example (A.O. fig. 47 ƒ) is in essentials the same bird as all the later ones.

^{page 170 note 6} Attic examples: Thiersch Tyrrhenische Vasen 106 fig. 16, Morin-Jean 163 fig. 190; ‘kleinmeiste’ cups, Morin-Jean fig. 209, ‘Droop cups’ J.H.S. 1932 pl. II, 21, 24. The superb bronze cock from the Athenian Akropolis (Zervos L'Art en Grèce fig. 235) is probably local work. East-Greek: Olympia iii 23, fig. 21 (Byzantine Treasury), compare with Morin-Jean fig. 124 (Louvre dinos); Brit. Mus. Sculpture 139, fig. 183 (Xanthos frieze). Islands; Jacobsthal Melische Reliejs pl. 67.

^{page 170 note 7} Olympia iii 20–23, iv pl. 4, 4.

^{page 171 note 1} Conze Melische Thongefässe pl. iii.

^{page 171 note 2} See p. 126.

^{page 171 note 3} Buschor Greek Vase-Painting fig. 59.

^{page 171 note 4} NC. fig. 23 A–C.

^{page 171 note 5} This may have stood up from the rim of a vase, but there are no traces of slip or painting to support the suggestion. Note the horns.

^{page 171 note 6} A.O. figs. 59 t, u; 60 u; 72 u, cc; B.S.A. xxviii 67 fig. 11 a.

^{page 171 note 7} NC. p. 84.

^{page 171 note 8} See p. 146. In this particular gorgoneion, a late-looking feature is the treatment of the snakes in the hair—stylised almost beyond recognition.

^{page 172 note 1} Probably the face would be upside-down in the photograph, the pointed thing with saw-like teeth representing the lower part of the beard.

^{page 172 note 2} A.O. 211–12.

^{page 172 note 3} Cf. Furtwängler in Roscher's Lexikon for Ionic gorgons; NC. 86 for the suggestion that the snakes were first introduced by Corinthian artists.

^{page 172 note 4} In the seventh century sphinxes do not occur on vases, with the possible exception of PLATE 28 d, but they are common in other materials and adopt a considerable variety of poses (cf. A.O. pls. CLXXIV, CLXXXVII for specimens in lead). A polos was usually worn, and is still seen on the sixth-century bronze in B.S.A. xxviii pl. xi 8, but sphinxes on vase-paintings have their heads bare or decorated with a sprouting ‘anthemion.’ Examples: AO. pl. VIII, our PLATES 44, 45 a—the monotonous seated pose is never varied.

^{page 172 note 5} PLATE 42 b, FIG. 17. A.O. figs. 61 A, 62 A. The first is the only one with hands.

^{page 172 note 6} On the Louvre deinos, PLATE 42 a and C.V.A. Louvre i, III De, pls. 7, 8. Both types, with human, and with equine forelegs are shewn.

^{page 172 note 7} On the kylix fragment PLATE 38 g. The creature may have a double snake tail, like the figures on Corinthian and Chalkidian vases (NC. 77), but it looks as if two snakes are branching sideways from the belt of an ordinary human male figure. In that case the interpretation is indeed difficult.

^{page 172 note 8} Heidelberg, kylix, J.d.I. 1901, 193.Google Scholar

^{page 172 note 9} A.O. fig. 64 A, B.

^{page 172 note 10} PLATE 38 a; B.S.A. xxviii pl. vii; C.V.A. Louvre i, III Dc, pl. 5, etc.

^{page 172 note 11} PLATE 29, with a long, hairy neck.

^{page 172 note 12} PLATE 41 c; A.A. 1923–4, 80, figs. 18, 19.

^{page 172 note 13} A.O. fig. 41 e.

^{page 173 note 1} PLATE 43.

^{page 173 note 2} Fairbanks Catalogue pl. lxi.

^{page 174 note 1} A.J.A. 1922 pl. iv.

^{page 174 note 2} PLATE 25 d and A.O. fig. 42 A, C.

^{page 174 note 3} Examples from above the sand at Orthia, A.O. fig. 65.

^{page 175 note 1} A lotus bud sometimes takes the place of a handle-palmette, cf. A.O. pl. X (second quarter of the sixth century).

^{page 176 note 1} NC. 145.

^{page 176 note 2} NC. 153.

^{page 176 note 3} Cf. A.O. fig. 64 A.

