The χώρα of CyrenaicaFootnote ¹ is full of rural sanctuaries in what amounts to a veritable ‘cinta sacra’,Footnote ² divided into three sectors or levels and dependent on geographical proximity to the cities and the consequent presence of Libyan elements. The degree of Libyan presence is therefore directly proportional to the distance from urban centres. Martuba, located in the Gulf of Bomba, close to the Egyptian border and in the heart of the Marmarid and Giligamaean territory mentioned by Herodotus, is one of the most prominent.Footnote ³ Almost nothing remains of it, except for a few sculptures and arulae. For reasons pertaining mostly to style, when compared with other dated testimonies, the elements under discussion in this study are believed to belong to the Roman period, with the majority dating to a period subsequent to the third century AD.Footnote ⁴ Interpretations of the divinity worshipped there have focused on Isis, particularly in light of the two statues discovered in 1967.Footnote ⁵ However, these statues do not exhibit certain motifs characteristic of the Greco-Roman world, but rather represent a local reinterpretation. From an iconographic perspective, the depiction in question portrays a dressed column-type goddess (Figure 1). Her hairstyle is characterised by a ‘parruca libya’, large almond-shaped eyes, and the presence of large snakes at her feet or around her waist.Footnote ⁶ The waist of one of the statues, crossed by vertical wavy lines and surrounded by a large snake whose head rests on the woman’s chest, is in some way reminiscent of the iconographic motifs of two second-century BC stelae from Cyrene in which snakes cross part of the body horizontally, which would indicate its libycity or, at least, its influence (Figure 2).Footnote ⁷ Other sculptures appeared next to them: an incomplete uraeus, curled on itself and with its head in an attack position; a bust, damaged on the right side, probably male, wearing a beaked hat and with the heads of two snakes on his left shoulderFootnote ⁸; a statue of PriapusFootnote ⁹ and two small altars of great interest.

Figure 1.

Statues of ‘Isis’ from Martuba (Menozzi Reference Menozzi2020, 37).

Figure 2.

Two second century BC stelae from Cyrene with snakes: 1) IGCyr093400 (Dobias-Lalou, C. View of igcyr093400 Acclamation, 1985, Mission Archéologique Française). 2) IGCyr093500 (Hassuna, A. View of igcyr093500 Acclamation, 1985, inv. n. F.35/7., Department of Antiquities, Shahat).

Regarding the altars,Footnote ¹⁰ the first one is square-based (33.5 x 16 cm),Footnote ¹¹ with two opposing faces decorated with a swastika and what appears to be an Egyptian-type altar,Footnote ¹² mostly used in the Isiac cult.Footnote ¹³ The remaining two sides are each occupied by a coiled snake, the head of which extends above the surface and appears to approach or even drink from the focus.Footnote ¹⁴ The second artefact,Footnote ¹⁵ measuring 20.2 x 11.5 cm and of uncertain provenance, is believed to date from the Roman period. It bears a similar swastika motif on one side, akin to the previous specimen, accompanied by a double cross. A second side is devoid of any adornment or inscription. The other two sides feature geometric motifs and scrolls. Notably, one of these artefacts exhibits the presence of two horn altars, a common feature in Cyrene.Footnote ¹⁶ In the upper areas of the altar, there are four different motifs in relief: a crescent moon, a smooth disc, a rhombus with another one inside it and a square with a symbol that is unrecognisable due to its state of preservation. The author who has studied them has proposed, as a hypothesis, that they were the hieroglyphic sign of Isis (tyet) together with three small globes or circles, arranged in the form of a triangle.Footnote ¹⁷ Nonetheless, a preliminary visual assessment of the extant archives does not lend support to this hypothesis, as the relief is significantly damaged. The smooth disc, in contradistinction to the moon, has been interpreted as the sun, a motif generally associated with the goddesses Isis and Moon (Selene).Footnote ¹⁸

