Introduction
As a political state dominated by indigenous people, South Africa consists of multiple cultures embedded within diverse beliefs, religions and traditions that influence the phenomenon of rape as a way of life. Every cultural group has its own way of doing things and, for this reason, cultures appear to differ in many aspects, including marriage and extramarital sexual relations. In the same vein, it has been established in literature that religion and traditional practices play a substantial role in rape culture in South Africa (Ajayi, Chantler, and Radford Reference Ajayi, Chantler and Radford2022; Deane Reference Deane2024; Mkhize, Khanyisile, and Olofinbiyi Reference Mkhize, Khanyisile and Olofinbiyi2021). For instance, there is a customary practice known as “ukuthwala” (bride abduction for forced marriage) which was commonly practised by the Nguni people of South Africa. This cultural practice involves kidnapping and/or abduction of young girls and forcing them into marriage with old men. Research has it that impressionably young girls, as young as 13 and 14 years of age, in some rural areas of South African provinces such as KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape have been affected by this violence. Regrettably, in some circumstances, the girls’ families had been brainwashed to accept and arrange such horrible marriage proposals (Deane Reference Deane2024; Ngema, Calvino, and Matadi Reference Ngema, Calvino and Matadi2025). From this standpoint, critical studies on rape culture and female sexual violence in South Africa have demonstrated sufficient evidence to describe ukuthwala as a cultural practice accompanied by rape and violence (Mabizela Reference Mabizela2022; Mwambene and Kruuse Reference Mwambene and Kruuse2018; South African Department of Justice and Constitutional Development 2022). Apart from ukuthwala, this study aspires to uncover several other practices of African indigenous people which are accompanied by rape and violence and are considered normal and traditionally justified by cultural and religious practices. Against this background, the present study seeks to interrogate the complex phenomenon of rape culture within the South African context.
The concept of “rape culture” is often used to describe a situation whereby society contributes largely to the normalization, justification and endorsement of sexual violence and all forms of discrimination against women and girls (Geldenhuys Reference Geldenhuys2018; Hayes Reference Hayes2023). Typically, scholars have a shared definition of rape culture. However, the common element linking the respective conceptualizations of the term points at an interrelated spectrum of sexual violence, as well as normalization of its practices within societies (Palm Reference Palm2018). Therefore, the normalization of sexual violence is seemly the criminogenic source of various activities that promote rape culture in society. This normalization has resulted in perceptions and acknowledgement of victim self-stigma, incest, intimate-partner and accidental rape, under- or non-reporting of rape, as well as imposition of blame on victims of sexual violence as a normal and inevitable feature of human society.
Du Toit (Reference Du Toit2016) contends that rape culture is constructed by intersectional factors such as race and class, and a reinforcing of sexual stereotypes about women’s consent to engage in sex. In this respect, different attitudes and beliefs are the underlying factors of rape culture based on the opinion of Du Toit (Reference Du Toit2016). These factors facilitate violence against women and encourage male sexual aggression. Gender plays a notable role where rape culture is concerned. The power imbalance between men and women has a great potential to generate sexual violence. In many societies, a woman’s body is viewed as an object of men’s sexual desire and, in turn, women are expected to be submissive and abide when men display violence. As a result of the beliefs and attitudes, and the normalization of sexual violence within communities, relatively few cases of rape are reported. Regrettably, the rape culture does not exclude law enforcement officials, as findings have uncovered that some law officials who are legally and constitutionally empowered to protect and guide citizens and/or victims against these practices have also been caught in the act of maltreating and sexually violating women in the course of their duties. As a result, many communities and individuals who have experienced this culture have lost faith and trust in the criminal justice system (Machisa et al. Reference Machisa, Jina, Labuschagne, Vetten, Loots, Swemmer, Meyersfeld and Jewkes2017; O’Neal and Hayes Reference O’Neal and Hayes2020).
Although there are many contentious factors underlying the rape culture, it can be argued that questions that challenge the gap between legal sanctions and sociocultural practices relating to rape culture in South Africa have continually remained unanswered in literature. Furthermore, little or relatively no actionable efforts have addressed the cultural enigma among the various indigenous groups. On this account, Gqola (Reference Gqola2015) positions South Africa as a nation with a skyrocketing global reputation, termed as the “World’s rape capital territory”, where approximately two out of three women or girls have experienced sexual violation in a lifetime. The rape culture remains dire despite the constitutional transition that occurred during the political era of the 1990s. This transition resulted in the creation of many progressive gender laws, increase in political representation by women, as well as commissions on gender equality. Nonetheless, these laws, policies and commissions are deemed inadequate to combat rape culture in South Africa (Albanie Reference Albanie2024; Meintjes Reference Meintjes2012).
Congruently, a report by the South African Medical Research Council on rape justice in South Africa unveiled that rape remains an issue in contemporary South African society. According to the report, South African National Crime Statistics presented 42,569 reported cases of rape and related sexual assaults between the period 2015 and 2016; only one in 25 cases was reported during that period (Machisa et al. Reference Machisa, Jina, Labuschagne, Vetten, Loots and Jewkes2023). This is a clear indication of the normalization and institutionalization of sexual violence in South African communities.
Furthermore, South African statistics on rape perpetrators established that one in three men sampled admitted having raped someone; others admitted committing rape when they were teenagers, and they disclosed that they raped for sexual entertainment or anger relief, while others confessed that they had participated in gang rapes as an expression of youthful exuberance (Palm Reference Palm2018).
The research relied solely on a systematic review of the literature as a source of data information. It explored a wide range of evidence-based inquiries that pose questions on the close tie between rape culture and the traditional belief system. This approach enabled us to dissect the sociocultural factors that precipitate and sustain the culture of rape among the indigenous peoples of South Africa. Taking insight from an Afrocentric perspective, the study differs from previous research studies by focusing interest on the intriguing sociocultural factors of rape culture, the nature of rape culture endemic to the indigenous peoples of South Africa, the dire effects of rape culture on victims and national development, as well as understanding what community and the criminal justice system can do as prevention strategies against rape culture in this part of sub-Saharan African communities. The study provokes further discussions on components of rape culture (such as gender supremacy engendering power imbalance between men and women, anger explosion and hyper-masculinity, sexual objectification of women’s bodies and teenage marriages, as well as male dominance and the patriarchal system) as cultural patterns and values that aid and abet people’s disintegration into the predominantly abusive culture of rape in South Africa. On a more crucial note, the study looks at various preventative mechanisms that can be jointly adopted by the criminal justice system, society and all relevant stakeholders to mitigate the trends of rape culture across a broad spectrum of South African communities.