^{page 176 note 4} C.V.A. Louvre i, III Dc, pl. 5 and pl. b, 2 (krater).

^{page 176 note 5} A.O. fig. 61 is an example of what could happen to a simple lotus and palmette if they did.

^{page 176 note 6} NC. 149 fig. 55.

^{page 176 note 7} NC. pl. 52, 1.

^{page 177 note 1} Brussels cup, Richter Ancient Furniture fig. 181.

^{page 177 note 2} A.Z. 1881 pl. 13, 2.

^{page 177 note 3} Louvre E 667, by the Naukratis Painter (p. 139). The restored centre is probably correct in detail.

^{page 177 note 4} But stalk-rosette on PLATE 27 c (Lak. I); swastikas on A.O. fig. 50 B; lozenge, PLATE 27 j; spiral and swastika, PLATE 29.

^{page 177 note 5} Like NC. 309, with warriors.

^{page 177 note 6} This cannot represent a cup, as Rumpf suggests (A.A. 1924, 86); if it were, there would be handles as on Louvre E 667 (our PLATE 42 b). And often a cup would, in the context, be quite inappropriate.

^{page 177 note 7} Probably not Kadmos, but Achilles (see p. 164).

^{page 178 note 1} Some late Geometric fragments, like our PLATE 21 b, and one fragment, recently found at Episkopi, of a Lakonian III kylix.

^{page 178 note 2} Ἐφημ. 1910, 293–5.

^{page 178 note 3} Olympia iv 202, and the Berlin cup from Atalanti.

^{page 178 note 4} Argive Heraeum ii pls. lx 16, lxii 3–6; pp. 173–4; our PLATE 26 e. I could not find anything like 50 fragments in the store-rooms at Athens; most of the sherds are from late Lakonian III kylikes of poor quality.

^{page 178 note 5} J.H.S. 1908, 178 fig. 3.

^{page 178 note 6} Brit. Mus. B 3 (PLATE 46 a).

^{page 178 note 7} Furtwängler Aegina 457 no. 246, and fragments from column-kraters in the museum.

^{page 178 note 8} Graef Akropolisvasen no. 468. The siren cup (FIG. 17) is thought to have come from Attica.

^{page 178 note 9} Chimaera, Heidelberg, J.d.I. 1901, 193Google Scholar; a sherd from Haliartos, , B.S.A. xxxii 192Google Scholar, and aryballoi from Rhitsona, e.g., p. 153.

^{page 178 note 10} Fouilles de Delphes v, 145–6 fig. 601.

^{page 178 note 11} Aryballoi, , Délos x nos. 584–8Google Scholar (there called Attic); sherds, , Délos xvii, pl. xiii, 1–3.Google Scholar

^{page 178 note 12} A small ivory at Candia, from Tylissos, is very like A.O. pl. CXXIII 1 and may be Lakonian. There is a corresponding dearth of certainly Cretan objects from Lakonia; I have already given my reasons for supposing that the pyxis, B.S.A. xxviii pl. VI is local (p. 119).

^{page 179 note 1} The hoplite is illustrated in J.H.S. 1933, 289, fig. 15. Compare Zervos L'Art en Gràce fig. 218. The lion is mentioned in A.A. 1926, 436. It is possible that a third bronze, the mirror-support in Buschor Altsamische Standbilder pls. 115–117, is also Lakonian (Kunze, A.M. 1934, 99Google Scholar; Jenkins, B.S.A. xxxiii 77).Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 2} Her. iii 44 ff.

^{page 179 note 3} Her. iii 47. One frivolous: that the Samians had confiscated a brazen bowl on its way from Sparta to Croesus. The other romantic, and based on a questionable legend: that Samos had sent help to Sparta in the Messenian War and Sparta was still grateful.

^{page 180 note 1} NC, 303.

^{page 180 note 2} See p. 130.

^{page 180 note 3} Shape like the Taranto fish-cups (PLATE 31e), decoration like the cup from Papatislures grave II, Cl. Rh. vi.

^{page 180 note 4} It should be remembered that in Clara Rhodos the Attic ‘Droop cups’ are often called Lakonian or Kyrenaic.

^{page 180 note 5} Lip fragments from two cups. The decoration is unusual, but the fabric is evidently Lakonian.

^{page 180 note 6} Cf. Beazley, Metr. Mus. Stud, v 102 n. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 181 note 1} And is therefore useless for dating the Lakonian series. See A.O. 109 and here p. 32 no. P 17 and PLATE 17 d.

