English language learning and teaching in China, Japan, Korea, and Thailand has continuously been criticized for being Inner Circle norm-dependent (Huttayavilaiphan Reference Huttayavilaiphan2021; Jenks and Lee Reference Jenks and Lee2020; Samuell Reference Samuell2024). It is often assumed that Expanding Circle learners’ goal is to acquire an Inner Circle variety of English and its associated culture (Kachru Reference Kachru1985). This Expanding Circle learners’ belief about the ideal English variety is reflected in the hiring practice of the English language teaching (ELT) industry, where teachers from Inner Circle countries are considered ideal teachers. It is also found that Expanding Circle learners have a commonly shared assumption that the best way to acquire English skills is to live in an Inner Circle country and have an immersive experience in the target language environment (Park and Bae 2009; Takahashi Reference Takahashi2013). However, studies have recently come to show that Asian Outer Circle has been establishing a role in providing English education to Expanding Circle learners. Moreover, the contact zone of Expanding Circle learners and Outer Circle teachers is not limited to the geographical boundary of Outer Circle countries. Some teachers migrate to Expanding Circle countries and teach English there. The teacher population in this context is not limited to Outer Circle, but it is also becoming common for teachers from Expanding Circle to live in another Expanding Circle country to teach English. Furthermore, human interaction is not restricted to offline space. Online English tutoring services provided by Outer Circle teachers targeting Expanding Circle learners have recently gained momentum, allowing both teachers and students to stay in their respective locations. To sum up, both Expanding Circle learners and Outer and non-local Expanding Circle teachers cross borders either physically or virtually to learn or teach English.
This trend looks like a sign of positive progress in the ELT industry in the Eastern part of Asia, where the monopoly of the job market by Western L1-English-speaking teachers has continuously been criticized. Rose and Galloway (2019) argue that ideal teachers should be the ones who are qualified and competent in teaching English regardless of speaker status (i.e., being a ‘native’ or ‘non-native’ speaker of English) or ethnic background. They further argue the threefold benefit of hiring L2-English-speaking teachers of different L1s: (a) they can show multilingual repertoire, (b) they can provide an authentic English as a contact language setting, and (c) hiring this teacher population can result in rectifying unfair hiring practices based on native-speakerism (Holliday Reference Holliday2006). Conceptually, researchers have identified the legitimacy and benefit of recruiting L2-English-speaking teachers who have a different L1 and cultural background from that of their students, but their actual teaching experiences have only begun to be explored by researchers. There is abundant literature exploring teachers through the lens of LETs (local English teachers), NESTs (native English-speaking teachers), and NNESTs (non-native English-speaking teachers) (Copland et al. Reference Copland, Garton and Mann2016; Selvi et al. Reference Selvi, Yazan and Mahboob2024), but those who do not fit and/or identify themselves in either of the categories have been marginalized in the research field.
This gap in research is problematic because those teachers are too often taken advantage of for their unique linguistic backgrounds. For example, Panaligan and Curran (Reference Panaligan and Curran2022) examined how online tutoring ‘platforms seek to capitalize on their Filipino teachers’ proximity to nativeness, while also denying them the salaries that native teachers command’ (p. 260). They are habitually treated as native speakers when it suits their employers’ interests while being stripped of native-speaker privileges. Given the present-day reality of ELT, where teachers are differently valued depending on their speaker status, race, gender, and socioeconomic status, it is necessary to explore the experiences of this unique teacher population in its own right.
