Climate change and adaptation: a conceptual review

Misconceptions and presumptions about climate change as an act of God, for instance (Teye et al. Reference Teye, Yaro and Bawakyillenuo2015), in many ways, affect adaptation strategies. Golo and Yaro (Reference Golo and Yaro2013) observed that locals in some Ghanaian villages ascribe supernatural or divine causes to climate change and its ensuing effects on the ecosystem. Whether scientific or not, personal perspectives are crucial in creating socio-political policies regarding climate variability and change.

Adaptation to climate change is a function of perceptions. ‘Perceiving is a cognitive process by which humans learn and interpret their sensory impressions on the basis of their interest, historical background, knowledge, experience and attitudes to give meaning to their environment and act accordingly’ (Nguyen et al. Reference Nguyen, Seddaiu, Virdis, Tidore, Pasqui and Paolo Roggero2016: 206). Perceptions have a dual role in shaping our experiences, on the one hand, and enabling adaptation on the other. Perception can be direct or mediated by interactions and experiences. The kinds of adaptation to climate change are thus a function of perceptual learning – the long-term changes to a perceptual system that improve the ability to respond to change (Nguyen et al. Reference Nguyen, Seddaiu, Virdis, Tidore, Pasqui and Paolo Roggero2016; Adolph and Kretch Reference Adolph, Kretch and Wright2015; Gibson Reference Gibson1963). Thus, in the context of climate variability and change, people’s ability to perceive the direct environmental problems and their impacts and understand them is core to the adaptation strategies they deploy.

Perception of climate change as a cognitive process is sensory and shaped by people’s observation and processing of extreme weather events, the social, political and economic context within which their activities are embedded, and their knowledge and previous experiences (See Figure 1 below).

Figure 1.

Conceptual framework of perceiving and adapting process.

Source: Nguyen et al. (Reference Nguyen, Seddaiu, Virdis, Tidore, Pasqui and Paolo Roggero2016).

Within the context of rapid urbanisation, deforestation and increased burning of fossil fuels, more people have become aware of the effects of climate change (Bauer et al. Reference Bauer, Tsigaridis, Faluvegi, Kelley, Lo, Miller, Nazarenko, Schmidt and Wu2020; Korir Reference Korir2019). According to Slegers (Reference Slegers2008), key factors that shape perception include the perceptual environment, values, beliefs, knowledge and culture. In Ghana, studies show farmers’ perception of temperature increases causing water stress, lower crop yields, frequent and severe droughts and flooding as precipitation patterns change (Alrteimei et al. Reference Alrteimei, Hanan Ash’aari and Melissa Muharram2022) which influences their adaptation strategy.

Adaptation to climate change is based on perception, influencing the motivation to change (Frank et al. Reference Frank, Eakin and López-Carr2011). In developed countries, adaptation to climate change tends to focus on developing and implementing new technologies and infrastructure to reduce the vulnerability of communities and critical systems (Obringer and Nateghi Reference Obringer and Nateghi2021). In developing countries, on the other hand, the focus is often on improving the resilience of communities, particularly those in rural areas, and building the capacity of local institutions and organisations to manage the impacts of climate change (Mehryar et al. Reference Mehryar, Sasson and Surminski2022; Gabriel-Campos et al. Reference Gabriel-Campos, Werner-Masters, Cordova-Buiza and Paucar-Caceres2021). This often involves improving the management of natural resources, such as water, soil, and forests and developing new crops and livestock breeds that are more resistant to the impacts of climate change (Wassie Reference Wassie2020).

More so, adaptation strategies such as education, training and awareness-raising initiatives to build the capacity of communities and organisations to manage the impacts of climate change are being championed in SSA (Obringer and Nateghi Reference Obringer and Nateghi2021). This includes providing training on sustainable agriculture and natural resource management, as well as education on climate science and the impacts of climate change. Human capital development and education focusing on sustainable agriculture and natural resource management can help farming communities adjust in specific ways by boosting yearly revenue, farm production and general well-being (Yomo et al. Reference Yomo, Villamor, Aziadekey, Olorunfemi and Mourad2020; Theron et al. Reference Theron, Midgley, Hochrainer-Stigler, Archer, Tramberand and Walker2023).