Analytical Explanation of Key Concepts
Afrocentric Context
Afrocentricity, in its actual sense, is an aspect of the social change theory that defines the essence of African history, its culture and values as a key construct for comprehending the contemporary experiences of African-descendent peoples across the globe. The Afrocentric context has been exhaustively defined by M. K. Asante in his study of Afrocentricity in 2001 as a manner of thought and action in which centrality of African interests, values and perspectives predominate (Asante Reference Asante2001; see also Asante Reference Asante, Miike and Yin2022). For the purpose of this study, perspectives on rape culture that are central to the South African-descendent peoples were explored within sociocultural, historical and criminological contexts.
Rape Culture
Rape culture thrives in a social setting where rape or sexual assault is a predictable and regular occurrence due to societal attitudes and beliefs about gender and sexuality (Herman Reference Herman1984; Mayeza Reference Mayeza2024). The term connotes a set of generally acceptable sociocultural beliefs, traditions, values and habits influencing sexual violence that is perpetuated by men against women, and, in some instances, may be by women against men (Kalra and Bhugra Reference Kalra and Bhugra2013; Mkhize et al. Reference Mkhize, Khanyisile and Olofinbiyi2021). Moreover, many feminists have described rape culture as a complex set of beliefs that encourages male sexual aggression and supports violence against women; it trends in societies where violence is seen as a tool of initiating sexual relations (Smythe Reference Smythe2015).
Indigenous Peoples
Indigenous peoples are the native ethnic groups who are descended from and identified with the original inhabitants of a region, in contrast to groups that have settled, occupied or colonized the area more recently (Venkatesan Reference Venkatesan2017). For this study, the term “indigenous peoples” may refer to women, men and children living in contemporary South Africa.
Sexual Violence
Sexual violence refers to any sexual act or attempt made by someone to obtain a sexual act that is directed against a person’s sexual desire using coercion irrespective of the person’s relationship to the victim in any setting including the home and/or workplace (Jansen Reference Jansen2016). Further, the act entails non-consensual sexual contact such as sexual harassment or abuse against someone who is unwilling to give his or her consent (Jansen Reference Jansen2016).
Rape
Rape can be defined as non-consensual sexual penetration of any part of the body of the victim with a sexual organ; this part of the body may include the anal or genital opening of the victim (Kaul and Beniwal Reference Kaul and Beniwal2020). From the foregoing definition, we can describe rape as a phenomenon that occurs when sexual intercourse is non-consensual. In this situation, a man usually forces himself on any woman to derive sexual pleasure without the woman’s consent; contrariwise, it may be a woman forcing herself on a man for sexual advantage. Nevertheless, Jansen (Reference Jansen2016) submits that the invasion must be committed by force or threat of coercion such that is engendered by fear of violence, duress, detention, psychological oppression or abuse of power against the victim.
Nature and Types of Rape among the Indigenous Peoples of South Africa
Spousal Rape
Under the Domestic Relations Act 2000, spousal rape, often known as marital rape, is a constitutionally recognized crime in South Africa. The victim’s spouse is also accused of engaging in non-consensual sexual activity with the victim. Spousal rape frequently occurs in conjunction with domestic violence and sexual abuse (Chandel Reference Chandel2020). There are different kinds of spousal rape endemic to the indigenous peoples of South Africa. The first is “force-only rape”, in which the offender typically uses threats and physical force to coerce sex. This kind of rape entails exerting control and power over the victim. In a force-only rape incident, the husband employs a high level of physical force to succeed in raping the wife. The violent attack usually happens as a result of the wife’s refusal to engage with the husband in sexual intercourse. The second is “battering rape”, which also has an element of sexual and physical violence. It takes place when the victim is cruelly battered by her husband before or during sexual intercourse. In battering rape, more than required physical force is employed by the perpetrator to overpower and rape the victim and this act is usually preceded by the partner’s drunkenness and uncontrollable anger, as well as verbal abuse between the partners. Lastly, another type of sex crime common to the indigenous South African people is “obsessive rape”, in which the abuser is frequently obsessed with sex and the act itself is often characterized by force and physical violence used to obtain sex from the spouse (Aborisade and Olayinka-Aliu Reference Aborisade and Olayinka-Aliu2024; Chandel Reference Chandel2020). In certain situations, the abuser may also use violence to get what he/she wants out of the relationship. Most indigenous cultural customs in South Africa make it difficult for victims to distinguish between coercion and marital rape since the abusers are people with whom they have shared personal secrets and concerns and whom they do not think would ever purposefully harm them. As a result, they begin to feel tremendously confused, betrayed and humiliated when they realize that the perpetrator raped them despite the relationship that exists between them. Among the causes of spousal rape are polygamy, drug abuse, drunkenness and violent behaviour. Cultural norms and societal ideas that work together to influence each unique event and situation in different ways constitute spousal rape. The cultural expectations of a wife’s servitude to her husband and traditional conceptions of marriage, which are still prevalent in many areas of the world, including South Africa, have been blamed for the unwillingness to prosecute and deny non-consensual sex between married people. Historically, many cultures have held the belief that partners within a marriage have an inherent right to sexual relations (Aborisade and Olayinka-Aliu Reference Aborisade and Olayinka-Aliu2024; Tamale Reference Tamale2008). This philosophy effectively makes it complicated to adjudge the concept of “spousal rape” as crime; it also renders the concept as something impossible due to the wife’s “marital obligation” to her husband.
Gang Rape
Gang rape has been described as a type of sexual assault in which several people take part in the rape of a single victim (Newman Reference Newman2024). Gang rape is also known as serial gang rape, and it can be committed for a variety of reasons, such as sexual entitlement, amusement, punishment and proving one’s sexual skill, and can also occur during wartime or crisis (Newman Reference Newman2024). It has been revealed that alcohol abuse, poverty, a history of personal childhood trauma, the need to demonstrate heterosexual performance, power over women, willful involvement in gangsterism and related activities are some of the associated contributory factors of gang rape (Bodó Reference Bodó2021). Rape by gangs could also portray an element of retaliation such that may accompany a civil war or ethnic riots, sending a message to the victims’ community, inspiring terror against the adversary, and fostering a sense of camaraderie among the violent and retaliatory group (Jewkeys Reference Jewkeys2013).