^{page 181 note 2} See R.A. 1912, ii, 91 no. 111, for the third, not illustrated here.

^{page 181 note 3} Quagliati R. Museo Nazionale di Taranto 51 illustrates three Corinthian vases from this grave. See NC. 308 nos. 937–40.

^{page 181 note 4} See NC. 314.

^{page 181 note 5} See NC. 304 nos. 821 ff.

^{page 181 note 6} Cups as NC. 311 nos. 975 ff.; ring-vase as NC. 313 nos. 1057 ff.; tripod pyxis, NC. 308 nos. 921 ff.; globular pyxis, NC. 307 nos. 895 ff.

^{page 181 note 7} Aryballos, see NC. 304 no. 834.

^{page 181 note 8} Mr. T. J. Dunbabin has kindly drawn my attention to a new kylix recently found at Taranto in a tomb-group, the contents of which are not yet published. The kylix is of ‘Droop-cup’ shape and is decorated with a goat closely resembling that on the Munich cup Sieveking-Hackl pl. 13, 385.

^{page 182 note 1} Rumpf Chalk. Vas. 44, refers to Lakonian fragments; there may be more than I saw in my very short visit.

^{page 182 note 2} Vulci; the Brit. Mus. hydria B; 58 (see p. 146), and probably the Arkesilas cup, which was bought there.

^{page 182 note 3} Camino (if this is in Etruria); see J.d.I. 1924, 31, note 3, Rider cup in Leningrad.

^{page 182 note 4} See p. 135.

^{page 182 note 5} Orbetello; see A.Z. 1881, 217 note 7. Not a Lakonian vase; cf. Kretschmer, Griechische Vaseninschriften 15.

^{page 182 note 6} Vasseur, , Annales du musée d'histoire naturelle de Marseille xiii, 1914, pl. xi.Google Scholar

^{page 183 note 1} R.A. 1912, ii, 98 ff.

^{page 183 note 2} A.O. 52–4.

^{page 183 note 3} Perrot and Chipiez ix 513.

^{page 183 note 4} Those from the Greek mainland, from Taranto, and from Italy.

^{page 183 note 5} The Arkesilas cup, the Taranto cup F.R. iii p. 212, fig. 4; the alleged representation of Kyrene on the British Museum cup from Naukratis is less certain (see p. 165).

^{page 183 note 6} Dugas' parallel of the modern practice in the Cyclades, where the potters of Siphnos go from one island to another taking their raw clay with them, is not a happy one. The islands are separate from each other only a few hours' voyage, whereas the distance from Gytheion to Kyrene is well over 300 miles, much of it open sea. Surely it would be cheaper and more convenient for customers to place their orders with the supercargo of the ship visiting Kyrene, and for the potter to make the vases at home in Sparta? In any case, if a Lakonian potter working in Lakonian style and using Lakonian clay makes a vase at Kyrene, the vase will be Lakonian and not Kyrenaic.

^{page 183 note 7} See p. 161.

^{page 184 note 1} See p. 153.

^{page 184 note 2} On Dugas' line of argument, we might assert that the. Lakonian vases found in Etruria were made at Taranto instead of being merely distributed from there.

^{page 184 note 3} Cf. p. 179 n. 1 above.

^{page 185 note 1} Clay was sometimes imported from Attica into East Greece, for making luxury vases like A.M. 1929, Beil. xix 1–3 (cf. A.M. 1934, 122); but Lakonian clay was of comparatively inferior quality, and Kyrene might have supplied herself better from Crete, which was nearer and where the clay was superior.

^{page 185 note 2} Boehlau Nekropolen pl. vi 1. Other unpublished examples at Vathy.

^{page 185 note 3} See pp. 110, 117 and PLATE 28 b, c, e.

^{page 185 note 4} Boehlau Nekropolen pl. x, 7.

^{page 185 note 5} P. 130 nos. 4, 8.

^{page 185 note 6} Published since this was written in A.M. 1934, 97 Beil. vii 5.

^{page 185 note 7} Compare the winged daemons on the Louvre banquet kylix, PLATE 42 b.

^{page 186 note 1} P. 130 nos. 6–9, 13.

^{page 186 note 2} C.V.A. Oxford ii, II D, pl. 5, 33; R.A. 1907, i, pl. III and p. 407 fig. 19.

