China’s cultural and religious engagement with Africa

China’s engagement with Africa has attracted increasing attention in academic debates, media coverage, and policy discussions, especially in light of the Belt and Road Initiative and the growing geopolitical competition between China and the West. Much of the existing literature has focused on the political and economic dimensions of the relationship, approaching China’s engagement with Africa from the perspectives of international relations, (international) political economy, the politics of development or through economic theories (e.g., Oqubay and Lin Reference Oqubay and Lin2019; Li, Kopiński and Taylor Reference Li, Kopiński and Taylor2022; Wang Reference Wang2023). China’s cultural and religious engagement with Africa remains underexplored, despite its growing significance in shaping everyday interactions on the ground (Monson and Rupp Reference Monson and Rupp2013; Qiu Reference Qiu2024).

While some scholars have examined Chinese cultural diplomacy in Africa, the majority of this stream of literature focuses on state-backed institutions, particularly the expansion of the CIs in Africa, which promote Chinese language and culture (e.g., King Reference King2013; Wheeler Reference Wheeler2014; Repnikova Reference Repnikova2022). These contributions not only highlight the motivations of Chinese educational actors in strengthening cultural and educational cooperation with Africa but, more importantly, they also emphasize African agency—or the lack thereof—in different African contexts, and how various African students and educational organizations may perceive and interact with CIs in Africa. Scholars also point out the operational challenges faced by CIs—for instance, the limited international cultural training provided to the teachers dispatched to Kenya (Wheeler Reference Wheeler2014), a lack of attention to the quality of student–teacher interaction in South Africa (Procopio Reference Procopio2015), as well as the clear gaps between the rising expectations of local administrators and students and the limited resources available on the ground in Ethiopia (Repnikova Reference Repnikova2022). This stream of literature on CIs generally reflects broader scholarly debates about China’s soft power deficit, which is also described as “partial power” (Shambaugh Reference Shambaugh2013), due to its rather limited influence. However, the focus on CIs only provides limited insights as it tends to obscure the plurality of actors involved in cultural engagement and overlooks other initiatives that are not led by the state. The expansion of Chinese religious organizations in Africa, for instance, is not driven by the state, yet these groups are becoming key cultural players in Africa–China relations. Research on the role of Chinese religious organizations, and their interactions with relevant African stakeholders, along with the implications and consequences of their growing influence, remains very limited.

Within this sparse literature, there are several important contributions on Chinese religious and spiritual organizations in Africa. For instance, Shi’s (Reference Shi2024) work on the Chinese cult of Guandi in Mauritius. According to Shi (Reference Shi2024), while Guandi has been regarded as the God of War in ancient China and offers spiritual protection for early Chinese migrants during their transoceanic journey towards the Indian Ocean, the main temple in Mauritius stands in sharp contrast with state-endorsed, land-based Guandi temples in China. Buddhist organizations such as the Amitofo Care Center in Malawi, Mozambique, and other countries in Africa, and Foguangshan in South Africa, have also received some scholarly attention, yet it should be noted that these centers are linked to Taiwanese Buddhist organizations with headquarters in Taipei (Reinke Reference Reinke2020; Shi and Li Reference Shi and Li2022; Sheridan Reference Sheridan and Wu2024).

Shi and Li (Reference Shi and Li2022) provide a general introduction to Chinese Buddhist networks and organizations operating in Africa. In contrast to Hinduism, which has been “localized” to varying degrees and often run by African locals, Chinese Buddhism has often been viewed as “theologically resilient” and largely “diasporic” (Qiu Reference Qiu2024, 98), mainly playing an active role in Chinese communities in Africa (Clasquin-Johnson Reference Clasquin-Johnson and Jerryson2017; Reinke Reference Reinke2020). Qiu’s (Reference Qiu2024) ethnographic study, drawing on her fieldwork in the Tanhua Monastery in Dar er Salaam, explores the cultivation of Chinese Buddhist spirituality in Tanzania, offering a rare glimpse into how Chinese migrant monks present Chinese Buddhism beyond the Chinese ethnic community in Africa. Whether or how Chinese Buddhist organizations’ activities are being adapted to the African context, however, deserves further exploration.