The connection of these two divinities in the territory of Cyrenaica can be found already in the first literary testimonies about the region,Footnote ¹⁹ as Herodotus narrates a couple of centuries after the foundation of the colony. Some of the elements that allow this comparison to be made are some Cyrenaican statues from different periods linked to entities in which the solar disc, the moon or both motifs appear.Footnote ²⁰ These motifs also play a role in the reconstruction of the Acropolitan sanctuary of Isis in Cyrene from the Severan period,Footnote ²¹ traceable as well in some epigraphs and the seals of the νομοφύλακες (Figure 3).Footnote ²² Thus, it is plausible that the two celestial bodies would serve to link the specimen to a Libyan deity – most likely the deity called, for convenience, Moon or Luna, as referenced by Herodotus – and the details of which are outlined below.Footnote ²³ It is further hypothesised that Isis underwent a process of hybridisation with this divine entity some time before the fifth century BC.Footnote ²⁴ At that particular point in time, the identification or religious bricolage between the two divinities must have been sufficiently advanced for Herodotus, through interpretatio Graeca, to assume that they were the same puissance with a different name.Footnote ²⁵

Figure 3.

Seals (cretulae) of the νομοφύλακες of Cyrene with Isis-Tyche-Demeter-Selene (Maddoli 1963-1964, 43-44).

The two altars are therefore linked to the Libyan deity mentioned above, who influenced both the configuration of the Demeter Libyssa Footnote ²⁶ and, above all, of the Cyrenaican Isis. The Egyptian goddess was present in the territory extending into Late Antiquity, with the sanctuary on the acropolis of the ancient capital being a central element of her cult.Footnote ²⁷ This ensured the survival of Egyptian influence in the religious system of the territory for centuries. Thus, the rural sanctuaries provide extremely interesting information for the understanding of the cult of Isis-Luna in Cyrenaica, in addition to the materials already preserved from the city, among which the Roman altar written in Latin dedicated to Luna is a central element.Footnote ²⁸ Dated to the first century BC (Figure 4), it was discovered in the Isiac temple of the sanctuary of Apollo. The editors of the piece in the IRCyr database posit that it is an altar from a series dedicated to the planets and to days of the week, allegedly corroborated by another altar found next to it with a dedication to Mars.Footnote ²⁹ However, the argument lacks sufficient evidence for an outright rejection of any further possibility. Furthermore, the utilisation of Latin in the dedication of an Apollonian sanctuary is an exceptionally rare occurrence, particularly in Cyrene, where the majority of dedications are inscribed in Greek – as is also the case with religious epigraphy in general. When these characteristics are taken into consideration, it seems improbable that this altar would be a dedication to something as mundane as human time; rather, it must be an offering to the aforementioned goddess, as Marini also acknowledges.Footnote ³⁰ Besides this, the altars are in situ, they do not seem to have been moved from another place, so it is reasonable to hypothesise that the subjects in question have a religious intention that does not align precisely with their interpretation as mere days of the week.

Figure 4.

Altar to Lunae IRCyr C.300, H. Walda 2008.

Iconographically, the identification of Isis with both Demeter and Luna appears, apart from the aforementioned seals of the Nomophylakeion in the agora, in a very representative statue from the Late Hellenistic or Early Roman period crafted from polychrome marble,Footnote ³¹ measuring 1.15 m in height.Footnote ³² The sculpture is attired in a green tunic adorned with braided ribbons that contain blue, black and red pigments. It is also notable for its mantle, which is of a similar colour to the tunic and is draped over the shoulders without fringes. The sculpture is further distinguished by a disc-shaped diadem, adorned with a crescent moon and a uraeus within it.Footnote ³³ In this statue, Ensoli has wanted to identify an Isis-Persephone, while Marini only accepts the identification with the former.Footnote ³⁴ Its iconography, symbolism and location, however, allow – in my opinion – identifying it as a representation of the Isis-Luna of which I have spoken here.