^{page 186 note 3} To be published in the next volume of the Annual. See meanwhile, J.H.S. 1934, 196.Google Scholar

^{page 186 note 4} In Via d'Aquino, 1910. Ht. ca. 14 cm.

^{page 186 note 5} See N.Sc. 1924, 101.

^{page 187 note 1} Poulsen Etruscan Tomb-Paintings 9, and plate facing p. 7.

^{page 187 note 2} Examples: Ducati Pontische Vasen pl. xvi b; Munich 1006 (Sieveking-Hackl pl. 44); Brit. Mus. B. 54; unpublished krateriskoi in the Louvre.

^{page 187 note 3} A.M. 1920 pl. v 3.

^{page 187 note 4} Boston 551, Fairbanks Catalogue pl. lxi. I am deeply obliged to Dr. L. D. Caskey for the photograph here reproduced, and for sending me notes on the vase.

^{page 187 note 5} These details of shape are regular on Attic black-figure hydriai of the third quarter of the sixth century.

^{page 187 note 6} Though the slip on the lip alone occurs on the Attic hydria Brit. Mus. B. 316, by the Antimenes Painter.

^{page 187 note 7} Berlin 1885, Führer pl. 20. Foot lost and replaced by that of a low Attic b.f. eyekylix (see Furtwängler in the Vase-Catalogue of 1886). Most of the decoration on the lower part of the vase and of the group on B.C.H. 1893, 434 had disappeared through damp, and was repainted by a cunning restorer; but all of the group on Führer pl. 20 is original, except the hind-quarters of the bull and the right-hand lion's feet, and our PLATE 49 a was taken after the vase had been cleaned. I have to thank Dr. Robert Zahn for assistance in studying this vase.

^{page 188 note 1} Berlin 1885 is covered with a thick orange slip, which, of course, never occurs in Lakonian pottery.

^{page 188 note 2} Storia iii 172 pl. 98.

^{page 188 note 3} Examples: Monteleone Chariot (Richter Catalogue oj Bronzes in the Metropolitan Museum 22); Brit. Mus. Catalogue of Silver Plate pl. I; Petersen, R.M. 1894, 312 fig. 18Google Scholar, and no. 61. The group was of eastern origin and perhaps reached Etruria in the form of Island gems (Furtwängler Gemmen pls. VI, 44, 51, 52; VII, 18, 25); it is also a favourite with the ‘Chalkidian’ potters—Rumpf Chalkidische Vasen pls. CXXIII–V, CCX, CCXIV. The question whether the ‘Chalkidian’ vases were made in Etruria is treated by H. R. W. Smith, The Origin of Chalcidian Ware, 1932, and Kraiker, Gnomon 1934, 241.Google Scholar The lion and bull group is found on Protocorinthian (Payne Protokorinthische Vasen pl. 26, 1) in the seventh century, and on Attic monuments early in the sixth (Buschor, A.M. 1922, 92 ff.)Google Scholar, but the Attic type of lion is noticeably different from that here under consideration.

^{page 188 note 4} The folded ear and pointed forelock or side-whisker is first found on Assyrian lions (NC. 68 fig. 14 A). It reappears in the small seated lions of limestone made in Cyprus and thence exported to Naukratis, and Rhodes, (Fouilles de Lindos ii pl. 77)Google Scholar; these in turn are related to a group of bronze lions, of probable Etruscan origin, like that illustrated in Babelon Catalogue des Bronze Antiques, Bibliothèque Nationale 469 no. 1110 (another in Brit. Mus. no. 1752). In Etruria this type was susceptible to elaborate developments like Ducati Storia dell' Arte Etrusco pl. 107. A small, walking lion from the Athenian Akropolis (PLATE 49 d; de Ridder p. 172 no. 475) is certainly East-Greek; it should be compared with the seated lions and with that from a Clazomenian sarcophagus in Athens (PLATE 49b). It is clear that the enormous shoulders, the domed foreheads and the dragging hind-feet of PLATE 49 a, c are nearer to these East-Greek lions than to any found on Lakonian vases; moreover, the saw-edged mane and the tufts of hair over the base of the tail are paralleled by lions on the Caeretan hydriai, which must have been made in Etruria (Berlin Führer pl. 18, and Morin-Jean fig. 105). Nor should the relationship with Ducati Pontische Vasen pl. 2 be overlooked.