Shaolin’s expansion in Africa is a relatively new phenomenon. While it has received some media coverage and considerable attention on social media platforms (e.g., TikTok), it has yet to attract scholarly attention. Nevertheless, with its quick development, ZSCC has already become one of the largest Buddhist organizations in Africa. The influence of Shaolin in Zambia and its broader impact across the continent deserves both empirical investigation and nuanced analysis.

Moreover, in the Zambian context, the religious and cultural dimensions of China-Zambia relations have seldom been addressed in academic debates. The deepening of Zambia’s relationship with China has often been characterized by the construction of the TAZARA railway (Monson Reference Monson2009), the establishment of an overseas office for the Bank of China in 1997, the creation of Africa’s first special economic zone (Kragelund Reference Kragelund2009), and increasing Chinese investment in the country (Li Reference Li2025). However, the frequent interactions of ZSCC within Zambia raise new questions regarding the possibility for covenantal pluralism within the country (Haynes Reference Haynes2024). Specifically, how and to what extent can Chinese religious practices coexist with Zambia’s deeply entrenched Christian faith and diverse cultural traditions?

In 1991, Zambian president Frederick Chiluba declared the country a “Christian nation.” Since then, many evangelical churches and ministries with American roots have established a presence in Zambia (Simuchimba Reference Simuchimba2001). While Christianity is the predominant faith, Zambia remains a multiethnic, multiracial, and multireligious society. It is also one of Africa’s predominantly heterogeneous countries in terms of ethnic groups, each characterized by its unique cultural and traditional orientation (Oliver et al. Reference Oliver, Lackson, Lewis, Owen, Mboma, Bwalya and Kamboni2021). As noted by Taylor (Reference Taylor2006), postcolonial Zambia exists in a far more globalized environment today, making it subject to both secular and nonsecular influences. While Zambia’s worldview has been significantly shaped by Western religions and culture, the role of Chinese religion and culture remains less understood, particularly from an empirical perspective. ZSCC thus provides a unique lens for examining the intersection of Chinese religious practices and African cultural contexts, especially given that Zambia’s culture and religion are deeply rooted in Christian traditions and indigenous customs, which contrast starkly with Shaolin’s cultural heritage. The development and expansion of Shaolin in Africa thus offer us essential empirical material for exploring the role of Chinese religious organizations in shaping contemporary African cultural and religious landscapes.

Shaolin’s African Kung Fu Training Program

As a World Heritage site, numerous African leaders and journalists have visited the Shaolin Monastery and, gradually, Shaolin established connections with numerous African countries. In 2008, the then Abbot Shi Yongxin traveled to South Africa to introduce Shaolin’s philanthropic work to Nelson Mandela. As Shi recalled, Mandela praised the universal value of Shaolin culture, stating that Mandela had said “The Shaolin culture is of value to humankind. It should be respected and praised by every single human being.”Footnote ¹ Mandela’s endorsement reinforced Shi Yongxin’s determination to further spread Shaolin culture in Africa.

In 2013, together with the Chinese Ministry of Culture and the Henan Provincial Department of Culture, Shaolin organized the first African Kung Fu Training Program. The program experienced a hiatus during the COVID-19 pandemic but resumed in 2023, as China reopened. African trainees (predominantly from Francophone countries) were offered opportunities to participate in kung fu training and immerse themselves in Shaolin. Each cohort of trainees completes a comprehensive three-month training and living regimen at Shaolin’s headquarters—the Song Mountain. The curriculum covers a variety of subjects, including kung fu, meditation, Chinese language, calligraphy, and Zen medicine.

During the program, African trainees are not only exposed to traditional Chinese kung fu, but are also encouraged to draw parallels with Africa’s rich cultural tapestry and vibrant martial arts traditions, which incorporate “Combat + Spirituality + Dance” as their foundational elements (Rodrigue Reference Rodrigue2018, 11). Despite the distinct differences between Shaolin kung fu and various African martial arts, many African trainees have shown a strong interest in blending the techniques they learned at Shaolin with their own martial arts practices. Through this program, Shaolin has also expanded its network in Africa, embodying what Benabdallah (Reference Benabdallah2020) identifies as “relational productive power” as it has strengthened its relational network across the continent. Shaolin’s leadership is proud of their reach and influence in various African countries, often highlighted with the phrase, “We have people in many countries in Africa.”Footnote ² By 2023, more than 140 participants from 22 African countries had taken part in the program. Many of them have since played active roles in promoting Shaolin kung fu and culture in their home countries and beyond, especially by mentoring and cultivating the next generation of practitioners.Footnote ³ For instance, Max Yollando from Côte d’Ivoire participated in the program in 2015 and stayed at the headquarters for another five years to continue his kung fu learning. He now works at ZSCC. Yanlun, the headmaster of ZSCC, shared:

The establishment of the Zambia Shaolin Cultural Center (ZSCC)

ZSCC was formally established in December 2021. It serves as the headquarters for the China Songshan Shaolin Cultural Center in Africa and currently houses 229 Buddhist statues. It cost US$5.8 million to build ZSCC, which occupies a 20,000-square-meter plot of land donated by Chinese businessman Jiang Qingde.Footnote ⁵ Jiang is the chairman of the Anhui Foreign Economic Construction Group, which began its operations in Africa in the early 1990s. His business portfolio spans multiple sectors, including construction, hospitality, mining, and real estate development, with operations and companies in mainland China, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Malawi, and Mozambique, among other countries.Footnote ⁶ He is one of the most influential Chinese businesspeople in Southern Africa. Jiang has been involved in multiple contract dispute cases since 2020. In recent years, he has been reprimanded by the Shanghai Stock Exchange for violations relating to information disclosure. I attempted to approach him during fieldwork, through several Chinese business leaders, but he was unwilling to give an interview due to the business controversies surrounding him. Thus, the real reason Jiang decided to donate to ZSCC remains unknown and people have offered different interpretations.

Despite his business controversies, Jiang is regarded by some in the Chinese community in Africa as someone who cultivates gongde (功德 ). Footnote ⁷ An anonymous Chinese businessperson based in Lusaka, who knows Jiang, explained that Jiang is a Buddhist and a wealthy individual pursuing spiritual cultivation.Footnote ⁸ His house in Zambia is located next door to ZSCC and is decorated in similar style, with many Buddhist elements included. According to Shi Yongxin, Jiang’s early years were deeply influenced by Buddhism as he spent much of his childhood with a senior monk in his home village in Anhui. Shi Yongxin shared a story to illustrate Jiang’s involvement in the establishment of ZSCC through the Buddhist notion of causal conditions (yinyuan, 因缘) : “Once upon a time, nestled within a mountain range, there was a temple. Deep within the temple’s tranquil halls, a senior monk recounted stories to a young disciple.”Footnote ⁹ Shi refers to the young disciple as Jiang.

However, others interpret Jiang’s contribution to Shaolin more pragmatically. His donation to ZSCC has also been viewed as strategic leverage to strengthen his cultural and social capital, especially by creating goodwill among African elites. Based on an analysis of media coverage and interviews with other Chinese business leaders, Jiang has, over the past two decades, interacted closely with senior African government officials—including presidents of several African countries—and directly negotiated business deals (especially in mining) with top leaders.Footnote ¹⁰ His involvement in ZSCC can therefore also be seen as part of his personal and business branding, or as part of the corporate social responsibility of his company.

While Jiang has supported ZSCC, he does not engage in the daily operation of the center. The center is run through collaboration between Chinese and African personnel. It currently houses three Chinese monks and three African warrior monks (wuseng, 武僧), as well as over thirty Zambian children. The headmaster, Yanlun, is responsible for overseeing monastery reception duties. Yankun, who holds a Master’s degree from Henan University, teaches Chinese language and cultural classes. Yanchen also manages logistics and teaches Shaolin kung fu alongside the three African warrior monks: Max Yollando, Emmanuel Ngallie, and Ronald Mwale.