To address this need, this paper aims to review the studies that specifically explored the experiences of teachers from Outer Circle and Expanding Circle who speak English as one of their multilingual repertoires and do not share the same L1 with their students. Following Galloway (Reference Galloway2014), I use the term ‘multilingual English teacher’ (MET) to refer to this teacher population.Footnote 1 Although the original definition of MET by Kirkpatrick (Reference Kirkpatrick2011) is more inclusive and refers to any multilingual English teachers who embody English as a contact language setting, I use the term MET narrowly to specifically refer to L2-English-speaking teachers with different L1 s in this paper. By using MET, I intend to avoid the unnecessary creation of new terminology and redundancy in the discussion. The NEST (Native English-speaking teacher)-NNEST (Non-native English-speaking teacher) categorization itself is not the framework this review is based on, but this lens was commonly used in most of the studies reviewed. In this case, I follow the terminology used in the study for summarizing the research findings.Footnote 2
There are three major contact zones for METs and English learners in the Eastern part of Asia: (a) study abroad in Asian Outer Circle, (b) EFL classrooms, and (c) digital space. There are some distinctive characteristics pertaining to different contact zones. In this paper, I first briefly review the previous studies by each zone. Then, I synthesize the research findings with a focus on how the environment influences METs’ experiences from the lens of intersectionality and discuss the problematic nature of treating METs as pseudo-native speakers from a pedagogical perspective.
Study abroad in Asian Outer Circle
Study abroad in Outer Circle countries in Asia for the purpose of learning English is becoming more and more popular among English learners. The most common pattern is that students from economically advanced East Asian countries (e.g., Korea and Japan) sojourn in English-speaking Southeast Asian countries (e.g., Singapore and the Philippines), which are also called ASEAN Outer Circle (Percillier Reference Percillier and Moody2024). Early studies identified the popularity of Singapore as a study-abroad destination, where students attended local schools or language schools with diverse student populations (Kobayashi Reference Kobayashi2011; Park and Bae 2009).
More recent studies have observed the mushrooming of English language schools in the Philippines. Jang (Reference Jang2018) identified the following features as major differences between English study in the Philippines and traditional study abroad experience in Inner Circle countries: (a) the length of stay is shorter, (b) students study at a wellfacilitated boarding school instead of staying with a host family, (c) the curriculum is intensified, and (d) the format of instruction is private one-on-one tutoring. These structural features reflect the students’ particular motives for studying English in the Philippines. The students are driven by instrumental motivation and their focus is more on developing English skills through intensive schooling rather than having an immersive and integrative cultural experience in a host country (Choe and Son Reference Choe and Son2018; Jang Reference Jang2018; Kobayashi Reference Kobayashi2018). Moreover, although there are some English language schools in the Philippines where students’ countries of origin are diverse (Litman Reference Litman2022; Seo Reference Seo2023), it is a common practice for language schools to exclusively enroll students from a particular country (i.e., Korean or Japanese) and tailor the curriculum and the living environment to meet the demand of the group (Choe Reference Choe2016; Choe and Son Reference Choe and Son2018; Jang Reference Jang2018; Morikawa and Parba Reference Morikawa and Parba2023).
Choe (Reference Choe2016) interviewed Filipino teachers teaching English exclusively to Korean students in Manila to explore their teacher identity construction. The participants expressed added advantages (e.g., having a ‘neutral’ accent, which is different from the local Filipino variety and easier for students to understand than American-accented variety, understanding students’ language learning struggles) and disadvantages (e.g., lack of knowledge of American culture, lack of professional training) for teaching Korean students. The teachers recognized the Korean students’ motives for studying English in the Philippines and positively viewed the Philippines’ role ‘as a bridging country between Korea and the Inner Circle’ (Choe Reference Choe2016, 9). Some teachers mentioned that learning English from Filipino teachers is beneficial to the students, but they also addressed that a target model for Korean students should be an American variety of English because of its perceived widespread usage. Choe (Reference Choe2016) argues that Filipino teachers’ perspective toward standard English was influenced by the Korean students’ desire to acquire Inner Circle English and that this signifies ‘not only the Inner Circle but also the Expanding Circle can be part of the English dissemination’ (10). In other words, Korean learners’ idealization of the ‘native-speaking’ variety affected Filipino teachers’ views toward standard English. This resulted in further dissemination of native-speakerism ideology by Filipino teachers that teach American English to Korean students.