Statutory Rape
Even when the sex is consensual and not forced, statutory rape is still considered a crime of sexual intercourse with a minor. This is because a juvenile is not considered old enough by law to agree to sex or sexual intercourse. According to Section 15 of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act of 2007, statutory rape is committed when a sexual act is performed on a child who is 12 years of age or older but under the age of 16 years without the child’s permission. There could be a different opinion when the accused offender was either 12 years of age or older but must be under the age of 16 years at the time of the alleged commission of such an act; nevertheless, the age difference between the two must not be more than two years. Research has shown that patriarchal social standards support and legitimize a power-abusing culture that completely disregards the independence of girls and women and makes them objects of sexual abuse (Reddock, Reid, and Nickenig Reference Reddock, Reid and Nickenig2022; Sarwar Reference Sarwar2024). In addition, a South African research study revealed that girls are far more likely to encounter sexual harassment, assault and rape than boys; boys, on the other hand, are significantly more likely to commit such acts of sexual violence, particularly in an intimate heterosexual relationship, which may be considered “the key site of sexual violence and exploitation of girls and young women” (Ngidi, Moletsane, and Essack Reference Ngidi, Moletsane and Essack2021).
Corrective Rape
Corrective rape is otherwise known as “curative” or “homophobic” rape. Due to the high crime rate in South Africa, the phrase “corrective rape” has come to refer to any rape committed by straight men (heterosexual persons) against lesbians in an endeavour to “correct” or “cure” their unnatural sexual orientations (Gaitho Reference Gaitho2021). As explicitly elaborated further in the writings of Chakrabarti (Reference Chakrabarti, Banerjee and Kumar2024), Gaitho (Reference Gaitho2021) and Kelland (Reference Kelland, Sanni and Villet2024), this type of rape is categorized as hate crime in which rape is committed against persons because of their perceived sexual orientations, which are fundamentally against the sex assigned to them at birth. In the South African context, it is established that the motive of the perpetrator’s sexual violence against the victim is primarily to correct the victim’s wrongly perceived sexual orientations and convince the victim that she/he does not conform to the gender norms and sexual orientations that define his/her immediate society. The phrase is extensively used to refer to any rape committed to “correct” a member of a sexual minority. The number of corrective rapes that take place annually in South Africa is difficult to estimate since many of these incidents go unreported. Therefore, it becomes unclear and uncertain to judge whether the few corrective rapes that are reported are done with the intention of changing the victim’s sexual orientations or not. However, corrective rape poses a particularly serious threat to the advancement of human rights due to the harshness of such oppression and the community’s complex propensity to either condone or dismiss it (Kelland Reference Kelland, Sanni and Villet2024). As a result, the existence of corrective rape necessitates not only domestic legal remedies but also international actions, as evidenced by the fact that those who engage in corrective rape do so for reasons other than their own. Therefore, the existence of corrective rape necessitates both national and international legal frameworks that check and balance an individual’s choice of sexual orientations.
Selected South African Cultural Practices that Are Linked to Rape Culture
Incest
Laws regarding incest (sexual activity between family members and close relatives) vary considerably across countries. Incest is classified as a social ill and criminal offence in many nations of the world with no exemption to South Africa; its penalties also vary across countries. For instance, in Somalia, a perpetrator of incest is routinely stoned to death while Zambia imposes a five-year imprisonment for any incestuous acts (Smit Reference Smit2021). Apart from the attendant legal prohibitions, various forms of incest are regarded as socially constructed taboo being frowned upon in most cultures and norms around the globe. According to McKendrick and Hoffman (Reference McKendrick and Hoffman1990), incest is prohibited by marriage laws and cultural values since it involves people who are related and are not supposed to be legally married on account of consanguinity. The practice of incest is prohibited under the South African law, and any sexual activity with even adoptive father and stepfather, stepbrother or -sister or close cousins is regarded as a flagrant contravention of marriage laws. Thus, Section 12 of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act 32 of 2007 stipulates that “persons who are lawfully prohibited to marry each other on account of consanguinity, affinity or an adoptive relationship and who unlawfully and deliberately engage in an act of sexual penetration with each other are (irrespective of any mutual consent to engage in such act) guilty of the offence of incest”.Footnote 1
In some circumstances, the definition of incest within the South African context goes beyond genital penetration, entailing non-contact abuse, which may be “voyeurism” that involves watching victims while they are undressed or demanding victims to take off their clothes in front of the perpetrator. A second type of this abuse is “exhibitionism” which involves showing the victim’s genitalia or nudity for the perpetrator to enjoy. This act can also involve masturbation arising from forcing a child to watch the sexual activity of adults or viewing pornographic materials in which the victim is coerced into posing in a sexual manner (Kocharyan Reference Kocharyan2023; Požarskis and Požarska Reference Požarskis and Požarska2023). The other type of abuse is verbal, and it entails having sexually explicit conversations with the victim.
Incest is a sociocultural enigma that trends across families and homes and this is why studies have established that the family is the most blatant and immediate patriarchal organization where women, men and children are mostly at risk of structurally justified incest-motivated violence (Canepa and Bandini Reference Canepa and Bandini1980). It is buttressed further that the home is seen as a “man’s fortress”, providing a safe haven for abusers, and it goes beyond considerable measures to conceal the sexual violence that is happening within the family (Bove Reference Bove2025). Despite the laws and various forms of legal framework put in place by the South African government to deter and curtail the practices among its people, incest ideology continues to be an inextricable component of the South African marriage system.
Ukungena/Ukungenwa
Even though “ukungena” is no more as prevalent as it once was, numerous contemporary nations still practise the cultural tradition of “ukungena” or “ukungenwa” – often linguistically known as “levirate marriage” or “wife inheritance” (Ntshangase Reference Ntshangase2022). When a widow is asked by her in-laws to select one of her late husband’s brothers to take on his responsibilities and raise the children left behind by the late husband, as well as producing more new children for the Levir, a levirate union popularly known as “ukungena” or “ukungenwa” is created. In South Africa, these two terms are used interchangeably and are referred to as traditional custom whereby a widowed woman automatically becomes her brother-in-law’s wife. The custom is commonly practised by the Zulu ethnic group as well as the Nguni and Sesotho-speaking groups. Although the custom is steadily fading away, many societies in contemporary Africa still follow this cultural tradition, as evidenced in the Central African Republic, Kenya, Sudan, Uganda, Ethiopia, Somalia, Cameroon, Nigeria, Zimbabwe and South Africa, respectively (Ntshangase Reference Ntshangase2022). In traditional Zulu society, patriarchal men frequently enforce cultural norms that prioritize men as the perceived heads of households while seeing women as the inferiors.