A striking fact about the social configuration of the region is the almost complete Hellenisation of the Libyan element, which occurred at an early date, especially in the cities, where the only identifying records of the native population can be seen in some artistic manifestations, such as in the representation of clothing and hairstyle in reliefs and sculptures, or in the onomastics of the members of the civic body.Footnote ³⁵ Although their cultural manifestations are more visible and traceable in the χώρα, no written record in their language has been preserved. The only exception is the Greek transcribed name of Γοββα θεός which has been found in a cave used for ritual purposes halfway between the cities of Barca and Taucheira.Footnote ³⁶ It is precisely in this cave that have been found, together with representations of gazelles and snakes – animals related to the cult of Isis, among other puissances divines –,Footnote ³⁷ drawings of birds, perhaps representing the region’s native partridge, which would point to a symbolic religious meaning which, for the moment, is no more than a hypothesis.Footnote ³⁸ Two comparable sculptures from the area around Ptolemais corroborate these identifications: a double herma with the representation of Zeus Amun on one side and an Isis on the other under the stomach of a ramFootnote ³⁹; and another double herma of the same divinities, this time without the animal, from Bu Semah.Footnote ⁴⁰ This would confirm the identification made here, as they would correspond to the symbolic anthropomorphisation of the sun and the moon, the two Libyan powers par excellence.

However, it is noteworthy that it was precisely in Roman times that sanctuaries of a markedly Libyan character ‘re-emerged’ in enclaves more or less close to the cities. In these sanctuaries, ritual practices should be understood as an evolution of the indigenous system, nuanced and influenced by various elements of the dominant religious systems. Nevertheless, these ritual practices endured despite their inferior or subaltern status in relation to the Greeks and Romans. One potential explanation for this phenomenon, following some traditional lines of thought,Footnote ⁴¹ is the weakening of Roman civic structures from the beginning of the third century AD. This period was characterised by the isolation of the main cities, the political and economic crises, and a series of religious transformations. This was compounded by the declining commitment of the local aristocracies to demonstrate their Romanitas through religious euergetism, a practice that no longer elicited the social recognition of the past. Consequently, this erosion of commitment undermined the very foundations of the system, most notably the sanctuaries and priesthoods,Footnote ⁴² as the investment required no longer offered adequate compensation or incentive.Footnote ⁴³ This dynamic would be irreversible from the second half of the third century AD, when the great sanctuaries either closed their doors or saw their material manifestations drastically reduced.Footnote ⁴⁴ At the point at which public expression of Roman identity appears to weaken, it is reasonable to hypothesise that the resulting void is rapidly filled by another, in this case Libyan, which would account for the apparently unanticipated proliferation of elements of this nature in the χώρα. This phenomenon could also be linked to the situation in North Africa after the death of Septimius Severus, when the caravan trade routes in the region were modified and Cyrenaica partially strengthened its role as a passageway to Egypt.Footnote ⁴⁵ Consequently, the idea that a ‘Berber’ influence, specifically that of the Garamantes,Footnote ⁴⁶ who ethnically belong to the same Libyan substratum as the Cyrenaican tribes, may have exerted an impact, significant or moderate, on the region, is a plausible one.Footnote ⁴⁷ This influence may have contributed to the sustenance of a tradition that has persisted until the present day, consequently resulting in subsequent developments.

An alternative explanation for the notable presence of Libyan enclaves in the Cyrenaican χῶρα can be proffered through the theory of resonance,Footnote ⁴⁸ which analyses religious manifestations on three different axes: horizontal, vertical and diagonal. This is defined as a materialisation in which individuals seek to establish and maintain continuity with their lineage and communitas, which in turn implies a relationship with the world of divinities, insofar as the religious and socio-political spheres are intertwined, and with the surrounding, material world. From a longue durée analysis of the structures that presumably remained stable in the Cyrenaican territory, the existence of rural sanctuaries in which Greco-Roman influences are of little relevance confirms Rosa’s ideas. The emergence of the Libyan element in the context of the weakening of the Roman socio-religious apparatus should not be interpreted as a renaissance or a resurgence precipitated by its decline. Instead, it should be regarded as a manifestation of the collective memory of a segment of the population. Through the establishment of resonant relationships, this segment maintains its stability over time, and is able to respond to external stimuli by effecting a responsive transformation of its environment. All this leads to the creation of an oasis of resonance.Footnote ⁴⁹