Studying English in Asian Outer Circle is neither a purpose by itself nor a sign of appreciation for the local variety of English (Choe Reference Choe2016; Jang Reference Jang2018; Park and Bae 2009). Service providers recognized and institutionalized the learners’ strong affinity for acquiring Western ‘native-speaking’ English varieties. For example, only Western-looking teachers were hired at some language schools in Singapore (Kobayashi Reference Kobayashi2011), and many schools in the Philippines offered curricula that targeted specific learner groups and trained to meet their needs, including the desire to acquire American variety of English (Choe Reference Choe2016; Choe and Son Reference Choe and Son2018; Jang Reference Jang2018). The learners’ expectations directly influenced MET teachers’ experiences and perceptions of their own variety.
METs in EFL Classrooms in Asia
METs in EFL classrooms refer to the teacher population living in an Asian EFL country that teach English to local students who share the same linguistic background with their peers. An excessive desire to acquire a ‘native-speaking’ variety has continued to be problematized in ELT in the Eastern part of Asia (Huttayavilaiphan Reference Huttayavilaiphan2021; Jenks and Lee Reference Jenks and Lee2020; Samuell Reference Samuell2024). The native-speakerism ideology prevailing in this region is also reflected in governmental educational policies. China and Korea issue English-teaching professional visas only to citizens from certain countries, such as the US, UK, or Australia, which are designated as ‘native-English speaking’ countries (Litman Reference Litman2022; Seo Reference Seo2023). As the visa restrictions show, the macro governmental educational policy directly influences MET's professional experiences. Therefore, rather than grouping METs teaching in different countries together, the unique social conditions METs face in each region need to be considered. Korea, Japan, and Thailand are the countries where some literatures are available. In the following sections, I review studies from those countries, followed by a discussion on the salient themes that emerge for METs working in these countries.
Korea
E2 visa, a type of work visa issued for foreign English teachers, is limited to citizens of seven English-speaking nations designated by the Korean government.Footnote 3 Visa restrictions and feeling illegitimate as an English teacher are common themes observed among the studies on pre- and in-service MET experiences in Korea. Kudaibergenov and Lee (Reference Kudaibergenov and Lee2022) explored the experiences of three pre-service METs in a TESOL program at a Korean graduate school. They were Korean government-sponsored international students from Nicaragua, Turkmenistan, and Afghanistan. Despite their investment in studying TESOL and expertise, the participants questioned their legitimacy as English teachers in Korea due to being structurally denied their teaching qualifications. The findings resonate with Seo's (Reference Seo2023) study that explored a Ugandan teacher's experience. At the time of the study, she resided in Korea as a refugee, holding a humanitarian stay permit. She acquired an MA in TESOL from a Korean university to leverage her marketability in the country as an ELT professional. However, despite the diploma and her recognition of English as her ‘second mother tongue’ (Seo Reference Seo2023, 11), her E2 visa application was repeatedly rejected. The participant regarded her origin and racial background (not from an E2 visa country and being a black woman) as hindering her from gaining access to English teaching jobs in Korean society. Race, or more specifically whiteness, was also a key factor recognized by the participant of Kudaibergenov's (Reference Kudaibergenov2023) study, who was teaching English in Korea by circumventing legal constraints. The participant was a Caucasian German who married a Korean woman and taught English using a spouse visa. Teaching English with a spouse visa is illegal in Korea, but the school exploited the legal loophole to hire him. The participant reflected that his being white added an advantage to easily finding an English teaching job; at the same time, being a ‘nonnative’ speaker made him experience unequal employment treatment and unnecessary identity tensions, such as being told by the school to fake his nationality to Australia.
Japan
Research on METs in Japan has been conducted in two teaching contexts: public schools and commercial English conversation schools. Balgoa (Reference Balgoa2019) explored Filipino ALTs’ (assistant language teachers) experiences in Japanese public schools by focusing on their life trajectory, the challenges of teaching English as NNESTs, and their views toward English education in Japan. All 18 participants initially migrated to Japan for a purpose other than teaching English and later became ALTs, motivated by economic reasons. Their self-identification as an NNEST was reinforced by comparing themselves with NEST colleagues. They even experienced accent-based discrimination by their local Japanese co-teachers and/or NEST colleagues. The participants shared a common belief in working diligently and earning the trust of local teachers to resist native-speakerism and regarded teaching English as a respected job that brings upward social mobility in Japan, where expertise in English is recognized as a symbolic capital associated with a high social status (Balgoa, Reference Balgoa2019, Reference Balgoa and Hiratsuka2023).