In the literature, it is culturally established that the primary goal of the practice is to provide protection and care for the wife and children of the deceased and is never intended to be an oppressive cultural norm that subjects women to servitude. Since a person’s wellbeing depends on others in Zulu communities, thus, the relationship developed between the married couple must not be destroyed; even after death, it should be viewed as a type of traditional social welfare system (Msimang Reference Msimang1991). Msimang (Reference Msimang1991) argues further that in Zulu culture the relationship that was created during a marriage does not stop even when a wife loses her husband. A widow may be allowed to live under the authority and supervision of her husband’s customary legal heir (such as a brother or a male cousin), but that does not mean that she should be subjected to maltreatment and abuse after the death of her husband (Bond Reference Bond2011; Chabata Reference Chabata2021). The practice of levirate marriage is strongly associated with patriarchal societies. Therefore, the custom gives men the ability to possess the widow, her children, and the money that her late husband left behind (Akaenyi Reference Akaenyi2024). The moment a woman is coerced into a levirate marriage, it weakens her women’s rights and diminishes her ability to defy her family’s wishes (see Adebayo Reference Adebayo2021). In this way, women who disobey their families are frequently viewed as rebellious and disobedient. According to Zulu history, women in this situation are commonly accused of rebelling not just against societal norms but also against their ancestors (Msimang Reference Msimang1991). With the high level of patriarchal authority, dependency, subjugation and servitude that women’s lives are susceptible to under a levirate marriage, women sometimes experience unwanted sexual harassment and abuse from their new husbands.
Ukuthwala
A study conducted by Kheswa and Hoho in 2014 at the University of Fort Hare in South Africa revealed that in many African nations, “ukuthwala” (forced marriage) is a common cultural practice that has existed and thrived across centuries. The word “ukuthwala” refers to a man’s act of forcibly bringing a female to his house with a view to indicating his intention to marry her (Kheswa and Hoho Reference Kheswa and Hoho2014).
Young girls may be forcibly taken from their family members by men who could be deemed as strangers to them. Even though the practice is accepted in their culture, this act may produce a harmful impact on the victim’s psychosocial wellbeing and fundamental human rights. Studies have shown that the practice is unfair, as young girls are denied the freedom and chance of selecting their life partners (Kheswa and Hoho Reference Kheswa and Hoho2014; Mkhize and Vilakazi Reference Mkhize and Vilakazi2021). A critical analysis of studies on ukuthwala suggests that the practice is a consequential effect of poverty and socio-economic instability of the bride’s family (see Mwambene and Mqidlana Reference Mwambene and Mqidlana2021). For example, poor families have limited money and resources to fund their daughters’ education or provide sufficient feeding and clothing for the welfare of their daughters. In this instance, a bride’s price is encouraged and may serve as further incentive for child marriage (see Jacinta Reference Jacinta2024; Kanchese Reference Kanchese2005). Consequently, the kidnapped girl could develop a submissive mentality and feel committed to giving consent to her suitor’s demand for sexual intercourse. On the other hand, rejecting her suitor’s request for sex may result in sexual violence imposed on the young girl in the marriage. Research uncovers that post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), chronic depression, drugs and alcohol use and abuse are some of the psychological impacts of ukuthwala on girls and young women; these may also increase the likelihood of women being sexually assaulted (Moreroa and Rapanyane Reference Moreroa and Rapanyane2021). By the same token, Rembe et al. (Reference Rembe, Chabaya, Wadesango and Muhuro2011) as well as Kalu and Umunna (Reference Kalu and Umunna2022) opined that the practice increases young girls’ chances of contracting HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted infections, because the act is usually committed against girls’ will and readiness for sexual activity. Overall, a study conducted by Geldenhuys (Reference Geldenhuys2021) showed that ukuthwala has fallen short of the essential requirements of the cultural practice in countries where the cultural rights prevail.
Theoretical Paradigm
This section carefully discusses the theoretical framework that we considered suitable for this research work. This study walked us through one relevant theory that underpins our theoretical reflection on rape culture as a concept influenced by cultural values, the traditional indigenous knowledge system and patriarchal practices. On this note, radical feminism was advanced to discuss the constellation of factors that produce, reproduce and sustain the culture of rape in South Africa. The theoretical approach was carefully adopted as a bedrock necessary to question and deconstruct the culture of rape among the indigenous peoples of South Africa.
Radical Feminism
Radical feminism is a feminist philosophy that advocates for the elimination of male supremacy and patriarchy in society through an outright overhaul and transfiguration of social institutions, social structures, belief systems and norms. The idea emerged in the United States in the early 1960s as part of the second wave of feminism (Talreja Reference Talreja2025). Talreja (Reference Talreja2025) noted that its emergence was a response to the appraised failings of existing feminist institutions and the credence that patriarchy was the root cause of women’s oppression and victimization. Radical feminism was premised on the philosophical assumption that society is fundamentally patriarchal, with men holding more power and authority than women (see Mohajan Reference Mohajan2022). In view of the foregoing assumptions as particularly espoused in the works of Mohajan (Reference Mohajan2022) and Talreja (Reference Talreja2025), we can champion an innovative cause on radical feminists’ central thesis that society’s institutions and structures (be they social or cultural) must be completely transformed in order to liberate women from feminist oppression by men.
Radical feminism is a perspective in feminism that sees women’s oppression as an offshoot of established social roles and structures that are built on male supremacy. The choice of feminist theory for this study will pose challenging questions on the idea of gender roles and sexual objectification of women as adequately manifested in the culture of rape among the indigenous peoples of South Africa.
This theory fundamentally examines the roles and experiences of women in a variety of contexts, including family, education, politics and workforce (Kelner Reference Kelner2013). In order to focus on gender disparities in society, feminist philosophy delves beyond the prevalent male-construct point of view. As explicitly theorized in the field of critical criminology, judgment or unfair treatment of a group of people because of the group to which they belong is an expression of asymmetric power relation and inequality as expressed in social status, comprising race, gender, class, income and sexuality – such that define and shape women’s position in society, as well as what becomes labelled as women’s experience of victimization or oppression. On this account, Ponzanesi (Reference Ponzanesi2007) claims that oppression occurs when women are treated unfairly and are actively discouraged to fill gender-based social roles. To this end, Ponzanesi (Reference Ponzanesi2007) presents that the issue of objectification comes into play, which is a portrayal of victimization that occurs when someone is treated like an object or an entity of less or no importance. An alternate global view on radical feminism points out sharp disparities between men and women in relation to institutions in our public life. Hence male domination is becoming more prevalent and active in family structures, politics, education, economy, religion and a variety of other social institutions. These foundations, orientations, techniques and procedures will probably embrace, emulate and legitimize male supremacy over women. Consequently, men’s capacity will be perceived as “right” and “natural” in the entire public sphere, as well as organizations where men and women are supposed to have equal access to governance. In this respect, women are always seen as the minority or inferior and are not equally carried along to participate actively in socio-economic and political processes. Sometimes, in critical situations of life when women are compelled to raise a voice against men’s oppression, violence is usually embraced by men to keep women out or put them under control (Edwards 1987; Mawere et al. Reference Mawere, Tandi, Zhou and Mapfumo2025).