Be that as it may, it is not unreasonable to consider the hypothesis that the Libyan substratum to some extent maintained its religious practices and belief system, especially in the less Hellenised and later Romanised territories, and that it became prominent as soon as the religious manifestations of the dominant cultures declined. This hypothesis is supported by the persistent presence of Libyan-type sanctuaries in cave paintings from the Roman period, where cultural hybridisation would only highlight a reality, already present in earlier periods, consisting of religious hybridisation between various female puissances, represented by the native goddess ‘Luna’. The proximity of the Marmarid tribes to Egypt, in the immediate vicinity of the Martuba sanctuary, would help to explain in part the iconographic similarities with the land of the Pharaohs.Footnote ⁵⁰ An explanation which, in any case, is almost self-evident, given that Egypt was for centuries the effective master of Cyrenaica. This Libyan substratum can be seen, for example, in the second most important rural sanctuary in the χώρα of Cyrenaica, that of Slonta,Footnote ⁵¹ ca. 40 kilometres south of the regional capital, whose main testimonies discussed here seem to date from the Imperial period.Footnote ⁵² Excavations have revealed altars, reliefs and sculptural representations on the site that bear a striking resemblance to those found in Martuba, particularly with regard to their iconography (Figure 5).Footnote ⁵³ Of particular note is the prevalence of serpent and pig motifs, which have been interpreted as indications of an association with the divinity venerated in Martuba. This suggests the possibility of an identification of the deity with ‘Luna’ or, at the very least, with a comparable puissance that engages in similar ritual practices.Footnote ⁵⁴

Figure 5.

Iconographic motifs from Slonta (Menozzi Reference Menozzi2020, 34, 2).

However, a hypothesis that could be advanced as a complementary argument to the preceding reasoning is that a second influence, distinct from Libyan influence, operated in Martuba. It would be the Phoenician-Punic, and specifically Numidian, which would have two possible derivatives. On the one hand, a comparison of the two statues from this cave sanctuary with other examples of puissances divines with which Isis was identified, and with which processes of religious hybridisation took place in nearby cultures,Footnote ⁵⁵ reveals a number of similarities and concomitances with some representations of Astarte, especially in the design of the prosopography. These include the sculpture from the Iberian territory known as ‘Dama de Galera’ (Lady of Galera, Figure 6),Footnote ⁵⁶ the Cypriot Astarte of the sixth century BC,Footnote ⁵⁷ now in the Fitzwilliam Museum,Footnote ⁵⁸ or the representation of this same goddess on Mount Sirai in Sardinia.Footnote ⁵⁹ In addition to this, the well-known appearance in epigraphy of several of these divinities together is demonstrated in the case of Delos, where some inscriptions are preserved in which complex onomastic chains appear that have raised rivers of ink regarding the correct identification of the entity invoked. Among these, ID 2132 merits particular attention, as it reads as follows: Ἴσιδι Σωτείραι Ἀστάρτει Ἀφροδίτηι Εὐπλοίαι ἐπ[ηκόωι].Footnote ⁶⁰ There are three possible interpretations of the number of goddesses invoked or their functionality, as Pañeda Murcia rightly points out:Footnote ⁶¹ The onomastic chain corresponds to a triple identification, suggesting that the three goddesses represent the same divinity, named differently depending on the culture. Alternatively, the entity could be considered a ‘translation’ of Isis, expressed through goddesses from other cultures that are comparable, though not identical. A third possibility is that there has been a religious hybridisation or bricolage which gave rise to a single divine superpower. Irrespective of the explanation provided, the interpretatio Graeca produced between Greek, Egyptian and Phoenician deities is indisputable, which once again underscores the hybridisations and identifications produced between these divinities, which may have exerted considerable influence in the territory of Cyrenaica. Conversely, the most notable stylistic and iconographic correspondence is observed on a stele from Borj Helal (Carthago), dated to the second–first centuries BC, which portrays eight divinities.Footnote ⁶² Of these, six are male and two are female. Of particular note is the fifth figure, situated almost centrally within the sequence, which seems to correspond to the Libyan entity under discussion in this study.