Galloway (Reference Galloway2014) explored the experience of an East-European MET at a commercial English conversation school. While public schools are part of compulsory education, commercial English conversation schools are operated by profit-based businesses, and learners have various motivations for engaging in English learning (Kubota, Reference Kubota2011). Similar to the findings of Kudaibergenov (Reference Kudaibergenov2023), while being a white European increased her marketability as an English teacher, her background as an L2-English speaker was marginalized by the school, and her supervisor told her to fake her identity to American in front of the students. Even though she recognized her multilingual background as a strength, as she could embody herself as a multilingual English speaker in global communication to Japanese students, she was not able to capitalize on it. Being marginalized and forced to adopt a fake identity as an American, she became apathetic toward English education in Japan and kept a psychological distance from it.
Thailand
Thailand is a member of ASEAN, where English is officially an ASEAN working language (Lee et al. Reference Lee, Obaidul Hamid and Hardy2023). It is also the country's political aspiration to improve English education to increase its international competitiveness. Against this background, Thailand welcomes migrant English teachers, and the most common country of origin is the Philippines (Ulla Reference Ulla2018). Ulla (Reference Ulla2021) conducted a mass survey and individual interviews with Filipino teachers in secondary schools in Bangkok. While their experiences were generally positive, they felt they were treated differently from NESTs, especially with regard to financial compensation. Many Filipino teachers were satisfied with the working environment, including higher salaries compared to teaching in the Philippines, support from local colleagues, and the respect they received from the students. An earlier study conducted in the college education context also identified perceived students’ respect as one factor leading to Filipino teachers’ satisfaction with their careers (Ulla, Reference Ulla2018). As a major challenge, Filipino teachers mentioned a lack of opportunities for professional development. Because the teachers acquired English in an ESL environment and their learning experience was different from their students, they felt the necessity to acquire teaching skills to understand the needs of EFL students.
While Ulla's (Reference Ulla2018, Reference Ulla2021) focus was on Filipino teachers’ experiences in the classroom, Comprendio and Savski (Reference Comprendio and Savski2020) explored how METs were perceived by their students, parents, local teachers, and school administrators. The study identified how METs, especially Filipino teachers, were viewed differently from white NESTs. From Occidentalism and Orientalism perspectives, Comprendio and Savski (Reference Comprendio and Savski2020) discussed how participants associated white NESTs as the embodiment of the ideal target language and culture, while regarding Filipino teachers as approachable learner models from the same cultural community. The differences in perception were reflected in unequal treatment among METs, such as perceived inability to teach ‘proper’ English accents and preference for hiring NESTs. Later interview studies with METs also identified how job discrimination based on racial background was perceived by the participants (Savski and Comprendio Reference Savski and Comprendio2024; Copland, Garton, and Mann Reference Copland, Garton and Mann2016).
Salient themes across the countries
Three themes particularly become salient in this contact zone. First, as teachers are foreign residents and not mainstream citizens, their immigration status, including the kind of entry visa and their marital status, affects their life in the host country and their professional experience. Furthermore, even when there is no work visa restriction based on the country of origin, this does not mean METs have an equal chance of getting a job as Inner Circle teachers. For example, English language schools in Japan and Thailand prefer to sponsor a work visa for Inner Circle English speakers and racially white teachers (Galloway Reference Galloway2014; Savski Reference Savski2021). Second, race, or more specifically whiteness, intersects with the local stakeholders’ perception toward METs. Savski and Comprendio (Reference Savski and Comprendio2024) point out ‘the construction of a ‘hierarchy of Others’, through which ‘white Others’, while consistently treated as outsides[sic], are placed in a position of privilege over ‘Others with colour’ on the basis of their value on the local symbolic market’ (p. 7, quotes in original). It is not just speaker status but also whiteness that matters to be qualified as a competent teacher.