Sustainable agriculture is one of the main adaptation strategies being implemented in Ghana to improve the resilience of communities and ecosystems. Some of these practices are agroforestry, which combines trees and crops on the same land, and conservation agriculture, which uses techniques such as crop rotation and soil management to maintain soil health and fertility, which is believed to have low adoption rates (Ehiakpor et al. Reference Ehiakpor, Danso-Abbeam and Mubashiru2021; Antwi-Agyei et al. Reference Antwi-Agyei, Mawuli Abalo, John Dougill and Baffour-Ata2021). Improving the management of natural resources, such as water, is another crucial adaptation strategy in Ghana. For instance, in addition to complementing organic fertilisers with zero tillage (Martey et al. Reference Martey, Etwire, Adzawla, Atakora and Bindraban2022), investments in water management techniques such as rainwater collection and irrigation were used as means to ensure that people have access to water during droughts (Jeil and Abass Reference Jeil and Abass2021; Owusu and Asante Reference Owusu and Asante2020). Recent studies by Okumah et al. (Reference Okumah, Yeboah and Amponsah2020) highlight that stakeholders appear willing to support water protection measures in Ghana.

Other adaptive strategies involve improving forest management, including implementing community-based forest management programs to protect these critical ecosystems and reduce greenhouse gas emissions (den Besten et al. Reference den Besten, Arts and Behagel2019; Krah and Njume Reference Krah and Njume2020). According to Krah and Njume (Reference Krah and Njume2020), this is accomplished through forming laws and taboos in Ghanaian communities and through prohibition and suppression. Moreover, community-based adaptation is a crucial strategy in Ghana, where local communities are empowered to develop and implement their adaptation strategies with support from the government and other stakeholders (Ogahara et al. Reference Ogahara, Jespersen, Theilade and Reinhard Nielsen2022). Mainly through local authorities and farmers, sustainable practices are widely practised and advocated to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (Okyere-Manu and Morgan Reference Okyere-Manu and Nkansah Morgan2022; Arhin et al. Reference Arhin, Antoh, Edusah and Obeng-Okah2021).

COVID-19 and the disruption of agriculture

The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and the menace of climate change have become the two most pressing global challenges. The agricultural sector suffered some of the greatest disruptions due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic caused disruptions in global supply chains and other systems (Xu et al. Reference Xu, Elomri, Kerbache and El Omri2020; Li et al. Reference Li, Ghadami, Drake, Rohani and Epureanu2021), making it more difficult for governments and businesses to take the necessary action to address climate change. The COVID-19 pandemic profoundly impacted agriculture and food systems, creating new challenges for farmers grappling with climate change’s effects. The pandemic disrupted global supply chains through shortages and price spikes, making it more difficult for farmers to access markets, credit and other essential services (Clapp and Moseley Reference Clapp and Moseley2020).

With the closure of borders and the disruption of global trade due to the pandemic (Owusu et al. Reference Owusu, Kwasi Kutor and Dziwornu Ablo2023), new barriers to adopting adaptive measures to climate change emerged as it became more difficult for farmers to access seeds, inputs and financing that are needed to adapt (Nchanji and Lutomia Reference Nchanji and Kweyu Lutomia2021; Van Hoyweghen et al. Reference Van Hoyweghen, Fabry, Feyaerts, Wade and Maertens2021). Furthermore, the pandemic strained public health systems (Lal et al. Reference Lal, Erondu, Heymann, Gitahi and Yates2021), making it more difficult for farmers to access health care and veterinary services to keep their crops and livestock healthy (Hashem et al. Reference Hashem, González-Bulnes and Rodriguez-Morales2020). According to Ragasa et al. (Reference Ragasa, Amewu and Asante2021), even though the food industry was exempt from lockdown measures, the COVID-19 policies and external shocks resulted in about a 20% loss in value added in the agri-food system.

Due to the pandemic, farmers could not receive incentives such as fertilisers and funding for education, as most of these funds were concentrated on vaccine production and preventive measures (Delardas et al. Reference Delardas, Kechagias, Pontikos and Giannos2022; Dudek and Śpiewak Reference Dudek and Śpiewak2022). Dudek and Śpiewak (Reference Dudek and Śpiewak2022) observed modifications in people’s behaviour in food markets, changes in consumption patterns and how demand for food was met during the pandemic. For instance, in Nigeria, Ethiopia and Malawi, people were reported to have adopted reduced food consumption to cope with the food crisis during the pandemic (Furbush et al. Reference Furbush, Josephson, Kilic and Michler2021). According to Martey et al. (Reference Martey, Etwire, Adzawla, Atakora and Bindraban2022), some farmers recorded low sales, while others had limited access to markets and subsidised farm inputs and seedlings due to travel restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic. Consequently, the pandemic created new challenges and disruptions for farmers already grappling with climate change’s impacts. We explore these linkages in the context of Ghana and try to understand if these challenges present opportunities to enhance the food system’s resilience and support farmers in adapting to changing conditions.