According to various studies, women are more likely to be afraid of making decisions and taking actions in matters of social affairs because of the levels of threat, vulnerability and forcible suppression that societal norms and cultural values have imposed on them (Villanueva-Moya and Expósito Reference Villanueva-Moya and Expósito2021; Yodanis Reference Yodanis2004). Additionally, studies have revealed that women’s fear is influenced by their surroundings and social contexts, such that define their functionality (Ellis Reference Ellis and Hall2013; Johansson and Haandrikman Reference Johansson and Haandrikman2021). Feminist theory holds that men are made to control women’s behaviour, exclude them from or limit their participation, as well as governing them through the existing social institutions (Johansson and Haandrikman Reference Johansson and Haandrikman2021). Feminism examines different stereotypes and conceptions behind sexual assault, rape and rape culture, and many theories of rape and related offences against women are extensively connected to feminist perspectives. In a patriarchal society, rape may function as a technique of social control over women (Brownmiller 1975, as cited in Kelner Reference Kelner2013). Taking insight from a wide range of information available in the extant literature, many feminist theorists have argued that men’s dominance over women is secured by the installation of a culture of fear that abounds in African patriarchal societies (Johansson and Haandrikman Reference Johansson and Haandrikman2021; Jordan Reference Jordan2022). Thus, rape and the fear of rape enable men to assert their dominance and power over women and maintain gender hierarchies in traditional African societies (Jordan Reference Jordan2022). It can, therefore, be probed further that rape is one of the complex inextricable issues that feminists bring up in relation to power abuse in traditional gender roles. It is further suggested that rape is predicted to happen more frequently in traditional communities where women are legitimately seen as the sexual and reproductive property of men (Brown and Usoro Reference Brown and Usoro2023; Grosser and Tyler Reference Grosser and Tyler2022). In recognition of women as men’s sexual and reproductive property, men are motivated to take advantage of women because of the existing traditions and laws that are associated with manifestations of masculinity and supremacy. Therefore, men in such communities abuse their authority and freedom, thereby exercising their sexual rights through coercion and violence.
The radical feminist paradigm provides us with a more vibrant and deeper understanding of rape culture and related cultural norms that undermine and violate women’s rights, because its philosophical ideology provides a cause that opposes a broad spectrum of injustice and gender inequalities that women face in the social world. Its tenet advocates for the elimination of all forms of violence and discrimination against women’s rights, as well as alienation of women from taking part in key aspects of social life. Moreover, its context is also considered essential to addressing key issues related to attitudes and concepts underlying rape culture in South Africa.
We find radical feminism highly appropriate for this study, because it showcases that a broad spectrum of South African girls’ and women’s experiences are located within a patriarchal experience, which disconnects them from discharging their key roles in socio-economic and political aspects of social life. The theory is also prominent in analysing how the constitution and policies, democratic ethos and criminal justice system in democratic South Africa have failed to address “culturally motivated” oppressions against women.
From the standpoint of radical feminists, our narratives suggest that the continued practice of rape culture in South African traditional communities is structurally embedded within a long-standing history of cultural norms and traditional beliefs as expressed in patriarchal dominance, men’s strong feelings of possession of women’s bodies and their rights, as well as unfair treatment of women in society.
Discussion
The Contributory Factors of Rape Culture among the Indigenous Peoples of South Africa
Using the South African indigenous people as a case study, this section deliberates on some of the indigenous practices, which often serve as incubators of rape culture in South Africa. Some of the sociocultural practices that potentially engender rape culture in South Africa include but are not limited to: notions of bride price and marriage institutions; unequal gender relations in marriage; veiling infertility in a marital union; gender-skewed communal justice systems; and sanctioned flirting.
Notions of Bride Price and Marriage Institutions
The concept of “lobola” (otherwise known as “bride price”) plays a central role in this discussion and is an important factor accepted by society, culture, religion and institutions. As a result, the concept has been widely admired, and many people still continue to put it into practice. However, it would be naive not to see the downside of this custom and how it serves as an agent of sexual abuse against women. The patriarchal cultural lens of South Africa’s indigenous communities has led people not to reject high bride prices that commoditize women (Masuku Reference Masuku2020). The conception that high bride prices exist for women is a cultural response to the historical development of the lobola tradition and the practice signifies that the future groom gives the future bride’s father something of a great value, like an “agricultural hoe to a farmer” (Montle Reference Montle2020). In ancient African society, lobola was traditionally paid in cattle, while in modern society, lobola is now usually paid in cash and the amount could be subjected to negotiation between the families based on factors like the bride’s education and social standing (Chiweshe Reference Chiweshe2016). From Chiweshe’s lens of view, we can infer that, unless someone is properly informed about this practice, paying lobola subconsciously creates the idea that you are buying something. The fact that lobola’s charge is determined, to some extent, by the bride’s education and employment status clearly marks the first step towards the commodification of the female body; this results in a probable cause that views women as consumer goods (Chiweshe Reference Chiweshe2016). Against this background, women are treated as “commodities” and men as “buyers” and “sellers”. In some cases, after paying a lobola, a man develops an inappropriate sense of entitlement, making him feel that he “bought” his wife’s sexuality. As such, he tends to command when and how the woman should have sex (Togarasei Reference Togarasei2012). According to Togarasei (Reference Togarasei2012), lobola makes women powerless, inferior and weak. In this account, rape culture thrives since men have the knowledge that they are empowered by traditional norms and customs that make them see women as vulnerable. This situation accelerates the sexual abuse of women in the marriage system.
An eclectic view of “lobola practice” as evident in the literature reveals a number of criticisms and/or challenges that render women vulnerable to violent attacks, sexual violations and oppressions in their respective marriage settings (Montle Reference Montle2020; Muguti and Mlambo Reference Muguti and Mlambo2021). These include:
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(1) Abuse propensity. In certain circumstances, the practice can earn a husband the leverage to justify abusive behaviour towards his wife, as the husband may frequently opine that he has paid an unnecessarily high price for her hand in marriage.