Lastly, partially related to the first point, the historical and political relation between the host and home countries influences METs’ perception of their professional experience. Filipino teachers make up the majority of METs in both Japan and Thailand. Filipino teachers in Japan recognized that teaching English was a way to uplift their social status and the image of the Philippines among Japanese people. On the other hand, Filipino teachers in Thailand did not show such motives. Thailand is recognized as a destination in the ASEAN network, where they can find a better-paying teaching job. Filipino teachers in Japan and Thailand have different views towards what their act of teaching English to local students means in relation to macro social and historical settings.
METs in digital space
Due to the worldwide increased accessibility of telecommunications technology, online English conversation tutoring services have become a common option for learning English among EFL learners, and popularity for this surged during the COVID pandemic (Litman Reference Litman2022; Morikawa and Parba Reference Morikawa and Parba2022; Tajima Reference Tajima2022). The change in modality from offline to online directly affects the eligibility to be a tutor. Work visa applications for English language professionals are limited to the citizens of certain countries in China and Korea (Litman Reference Litman2022; Seo Reference Seo2023). However, because the legal impediment does not apply to online employment, many Filipinos are hired as tutors by Chinese online English tutoring service providers (Litman Reference Litman2022). In contrast to traditional offline schools, where students are required to physically attend classes, online English lessons provide learners with greater convenience, flexibility, and high affordability. Although a few providers hire teachers from various countries, including teachers from Inner Circle and local teachers (i.e., those who speak the same L1 as their students) (Martinez Reference Martinez2022; Morikawa and Parba Reference Morikawa and Parba2022), female Filipino teachers dominate the industry (Panaligan and Curran Reference Panaligan and Curran2022). The disparity in teacher demographics reflects the neoliberal economies, where the commodification of English is structurally promoted to allow the nationals of wealthy states to exploit the human resources of economically disadvantaged parts of the world (Litman Reference Litman2022; Panaligan and Curran Reference Panaligan and Curran2022; Tajima Reference Tajima2018).
Analysis of web advertisements is a common method to explore how METs are conceptualized in online tutoring services. Martinez (Reference Martinez2022), Morikawa and Parba (Reference Morikawa and Parba2022), and Tajima (Reference Tajima2022) analyzed how the discourse of Filipino teachers as legitimate English language professionals was constructed in the advertisements. In the studies, the researchers found service providers stressed the ‘high quality of English’ they provided by emphasizing the proximity of Filipino variety of English to American English and describing the ‘quality control’ measures, such as accent reduction training for teachers and a competitive employment screening system. Rather than legitimizing the Filipino English variety itself, Filipino English was commodified as a good enough alternative for Inner Circle varieties. At the same time, the teachers’ background as L2 English users was also presented in a positive light. Non-linguistic qualities, such as Filipinos’ kind and charming personalities, were also highlighted in the promotional materials.
Using an online ethnography as a method, Litman (Reference Litman2022) investigated Filipino teachers’ experiences at two of China's online English tutoring companies. Filipino and North American teachers were treated differently at multiple levels within the companies. For example, Filipino teachers went through a week-long rigorous job screening process that involved multiple steps, including accent-reduction training, while their North American counterparts were exempted from such training. However, North American teachers were paid 5-11 times more than the Filipino teachers (Litman, Reference Litman2022). Corresponding to Litman's (Reference Litman2022) finding, Panaligan and Curran's (Reference Panaligan and Curran2022) interview study with Filipino online tutors found that they experienced multi-layered precarity under poor working conditions, such as strict company rules, including penalties and the monetary burden of preparing necessary technology tools and business attire to dress in accordance with the company's dress code. Proximity to American accent variety was not just considered an advantage; distance from it was punished. When a teacher received a bad evaluation from their students, they had a pay cut, or even their contract with the platform was terminated. Such a biased discourse was also reflected in the micro-interactions within the lesson. Some teachers even directly received discriminatory remarks from their students.