Livelihood activities in Ghana’s coastal and Guinea savanna ecologies

The principal livelihood activities of the localities include farming and non-farming activities (services and trading). From Table 2, a majority (63.9%) of the respondents had rented some hectares of land for agricultural livelihood activities, with 86.6% from the Builsa South and 93.1% from Mamprugu Moagduri. Of the sample, a high proportion (68.7%) of the respondents indicated that both men and women engaged in crop farming, while almost a tenth (9.5%) suggested that women performed crop farming. Similarly, most (72.7%) of the respondents indicated that animal husbandry, farm labourer (55.0%), trading (60.3%) and civil service (84.1%) were activities performed by both genders. In contrast, most (84.7%) respondents indicated that men performed fisheries activities. There were similarities across the districts regarding the specific genders that performed agricultural activities such as crop farming, animal husbandry, fisheries and farm labour. A similar trend was observed regarding the gender that performed or was involved in non-agricultural activities, including trading and civil service.

Table 2.

Livelihood activities in the study communities

Source: Fieldwork 2022.

The pattern observed in Table 2 is consistent with the national picture, where the agriculture sector is the mainstay of the population within the country (Dapilah Reference Dapilah2023). The evidence shows that a significant proportion of rural livelihood is agriculture-dependent (see Table 2). In Ada West and East Districts, participants reported that staples such as maize and cassava were cultivated (for household consumption) alongside tomatoes, pepper, watermelon and sorghum leaves (Kokoba) for the urban market. In Builsa South and Mamprugu Moagduri Districts, rice, sorghum and millet are the main crops grown. It was observed that millet was the staple crop for meeting local dietary needs, while farmers produced rice and sorghum for commercial purposes.

As a male farmer in Gbedembilisi noted, ‘Maize, Rice, Cowpea, and sometimes Groundnuts are produced. However, cowpeas and rice are the most cultivated crops. We grow them for their commercial value. They are among the most in-demand commodities in the market’. There is a transition from crop production primarily for household dietary needs to output for the external market. This transition is both a response to the climate and a means of livelihood diversification strategy (Amoak et al. Reference Amoak, Luginaah and McBean2022). Conceptually, perceptions have a dual effect of shaping experiences and enabling adaptation (Nguyen et al. Reference Nguyen, Seddaiu, Virdis, Tidore, Pasqui and Paolo Roggero2016; Adolph and Kretch Reference Adolph, Kretch and Wright2015; Gibson Reference Gibson1963) as indicated in respondents’ views.

Animal husbandry and fisheries are also essential livelihood activities in the study communities. Animals such as goats, sheep, fowl, cattle and guinea fowl are vital to agriculture in the savanna ecological zone. Table 3 displays the distribution of respondents by livestock and fishing activities across the study districts. Almost two-thirds (62.5%) of respondents in all study regions keep livestock, while a tenth fish. It emerged from the qualitative in-depth interviews that animal rearing was an essential livelihood adaptation strategy to climate change, as was reported in an earlier study (Yiridomoh et al. Reference Yiridomoh, Sullo and Ziem Bonye2021).

Table 3.

Animal husbandry and fisheries

Source: Fieldwork 2022.

Climate change experiences, farmers’ agency in adaptation strategies and capacities

Figure 2 shows farmers’ agency in the multiple adaptations to climate change. A high proportion (43.5%) of the respondents cultivate high-yielding varieties of crops as an adaptation strategy against the impact of climate change, while one-fourth (25.3%) of them practice climate-resilient and high-yielding strategies. The approach adopted against the climate change impact significantly varies across the study districts. In the Builsa South district, more than half (51.3%) of the respondents used a combination of climate-resilient and high-yielding crop varieties to adapt to climate change impacts, while less than a tenth (8.3%) of them employed climate-resilient strategies.

Figure 2.

Distribution of respondents by climate change adaptation strategies.

Source: Fieldwork 2022.

Bivariate analysis presented in Table 4 shows an association between respondent age and climate change adaptation strategy. However, we observed that climate-resilient adaptation increases with age while adapting a high-yielding crop and a combined strategy declines as with increase in age. Ada West was associated with the highest proportion of respondents who adopted a climate-resilient strategy (52.0%) and zero preference for the combined strategy. There is no significant association between marital status and climate change adaptation strategy. Married individuals constituted a higher proportion of those who adopted high-yielding crops (53.3%), and widowed persons constituted a higher proportion of those who adopted a climate-resilient strategy (34.3%; p < 0.001).