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(2) Commodification of women. There have been widespread perceptions that lobola is tantamount to “purchasing” a bride (just like a common commodity) – a practice that potentially resorts to gender inequality and perception of women as property.
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(3) Financial burden and incapacity. It is indisputable that high lobola demands and the desire to meet the demands by young men can create a sizeable financial barrier for young couples, perhaps incapacitating them to care for or support the bride in marriage, delaying marriage plans sometimes or forestalling it from taking place.
Nevertheless, in traditional modern society, “lobola” is still a customary act reigning in several parts of Africa, including South Africa, where it is regarded as a formal process of uniting two families through marriage. However, there have been growing public reactions about its relevance due to its attendant challenges, such as commercialization of women, gender inequality, perception of women as property, and tendency for abuse, especially when a huge amount of money is demanded by the bride’s family (Msweli Reference Msweli2020).
Unequal Gender Relations in Marriage: An Ideological Construct for Rape Culture
Muguti and Sande (Reference Muguti and Sande2019) criticized some of the tenets inherent in the indigenous religion and culture that promote the sexualization of women. For example, premarital counselling sought from older women, such as Va Hahani (aunt) and Va Kokwani (grandmother), suggests that the proper behaviour of a married woman is to refrain from making sexual advances towards her spouse (see Sennott, Madhavan, and Nam Reference Sennott, Madhavan and Nam2021). The teaching contradicts the cultural practice that a woman must focus on satisfying her husband sexually while sacrificing her own sexual needs. Such “councils” of matriarchs, as illustrated by Sennott et al. (Reference Sennott, Madhavan and Nam2021), effectively deny married women the opportunity to enjoy their marital rights. In essence, these teachings transfigure married women into objects that are subject to their spouse’s sexual gratification, as well as depriving them of sexual autonomy and the power to negotiate safe sex in marriage (Chirongoma Reference Chirongoma, Chitando and Njoroge2016). On the contrary, studies by Roberts (Reference Roberts1993) and Brown (Reference Brown2014) disparately unveiled that when women are given autonomous sexual and reproductive rights, they are equally empowered to choose whether, when, how and with whom to have sexual intercourse. Therefore, they stressed further that, for gender equality to prevail between a husband and his wife, the institution of marriage should be defined by sexual autonomy. This precept upholds the findings of Miller (Reference Miller2004), who is of the opinion that women should be given the right to make decisions about their bodies and sexuality without having them subjected to coercion or violence.
In actual sense, people should have the fundamental human right to decide whether to engage in consensual sexual activity or not; this decision must remain a question of choice and interest. Nonetheless, societies or marital unions where these precepts are not observed or embraced to balance and cushion the harsh effects of cultural norms and traditions are frequently prone to rape culture.
Veiling Infertility in a Marital Union
Infertility also plays a crucial role in creating a culture of rape in marriage among the traditional indigenous peoples of South Africa. According to Sande and Takawira-Matwaya (Reference Sande and Takawira-Matwaya2022), infertility is not only a health problem in South African society, but also a condition that leads to the breakdown of many marriages and estrangement of in-laws’ ties. Therefore, families often strive to find solutions to deal with infertility problems. Infertility is a gender-specific scenario that is commonly attributed to women in most global societies (Oduyoye Reference Oduyoye2004). Therefore, the practice of xin’wanamanana (a woman’s secretly arranged sexual intercourse with one of her husband’s younger brothers or nephews in order to bear children for the husband and cover his infertility) is often employed to protect a man’s ego and masculinity. Chingombe, Mandova, and Nenji (Reference Chingombe, Mandova and Nenji2012) argue that exposing male infertility and weaknesses is culturally a taboo; and this is why the autocratic and patriarchal nature of South African cultures protects male chauvinistic tendencies. Therefore, xin’wanamana practices are usually arranged by close family members and women are rarely given the opportunity to make decisions regarding this arrangement. For instance, if a woman chose to decline the arrangement, the question of the husband’s infertility would become the justification for pressurizing and forcing the woman to accept the arrangement. Therefore, in order to cover up her husband’s infertility, a wife is forced to have sexual intercourse with a male relative of her husband or any close cousins. If she eventually becomes pregnant in the process, she is expected to keep the sexual encounter a secret from her husband and pretend to have given birth to a child belonging to the husband. To Chigidi (Reference Chigidi2009), this practice is nothing but a clearly arranged rape, because the wife is forced to engage in the sexual act without her consent.
Sanctioned Flirting (Xihlekisano)
The practice of xihlekisano also contributes to the culture of rape in traditional South African communities. This custom involves a married man’s sanctioned flirting with his wife’s sister or niece. Unfortunately, while this norm is intended to extend step-in-law relationships, some men tend to go too far to the point of raping those female sisters and nieces (Murray, Calderón, and Bahamondes Reference Murray, Calderón and Bahamondes2023). Murray et al. (Reference Murray, Calderón and Bahamondes2023) probed further to describe this act as a criminal act that is rarely reported because of the gender-specific social norms and values that uphold it. In such cases, it is difficult for the sexually abused young woman to report the rape. For example, in the indigenous Tsonga community, the victim is culturally considered as a “wife”, because the victim is the wife’s sister or niece, so forcing the man to marry the victim would justify such an act of sexual violence (Sande and Chirongoma Reference Sande and Chirongoma2021). If the man does not want to marry the rape victim, or if the victim refuses to marry the perpetrator, the man must pay compensation to the victim’s family. Compensation in this custom is commonly referred to as “damage” because young women who have been sexually abused are treated as “wreckage”, meaning “someone noted for loss of virginity” (Chirongoma Reference Chirongoma2006).
Many indigenous cultures in South Africa sometimes treat rape cases as “myth” to escape the harsh reality of this crime. According to Burt (Reference Burt1980), rape myths are damaging and can lead to victim blaming, underreporting and a failure to hold perpetrators accountable. Victim blaming is, thus, an attitude that perpetrators use to avoid responsibility for their crimes (Fakunmoju et al. Reference Fakunmoju, Abrefa-Gyan, Maphosa and Gutura2021). Other perpetrators’ specific statements like “women asked for it”, “it wasn’t rape”, “they wanted it” and “they liked it” also justify sexual violence against women in rape culture practices (Petrus Reference Petrus2017). In some cases, when the perpetrator wants to admit his actions, he hides behind a finger by portraying the woman as an ngwadla or makgosha (bitch or whore). Objectifying women by calling them various forms of name normalizes violence against them. Such statements are common beliefs disseminated within the African indigenous communities to reinforce feelings of guilt toward victims (Fakunmoju et al. Reference Fakunmoju, Abrefa-Gyan, Maphosa and Gutura2021).