The studies I reviewed up to this point discovered how native-speakerism among EFL learners and the neoliberal economy are combined to force METs from economically disadvantaged countries to experience injustice in digital platforms. Kobayashi (Reference Kobayashi2023a, Reference Kobayashi2023b) explored Japanese female students’ differing perceptions of Filipino and Western English teachers. According to Kobayashi (Reference Kobayashi2023b), although the learners appreciated Filipino teachers and their skills in teaching English, they never considered Filipino teachers’ variety of English as their target model. Their target model remained ‘native English speaking’ varieties, and the appreciation of Filipino teachers was grounded in their view of Filipino teachers as a near-peer mentor rather than someone embodying a target model. Affective factors, such as an affiliative feeling of ‘Filipino teachers as “the same” Asian English learners as “us” Japanese English learners’, also influenced the positive evaluation of Filipino teachers (Kobayashi Reference Kobayashi2023b, 10).
Tajima (Reference Tajima2018) provided a different angle in exploring METs’ experiences: the learners’ desire to participate in English learning as a leisure activity rather than a practical skill development activity (Kubota Reference Kubota2011). Tajima (Reference Tajima2018) explored the portrayal of female Filipina online teachers as fetishized teachers by Japanese male learners. Drawing attention to the historical background between the Philippines and Japan, Tajima (Reference Tajima2018) contended that these romantically idealized discourses ‘emerged not solely from recent technological developments and the rise of neoliberalism, but rather from the intricate intersection of pre-existing and current economic, socio-political, cultural-political, and technological components’ (101). This heterosexual fetishization of Filipina online teachers among male Japanese learners was also identified in web advertisements (Morikawa and Parba Reference Morikawa and Parba2022).
The studies I reviewed in this section all identified that the cost of online lessons with Filipino teachers was significantly affordable, and the enhanced cost-effectiveness is the major sales pitch for the students. The increased affordability for students, which equates to the lowered salary paid to METs, is a common feature across the three contact zones. However, this theme becomes even more salient in the digital space, where the student-teacher relationship is often more characterized by that of consumers and service suppliers. EFL learners’ strong adherence to Inner Circle varieties is also observed in the digital space. The web advertisements emphasized proximity to native speaker's norms in describing Filipino teachers (Litman Reference Litman2022; Martinez Reference Martinez2022; Morikawa and Parba Reference Morikawa and Parba2022; Tajima Reference Tajima2022), and learners also evaluated the quality of lessons based on the kind of variety a teacher used in the lesson (Kobayashi Reference Kobayashi2023a; Kobayashi Reference Kobayashi2023b; Morikawa and Parba Reference Morikawa and Parba2022; Tajima Reference Tajima2022). As Martinez (Reference Martinez2022) examined the construction of a new concept, ‘half-native-English-speaking’ teachers (HNEST), by a service provider in comparison with NESTs and LETs, the comparison of METs and NESTs becomes more foregrounded than the other two zones.
Discussion
Intersectionality and influence of environment on the METs
This review of studies within the three contact zones shows that there are multiple social categories and identities that affect METs’ experiences. These include, but are not limited to, race, ethnicity, nationality, gender, sexuality, marital status, linguistic background, educational background, speaker status, occupational status, and socioeconomic status. Depending on the contact zone, some themes directly impact a MET's professional experiences more than others (Table 1). Different hierarchies of power locally operated by wider sociocultural, socioeconomic, and sociopolitical reality (i.e., native-speakerism, racism, gender inequality, neoliberalism, coloniality, and immigration policy) shape the local dynamics METs are engaged in. To gain a deeper understanding of METs’ situated experiences, it is necessary to look at language teacher identity through the lens of intersectionality with its relation to wider dimensions of power (Lawrence and Nagashima Reference Lawrence and Nagashima2020). Moreover, it is important to note that the different dimensions of power do not operate on their own. As racism and native-speakerism are closely related concepts that construct a situated reality of White supremacy in ELT (Kubota and Lin Reference Kubota and Lin2006), the ways in which different forms of power operate are interconnected.