Table 4.

The association between the study variables and climate change adaptation strategy

Source: Fieldwork 2022.

Religious affiliation is significantly associated with climate change adaptation strategy (p < 0.001). Christians constitute a higher proportion of those who adopted high-yielding crops (55.0%) and Muslims constitute a higher proportion of those who adopted a resilient strategy (46.7%). A higher proportion of people with no religion practised the combined strategy (40.0%) and high-yielding crops (40.0%). Indeed, as Frank et al. (Reference Frank, Eakin and López-Carr2011) and Slegers (Reference Slegers2008) noted, perceptual environment, values, beliefs, knowledge and culture shape people’s adaptation to climate. Indeed, this paper shows that perceptions are embedded in religious and cultural beliefs, which can influence adaptation.

In Nguyen et al. (Reference Nguyen, Seddaiu, Virdis, Tidore, Pasqui and Paolo Roggero2016) model of perception and adaptation to climate change, education is considered critical. Results from this study show that secondary educational attainment is associated with the highest proportion of respondents who preferred to adopt high-yielding crops (58.6%) as a strategy against the impact of climate change. As the level of education increases, the preference for a combined climate change adaptation strategy decreases, while that for climate-resilient and high-yielding crops also increases.

There is a significant association between income level and climate change adaptation strategy. Individuals whose income level was less than US$8.33 constituted a higher proportion of respondents who adopted a climate-resilient strategy (64.7%), and those whose income level was US$41.66 and above constituted a higher proportion of the respondents who adopted a yielding crop (55.2%). There is a significant association between land ownership and climate change adaptation strategy. Comparably, adapting high-yielding crops was higher among respondents who did not own land (77.8%), while adopting a combined strategy against climate change impact was higher among respondents with 50 or more hectares of land (43.8%). Renting land or sharecropping was associated with a climate change adaptation strategy. Finally, respondents’ perceptions of COVID-19’s impact on agriculture and household size are not significantly related to climate change adaptation strategy.

In the Coastal and Guinea savannah agro-ecological zones, local perceptions and experiences of climate change are very high because smallholder farmers practice rain-fed agriculture. These were highlighted during focus group discussions with community members regarding climate change experience and the strategies adopted against its impact. A female participant in the FGD at Ada remarked, ‘For about ten years, the rainfall pattern has changed. Sometimes, when it starts raining, and we plant our crops, the rains stop, and the crops dry’.

The men’s focus group discussion highlighted a similar pattern.

Similarly, in Weisi during the FGD for men, a participant also noted that ‘This year in particular, the rains were late and some of the crops were withering and by the time it had started raining some were tussling so when the harvest was due the grains were diseased because they are premature with less density.’

Based on farmers’ perceptions and experiences, the most apparent indicator of climate change for farmers is the change in rainfall pattern, intensity and duration (Martey et al. Reference Martey, Etwire, Adzawla, Atakora and Bindraban2022; Dapilah Reference Dapilah2023). Many respondents indicated that they cultivate different varieties of crops as a strategy against the impact of climate change. The experience of climate change is characterised by ‘the delayed onset of rain’, which affects the types of crops planted. ‘We resort to growing different varieties of the crops available; with maise, for instance, we grow two kinds. In droughts, we rely on the early, yellow corn, and late maturing varieties’ [Men FGD, Builsa South].

As Frank et al. (Reference Frank, Eakin and López-Carr2011), Yomo et al. (Reference Yomo, Villamor, Aziadekey, Olorunfemi and Mourad2020), and Yaro (Reference Yaro2013) argue, the type of adaptation deployed by farmers is based on how they perceive climate change. Respondents’ perspectives reflect climate variability and change, to which planting different varieties of crops is seen as insurance. Thus, as shown above, the cognitive process of learning, understanding and practising (Nguyen et al. Reference Nguyen, Seddaiu, Virdis, Tidore, Pasqui and Paolo Roggero2016; Adolph and Kretch Reference Adolph, Kretch and Wright2015; Gibson Reference Gibson1963) is key to farmers’ adaptation to climate change.