Gender Skewed Communal Justice Systems
Local justice systems also tend to foster rape cultures to some extent. This is because most African indigenous communities, including the judicial system of South African indigenous communities, are male dominated. In these cases, these judicial systems permeate political and social spheres that further strengthen the culture of rape in South Africa (Sande and Chirongoma Reference Sande and Chirongoma2021). An accompanying problem is that the justice system perpetuates traditionally negative and harmful perspectives and ascribes restrictive and unequal gender roles to women and girls in society. In addition, there are many religious traditions, beliefs and spiritual values that support or condone the abuse of women. As a result, most religious leaders and powerful people in society are also involved in the practice of rape culture since they have conceived it as a habit supported by traditional norms and cultural beliefs (Ngubane et al. Reference Ngubane, Nöthling, Moletsane, Wilkinson and Qulu2022). According to Ngubane et al. (Reference Ngubane, Nöthling, Moletsane, Wilkinson and Qulu2022), it is emphasized that there is an urgent need to revisit South African indigenous cultures to uncover the politics of gender identity and social justice that can be adopted to rectify the culture of rape. At some point, Manyonganise (Reference Manyonganise2015) suggested using this African adage, “the wife is the anchor of the home”, to denote how strong and highly valued women’s spaces are in the African setting. However, in the context of rape culture, such sayings usually calm women down and prevent them from coming out and speaking about the social injustices they face at home.
Insights on the Effects of Rape Culture on Victims, the Community and National Development
Effects on Victims
The consequences of rape for a woman or a man can be classified as physically, mentally or emotionally traumatic. The experience of rape can have psychological, emotional and physical effects on victims; these effects are always intricate to deal with (Rajiva and Takševa Reference Rajiva and Takševa2021). However, with the right assistance and support from friends and families, as well as government intervention, they might be managed. Unwanted pregnancies, diseases or health problems, and disruptions in the woman’s natural bodily functions are among the physical effects. Psychological effects, on the other hand, range from self-pity to more extreme suicidal tendencies (Simmons Reference Simmons2024). Essentially, Simmons realized that the most immediate physical effect of rape is the victim’s risk of becoming pregnant. Depending on the victim’s age, she may conceive a child even if she has only recently reached puberty. Most rape victims who become pregnant choose to abort the child whom they believe is the result of the sex crime committed against them.
Rape victims are also at risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS, which can have serious consequences for their health in the short and long term, even leading to death. Because rape is a form of forced intercourse, the victim’s body usually sustains physical harm, particularly to the vagina, uterus and other reproductive organs, and the risks are escalated if the rape victim is a child or a very young teen (Modupe Reference Modupe2018).
The literature has revealed that rape victims are frequently beaten and tortured both during and after the rape, which can result in death or, in some cases, severe bodily injury such as protracted disfigurement and impairment of the function of a body part (Labe et al. Reference Labe, Amande, Terngu and Atsehe2021). In the same study, probing further, it was found that rape will primarily cause emotional stress, trauma, paranoia and women’s fear of developing relationship with men (Labe et al. Reference Labe, Amande, Terngu and Atsehe2021). Through isolation and exclusion, rape victims may exhibit symptoms of mental and emotional trauma that may devastate their mental health and psychological disposition. It is also established that victims develop apprehension when interacting with strangers and people in general, particularly men (Rose Reference Rose2025). A study conducted by Adegoke, Durojaye, and Adeyemi (Reference Adegoke, Durojaye and Adeyemi2022) to examine “the effects of rape on young girls in Nigeria”, describes rape as a harmful and monstrous act whose effects can be so dangerous and last the entire victim’s life. Furthermore, autism, loss of self-worth, persistent blame of oneself, insanity, PTSD, depression and constant feelings of isolation are symptoms that the rape victims struggle with all their lives (Bhuptani and Messman Reference Bhuptani and Messman2023). These effects are exacerbated by social stigma or shame that societies or communities wrongfully attribute to the victims (Li and Zheng Reference Li and Zheng2022). A conceptual analysis of Li and Zheng’s excellent work expressed that victims of rape are frequently blamed and denied the care they deserve from families and society at large, who further accuse them of flirtatious and provocative behaviour that initiated the sex crime against them. This tendency aggravates victims’ mental state of health and leaves them emotionally devastated throughout their lifetime. Lastly, the most striking effect that rape can have on victims is suicidal thoughts or tendencies, as rape victims often believe that there is no hope for a better day and that they can hardly recover from the sustained trauma, self-pity and seclusion experienced (see Daneshvar et al. Reference Daneshvar, Bytamar, Zeraatpisheh, Zand, Sahraian and Jobson2025).
Effects on the Community
The effects of rape on a community or society are primarily determined by the community’s response. In highly developed countries, the community response is typically positive and encouraging in terms of providing immediate psychological, health and restorative support to the victims. Additionally, communities provide emotional support to the victims and assist them in overcoming the trauma they have experienced with the perpetrators (Modupe Reference Modupe2018). However, in underdeveloped continents such as Africa, where rape victims are neglected and/or the crime itself is not prioritized because of the associated norms and traditions that define the cultural environment, community response is frequently negative. This could take the form of neglect, a lack of social and legal justice, or blaming the victim herself. Sometimes, victims are often considered as an outcast in society and are abandoned to battle with the aftermath of rape (see Ioannides and Willmott Reference Ioannides and Willmott2024). In such communities where rape is not prioritized as a serious crime, the act is encouraged and contagious and spreads across neighbouring communities like wildfire.
Effects on National Development
The rape culture and other forms of gender-based violence (GBV) come at a high financial cost for the government at the local, state and federal levels. It necessitates the involvement of various services such as medical practitioners, psychologists, social workers, law enforcement officers and the criminal justice system at large (Garza and Franklin Reference Garza and Franklin2021). In recent times, government efforts to address a wide range of rape cases and associated offences against women have resulted in the loss of resources that are supposed to be channelled to the needs of potential victims or survivors of sexual violence (see Papanek, Sowell, and Wiley Reference Papanek, Sowell and Wiley2025).
The impact of rape on the criminal justice system has always been characterized by substantial challenges for victims, ranging from victim-blaming attitudes within the system, low reporting rates, difficulty in proving cases due to lack of evidence, and a high likelihood of perpetrators not being prosecuted, leading to a general perception that the system often fails to deliver justice for rape survivors. Orth, Andipatin, and van Wyk (Reference Orth, Andipatin and van Wyk2021) argued that presenting adequate evidence to prove rape can be challenging, especially in cases where there is no convincing physical evidence or circumstances where the victim and perpetrator know each other or are possibly sexual partners by ways of constitutionally approved traditions and customs that interpret rape as “social norm”.