Contact zone and salient intersecting themes
In all three zones, METs experience students’ and employers’ expectations to follow the Inner Circle English speaker norm in teaching English. However, although they are all under the same umbrella of native-speakerism, they are realized differently depending on the zone. In Asian Outer Circle study abroad programs, METs believed acquiring ‘American’ English and culture could develop their expertise and gain legitimacy as teachers. In EFL classrooms, the social relationship becomes more complex than in other zones because of the presence of local English teachers and ‘native English speaker’ colleagues, and each actor's perception of METs creates a situated reality of their professional experience. METs experienced being compared with ‘native English speaker’ colleagues and treated differently from them. Moreover, some employers expected white-looking METs to fake their country of origin as an ‘English-speaking’ country (Galloway Reference Galloway2014; Kudaibergenov Reference Kudaibergenov2023). When METs are in the digital space, the discourse of neoliberalism becomes more saliently connected with native-speakerism than in the other zones, as English teachers are directly commodified as a kind of service and proximity to a ‘native speaker’ is distilled to monetary value, and distance from it is penalized (Litman Reference Litman2022; Martinez Reference Martinez2022; Panaligan and Curran Reference Panaligan and Curran2022).
Problematic nature of treating METs as pseudo-native speakers
METs themselves, as well as their students, used the Inner Circle English speaker norm, especially in terms of accent, as a benchmark in assessing their teaching ability in all three zones. EFL learners still expected to learn an Inner Circle speaker model even when they learned English from METs. Physical and virtual human movement for the purpose of English education does not equate to appreciation or increased awareness of the diversity of English varieties and users.
Even when METs’ expertise as an ELT professional was recognized by students, as Kobayashi (Reference Kobayashi2023a) argues, they were rather treated as ‘pseudo-native speaker or honorary native speaker’ and their ability was assessed based on the ‘native’ English speaker norm (Medgyes Reference Medgyes and Braine1999, 178). Validating METs’ teaching skills by comparing them to the ‘native English speaker’ norm is problematic for three main reasons. First, not looking at METs in their own right dismisses the unique affordances they can offer to students. Second, treating METs as pseudo-native speakers is still based on the assumption that the ‘native English speaker’ model is a benchmark of English language proficiency and leads to the reproduction and reinforcement of native-speakerism. Third, as Morikawa and Parba (Reference Morikawa and Parba2022) critically pointed out how the Philippines’ colonial history was used as evidence for its legitimacy as an English-speaking country in web advertisements, this view can result in a celebration of colonialism.
Conclusion
Although Rose and Galloway (Reference Rose and Galloway2019) conceptually discussed the threefold benefit of hiring METs (i.e., presenting multilingual repertoire in front of students, creating an authentic situation where English serves as a contact language, and correcting unjust hiring practices), the review suggests that these benefits have not been translated and realized in the situated teaching practices METs are engaged in. Structurally and socially, METs are constrained from showing their unique language backgrounds in front of their students. To realize the pedagogical ideals and reify the unjust working conditions and expectations, future studies need to explore the hindrance that prevents METs from sharing their linguistic backgrounds with learners by paying close attention to how their identity intersects with the social reality of the situated local context. It is also imperative that researchers advocate the pedagogical importance of diversifying the English teacher population beyond the research community.
AYAKO HIASA (日浅彩子) has a decade-long experience teaching English as a foreign language in K-12 contexts in Japan. She holds an MA in TESOL from Sophia University. Her primary research interests include exploring Englishes in global and local contexts, transnational language teachers, and pedagogical implications of the global spread of English. Her classroom-based studies have appeared in TESOL Journal (2023) and World Englishes (2024). She is currently pursuing a doctoral degree in Applied Linguistics at Arizona State University. Email: ahiasa@asu.edu
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