In addition to rainfall, participants also shared experiences of increased temperature. Farmers’ view of changes in temperature over the years is based on their observation of changes in the environment, heat intensity and how that affects crop production (Kemausuor et al. Reference Kemausuor, Dwamena, Bart-Plange and Kyei-Baffour2011). Here, the participant indicated an increase in temperature and loss of vegetation as a cause and effect of climate change. ‘The temperature changes are also a challenge. It has become hotter at some times of the year. We used to have a lot of forests. But as the population grows, the trees are being cleared for farmland. So that leads to climate change’ [Men FGD, Ada].

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) estimates that, by the mid-21st century, global crop yields could decline by up to 2% per decade due to climate change (Maliva and Maliva Reference Maliva and Maliva2021). In Ghana, we found that farmers are experiencing declining yields and have stopped cultivating crops due to climate change. A male farmer in Ada said, ‘We have stopped producing the groundnut because of a change in the weather and with more rodents destroying it’.

The incidence of pests and diseases also indicates climate change (Yaro Reference Yaro2013; Amadou et al. Reference Amadou, Villamor, Attua and Traoré2015), and this local knowledge drives the transition to more resistant crop varieties. In the coastal savanna, sorghum leaves, called kokoba (see Figure 3), are an example of drought-resistant crops farmers cultivate in response to climate change.

Figure 3.

Sorghum (kokoba) leaves.

Source: Fieldwork 2022.

While sorghum is a staple in the Guinean savanna, in the Coastal Savanna, it is produced for its leaves. The leaves are used to prepare waakye (rice and beans), one of Ghana’s ubiquitous foods. Waakye is consumed in every part of Ghana; thus, the sorghum leaves that give waakye its distinctive red colour are always in demand. The sorghum leaves are also used to produce local drinks and medicine.

Apart from being what farmers described as an ‘all-weather crop’ – thus, viable whether it rains or not, the sorghum leaf has a long shelf life. Therefore, farmers can store it until the prices go high. Storage of the leaves is also a simple process of parking the dried leaves in sacks and keeping them in a dry area. Unlike maize and other cereals that require chemical treatment to prevent pests such as weevil infestation, sorghum leaves do not require such treatment. It is a low-maintenance crop that farmers store for an extended period. In all study communities in the Coastal Savanna, all farmers, both men and women, produce the sorghum leaves in addition to whatever crops they grow. While the sorghum leaf is not a staple crop in the communities, it provides income security for farmers.

The transition from staples such as groundnut, maize and cassava to commercial crops such as tomatoes, watermelon, okro and pepper is a crucial adaptation strategy by farmers.

The production of vegetables in the coastal savannah also responds to market demands. The proximity of Ada to major markets in Accra, Tema and Kumasi is also driving this transition. Freshly produced vegetables are easily transported to urban markets with high demand. Effectively, the transition of crops is not purely in response to climate change but also market-driven (Vernooy Reference Vernooy2022).

In both savanna ecologies, irrigation is an essential adaptation strategy to climate change. The use of irrigation allows for year-round crop production. With support from the World Bank, a solar-powered irrigation scheme has been developed in Ada. They pump water from the Volta River into a pond, then circulate it to farmers using gravity at a fee. In addition to centralised irrigation schemes, farmers increasingly rely on boreholes to irrigate their farms. A participant observed, ‘Due to the change in the rainfall pattern, we have put a strategy in place. In February, whether it has rained or not, we hire a tractor to plough the land and fetch water from boreholes to grow watermelons in anticipation of the first rain. The first rain makes the watermelon germinate. We grow watermelon to make money faster and venture into growing other crops for the year’. In the Guinean savanna ecology, farmers use bonds and irrigation, which allow them to produce rice without overreliance on rain. Others also cultivate in riverbeds where they can easily access water to irrigate their crops. Even with the fees, farmers grow commercial crops, apply external inputs and have a guaranteed water supply, thereby dealing with the challenges of rain-fed agriculture. What is apparent from these strategies is that they are context-specific and localised, and thus, policies must aim at leveraging existing local adaptation strategies.