Studies have shown that victims of rape culture who have managed to report their cases have encountered secondary victimization with the criminal justice system; this experience has vastly discouraged victims from coming forward and perhaps traumatized them throughout the legal process (Maier Reference Maier2024; Steyn Reference Steyn2021). Taking insight from the existing literature on rape culture in South Africa, we can firmly establish in this study that the criminal justice system’s response to rape cases in South African indigenous communities might possibly condone the culture of rape and victimizations against women. Our evidence-based review of the literature further suggests that the rape culture does more harm to women than good, because most of the women with rape experience have faced one or two forms of sexually related health challenges, emotional and psychological imbalance, trauma and depression. More alarmingly, disruptions in educational pursuits due to forced marriages, unwanted pregnancies and teenage motherhood, loss of self-esteem, loss of shelters (for those who refuse to abide by the norms and cultural beliefs), women’s undue attachment to men, and lack of economic power, are some of the adverse consequences of rape culture against women in South African traditional communities. Finally, rape has always been seen as a thorny issue in pre- and post-modern South African society. This is why many scholarly writings have referred to South Africa as the “rape capital territory” of the world (see Egenasi et al. Reference Egenasi, Benedict, Adefuye and Madu2024; McGuffey Reference McGuffey2021; Naidoo Reference Naidoo2013). The situation remains worse as the contemporary South African society continues to overlook, normalize, and make rape invisible to social norms and standards relating to gender and cultural identities.
The Role of Community, Government Stakeholders and Institutions in Alleviating Rape and Rape Culture
Traditional community leaders and government institutions like the criminal justice system have played interactive roles in addressing rape and rape culture in contemporary South Africa. Survivors or victims (as interchangeably used in this study) of rape and related offences, particularly those who are between three and 15 years old, are taken to a traditional court, which is usually made up of a council of traditional leaders or chiefs (Raniga and Klaas-Makolomakwe Reference Raniga, Klaas-Makolomakwe, Noble, Rasool, Harms-Smith, Muñoz-Arce and Baines2024). Raniga and Klaas-Makolomakwe (Reference Raniga, Klaas-Makolomakwe, Noble, Rasool, Harms-Smith, Muñoz-Arce and Baines2024) stressed further that these councils are found in most traditional communities and are traditionally empowered to adjudicate on sexual cases. In the traditional judicial system, perpetrators may be ordered to pay a penalty of three to four cows depending on the severity of the case (Myburgh Reference Myburgh2024). According to Myburgh (Reference Myburgh2024), cases that are too complicated for the traditional court are usually referred to the Western Court System (i.e. The South African Judicial System); these could be cases where evidence is either not conclusive or there is no evidence, but an allegation has been made and a case reported. Traditional court councils are usually based on a retributive justice system and the focus of fine and penalty is on the family, rather than the individual (Myburgh Reference Myburgh2024). The traditional leaders’ system of adjudication practically incorporates the offender’s family, because it is believed that the family can hold an individual accountable as opposed to a punitive system that punishes the individual, who may eventually repeat the offence, and for which there would be no family to hold him accountable. Stigma towards victims of GBV is also experienced and prevalent in the traditional court system and, as a result, victims do not always report the abuse. In situations when the abuse is reported, the police are not always able to successfully investigate the cases and, when they do, perpetrators are said to bribe their way out. This, in turn, discourages victims from reporting abuse. It is also analysed in the literature that there is a long-standing lack of consultation and partnership between the police, the judicial system and the traditional courts, which often results in perpetrators defying the traditional court ruling. Sometimes, the ruling is discharged by the judiciary, and this often renders the traditional leaders’ authority null and void in the process of addressing “culturally motivated” rape (Mabunda Reference Mabunda2018). The lack of cooperation between the traditional rulers and relevant government stakeholders has frequently created a great deal of setback for the traditional leaders, who are also the custodians of the culture and traditions that promote rape culture in society.
Conclusion and Recommendations
There is clear evidence that rape culture is reportedly widespread in South Africa, and it continues to be sustained through cultural traditions, marriage institutions, patriarchal ideology, indigenous knowledge and belief systems as well as religious practices. Focusing particularly on the South African indigenous cultures, this study conceptualized rape culture as the normalization of sexual violence and blaming of the victims for the assault. Rape culture broadly entails the social norms and values that trivialize acts of sexual violation, thus silencing, blaming and intimidating victims and survivors at the detriment of protecting and justifying the perpetrators of sexual violence and GBV. Walking through the radical feminist conjecture, this study holds that the relationship between men and women should be viewed as a relational ontology. It foregrounds the problem that this relational ontology is not balanced in relation to the interpretation of cultural norms. Therefore, it can be argued that several traditional practices within the South African indigenous culture are a laboratory for constructing rape culture. This extensively points out the fact that patriarchal norms and values are blamed for fostering abuse, coercion, oppression and indiscriminate use and control of women. We, therefore, recommend that a socio-legal philosophy that advocates for the removal of the foregoing contributory factors that render women and maidens vulnerable to cultural inclinations of rape must be enforced across communities where these practices are prevalent in South Africa. Finally, and given the broad spectrum of challenges affiliated with rape culture in literature, we can draw a conclusion that the practice is a complex phenomenon to handle. Therefore, a multi-stakeholder approach (comprising a partnership between the community traditional leaders, criminal justice institutions and other relevant government stakeholders) is indispensable in addressing this problem across various traditional South African communities where rape culture has a stronghold.
Competing interests
No potential competing interests were reported by the authors.
Sogo Angel Olofinbiyi is a Professor of Criminology in the Department of Criminal Justice at the University of Venda, South Africa. He is a South African National Research Foundation (NRF) Rated Scholar with research interests focused on biopsychosocial criminology, terrorism and violence, crime and racism, crime and deviance (with a specialized focus on cybercrime, drug use, rape and prostitution), as well as youth and adolescent delinquent behaviours. He has led and coordinated various research projects in the fields of criminology and criminal justice and presented high-quality papers at national and international conferences around the world.
Vukosi Sambo is a Master’s degree student in the Department of Criminal Justice at the University of Venda, South Africa. Her research interest falls within the areas of rape and gender-based violence, policing studies and theoretical practice within the African context. She also has a unique passion for interdisciplinary research inquiries.
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