Figure 6.

Statue ‘Dama de Galera’ (Museo Arqueológico Nacional de España, nº. inv. 33438. Ángel Martínez Levas).

In this particular instance, it would be a rational assumption to infer the presence of some kind of Phoenician–Punic influence, or at least some cultural similarities, given the existence of other parallels in Cyrenaica or its vicinities. These parallels include the Punic stelae from Gheran (Tripoli), identical in format and probably in use (funerary) to those found at Ptolemais.Footnote ⁶³ They may also include the cultural, economic and military exchanges over the centuries between different Libyan populations and their neighbours. One argument in favour of this approach would be the preponderance of Sun and Moon in the Carthaginian pantheon and in some of these semi-nomadic Libyan tribes,Footnote ⁶⁴ which would only highlight the religious elements in common.

In this vein, the ethnic group of the Libyan Phoenicians, referenced in Roman sources,Footnote ⁶⁵ can also be considered. This ethnic group may offer insight into the cultural influences that occurred, which, at certain points, resulted in a process of hybridisation or at least a comparable outcome within a shared cultural framework.Footnote ⁶⁶ It is evident that we are confronted by two intricately interwoven cultural traditions that have resulted in the emergence of an innovative and distinct local reality. This new product is influenced by other dominant cultural elements, such as those derived from Roman and Egyptian traditions, while simultaneously preserving distinctive characteristics that are unique to its own cultural heritage. It is evident that a multi-layered process of ‘syncretism’ is underway. The result of this phenomenon cannot, and indeed should not, be attributed to a single population or influence. Rather, it is the consequence of multiple causes and chronologies.

At this juncture, it is pertinent to inquire into the manner in which the adherents of these sites interpreted and conceptualised their deities. This is so because these deities never manifest themselves in written form in the sanctuaries that have been unearthed thus far. Instead, they are represented solely through material objects such as altars, sculptures, reliefs and symbols. From these few records, and by comparison with the practice of representing the deceased in an aniconic manner,Footnote ⁶⁷ as well as the par excellence sculptural form of the god Amun – the ram – it could be hypothesised that the puissances divines of their belief system generally and supposedly lacked definite anthropomorphic forms. This does not imply a total absence of anthropomorphic forms, but rather suggests that their adoption was influenced by interaction with neighbouring populations through a process of cultural adaptation. The recurrent presence of animals, particularly gazelles, rams and snakes, in addition to references to the sun and the moon, allude to conceptions of superhuman agencies that are intricately intertwined with the natural elements, wherein significant emphasis is placed on ancestors, water and rock shelters.Footnote ⁶⁸

This same conceptualisation of the celestial bodies as representations of divinities strongly linked to nature is the one conveyed by Ibn Khaldoun in the fourteenth century when he speaks of the cultic practices of North Africa, despite the Muslim conquest of the territory.Footnote ⁶⁹

In the context of rural sanctuaries, it can be posited that the inherent religious significance of these natural shelters is attributable to their distribution, maintenance over time and functionality. These characteristics enable them to transcend their mere spatial and physical distribution, thereby acquiring a profound religious significance that extends beyond mere spatial and physical considerations. This transcendence, derived from the accumulation of natural elements, as in many other spaces in the Greco-Roman world where water, rocks, caves and various material structures are concentrated, together with the terraces and the open environment,Footnote ⁷⁰ also contributes to creating a sensory impression that appeals to all the possible cognitive, semiotic and intellectual participants in religious practice. In this manner, the concept of divinity assumes manifold forms, both perceptible and imperceptible, sensory and material.