In all study areas, fertiliser use has become a central aspect of adaptation to climate change (Tsiboe et al. Reference Tsiboe, Egyir and Anaman2021), as noted by a participant that, ‘When our parents were farming, they were not using fertiliser. But now, we use fertiliser, and the land is used to that. So, if you plant crops without fertiliser, the crops will not grow well’. Farmers rely on fertiliser to increase output. In Gbedembilisi, a farmer recounted, ‘In the past, the soil was more fertile. But now, we must select and cultivate suitable crops even in extreme weather. And using agrochemicals and dry season farming is new to us, but they are very beneficial and increase crop yield’. Fertiliser use has become ubiquitous among farmers to increase production (Henderson et al. Reference Henderson, Cacho, Thornton, van Wijk and Herrero2018). Farmers combine organic fertilisers from animal droppings, which are applied to the land when preparing them, and inorganic fertilisers, which are applied to crops. The conditions necessary for adaptation are the availability of transport networks essential for the bulk supply of fertilisers and other vital inputs to rural communities. The availability of input suppliers in or near the communities also affects the accessibility and overall costs related to inputs. For instance, farmers in the Ada area can invest in irrigation for vegetable production because of their proximity to Accra, Tema and Kumasi, three of Ghana’s most prominent urban markets. Farmers in the Guinean savanna are further away from these major markets; hence, the emphasis on rice, which has a longer shelf life and is, therefore, easy to transport to urban markets in southern Ghana. In all instances, the unrestricted movement of people has facilitated the transportation of inputs to and outputs from farms as well as critical skills and technology. It is therefore imperative to shed light on how the pandemic has disrupted access not just to agricultural activities but also to farmers’ adaptation to climate change.

The experiences of COVID-19 and its effects on farmers’ adaptation to climate change

Table 5 shows respondents’ perception of COVID-19’s impact on agriculture, food supply chain and production across the various districts. The result indicates that the majority (81.4%) of respondents in all study regions noted that the COVID-19 pandemic impacted agricultural activities. In the Guinean Savannah, a Wiesi farmer lamented, ‘Movement restrictions slowed down work and reduced productivity as I worked alone and could not cultivate more land because we could not get help’. Many people from these rural areas typically migrate to Accra and Kumasi during the dry season and return in the rainy season to work on farms. With restrictions on movement imposed in these cities, many migrants struggled to return. Like many regions in the world (Siche Reference Siche2020), agriculture in Ghana was adversely affected by the pandemic.

Table 5.

Perception of COVID-19’s impact on agricultural and food production

Source: Fieldwork 2022.

About 87.3% reported a decrease in food production due to COVID-19. Across the study districts, respondents had comparable and similar perceptions regarding the negative impact of COVID-19 on agriculture and food production. This is unsurprising as farmers in all the study areas were faced with new rules of engagement during the pandemic through preventive measures put in place.

The evidence presented here suggests that agricultural and, particularly, food production was negatively affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. This is because the disruptions in global supply chains, agriculture and movement restrictions were among the significant ways the pandemic affected societies (Martey et al. Reference Martey, Goldsmith and Etwire2021). In Ghana, measures taken by the state and global actions affected farming activities (Andrieu et al. Reference Andrieu, Hossard, Graveline, Dugué, Guerra and Chirinda2021). Access to inputs, mobility, health and work, and increasing expenditure affected farmers’ output.

In addition, market access was restricted at the pandemic’s peak, with devastating consequences for farmers. Some participants said, ‘We made some losses because the buyers could not come to buy our crops’. Another participant noted that ‘for me, during that time [peak of the pandemic], buyers were not coming to buy products on the farm due to lockdown. When I sent it to the market, there was no one to buy it. So, I made losses’. While these communities did not experience any lockdown, the closure of major markets and lockdowns in Accra and Kumasi negatively affected rural farmers. In the Guinean Savanna, farmers rely on female aggregators to take their farm produce to major markets, a process disrupted by the pandemic. Farmers who managed to access the market experienced low sales. Farmers producing perishable goods such as tomatoes, peppers and watermelons with short shelf life suffered losses, and many were plunged into debt (Schmidhuber Reference Schmidhuber2020).

The supply of inputs like fertilisers was also negatively affected by lockdowns and restrictions on movement due to the COVID-19 pandemic. A farmer noted that the pandemic ‘was a challenge because the fertiliser price was high. And most of us could not afford it. And the Agric Extension officers did not help us get access to fertilisers. They tell us to buy it from the market. So that was a serious challenge to us’. For many farmers, this increased their production cost, and those who could not afford higher fertiliser prices suffered reduced yields. The reference to extension officers also relates to the government of Ghana’s fertiliser subsidy initiative for farmers under the Planting for Food and Jobs initiative. Under this program, farmers received subsidies, thus making fertiliser affordable (Pauw Reference Pauw2022). However, as the government of Ghana struggled with managing the pandemic and the overall state revenue reduced, the subsidised fertilisers became scarce, adversely affecting agricultural output.