Yollando was the first African warrior monk to join ZSCC. He also serves as the de facto “public relations officer” of ZSCC. Ngallie, from Cameroon, is the chief warrior monk at ZSCC, and the vice president of the African Shaolin Federation. Both Yollando and Ngallie speak fluent English, French, and Mandarin. Both of them took part in the African Kung Fu Training Program and then spent several years at Shaolin’s headquarters. Following the establishment of ZSCC, Ronald Mwale, a Zambian, underwent kung fu training and officially joined ZSCC in April 2024. The three African staff are not just instructors: they also help manage the center, especially when it comes to coordinating and communicating with Zambian stakeholders. They also regularly perform with the children at ZSCC events organized by the Chinese embassy, Chinese associations and Chinese companies, as well as during various activities organized by Zambian communities.Footnote ¹¹

While the founding of ZSCC benefited from Jiang’s financial support its daily operations are sustained by Chinese community leaders and associations in Zambia. As Li and Shi (Reference Li and Shi2020) observe, Chinese associations in Zambia act as intermediaries for cultural and philanthropic activities. Community-based associations often organize events that are designed to promote Chinese culture and improve the local perception of Chinese presence. For instance, every month, the Zambia Chinese Association donates maize flour to ZSCC. Moreover, the chairperson of the Henan Hometown Association contributed US$70,000 to cover most of the international travel costs for the first African kung fu Games.Footnote ¹² The annual operational expenses of ZSCC amount to approximately RMB1.5 million, and most of the financial resources are sourced from donations provided by Chinese enterprises and associations in Zambia.Footnote ¹³

This strong financial and organizational support from the Chinese community reflects that the center is more than just a religious site. It also serves as a cultural, educational, and charitable center (as explored later), offering a sense of solidarity, shared identity, and even Chinese national pride. For many Chinese migrants, the center is a familiar and comforting space where they can speak their language, practice traditions, celebrate festivals, and connect with others, helping to ease the sense of alienation that often comes with living far from home. Interestingly, Chinese business leaders and associations also appear to compete for influence as their ability to support the center’s growth demonstrates cultural and social capital as well as leadership within the Chinese community. For instance, when Shi Yongxin visited Zambia, there was notable competition among Chinese business or community leaders over who could stand closer to the Abbot.

While both Jiang and the Chinese communities in Zambia have provided significant support to ZSCC, its development, especially from a long-term perspective, relies heavily on the local communities. Both Chinese and African staff at ZSCC believe that relying solely on support from local Chinese communities cannot guarantee the center’s long-term sustainability. They acknowledge the importance of support from Zambian communities corporations to achieve more sustainable development in the country.Footnote ¹⁴ Thus, the management of ZSCC is exploring ways to gain greater support from Zambians, including extending services to local communities and experimenting with commercial options such as offering paid kung fu training for enthusiasts. By simultaneously serving overlapping functions for both Chinese and Zambians—providing spiritual and cultural identity and a sense of belonging for Chinese while offering practical, cultural, and educational resources for Zambians—the center becomes a shared site of meaning. This dual role enhances ZSCC’s legitimacy and visibility and creates interesting dynamics of representation, expectation, and identity negotiation that shape how it is perceived and sustained in Zambia.

Assemblage thinking

Introduced by Deleuze and Guattari (Reference Deleuze and Guattari1980), the term “assemblage,” drawn from the French word agencement, describes the process through which human and nonhuman components—including not only the corporeal and the substantial, but also the discursive such as ideas and policies—are brought together in a rhizomatic organization, which is decentralized and nonhierarchical. An assemblage, then, is not a whole in its nature but a forever shifting collection of diverse elements that come together in specific contexts. These elements, while seemingly heterogeneous, are in fact interconnected, influencing and fusing into one another in complex and often nonlinear ways. DeLanda (Reference DeLanda, Fuglsang and Sørensen2006) further solidifies the relevance of assemblage theory by offering a pointed critique of conventional approaches reliant on totalities and essences, challenging rigid ways of thinking about power and social structures.

Assemblage thinking, as suggested by Baker and McGuirk (Reference Baker and McGuirk2017), thus serves as a methodological practice that moves beyond simple explanations that attribute outcomes to monolithic entities or taken-for-granted structures. Instead, it encourages us to embrace the multiplicity of actors and factors at play, recognizing that power is dispersed and relational. Rather than assuming fixed geographic or conceptual boundaries, assemblage thinking prompts us to “trace sites and situations” (Baker and McGuirk Reference Baker and McGuirk2017, 425), following the links and flows that constitute the phenomenon under investigation. This involves considering the different interests of certain companies, local communities, government agencies, and the influence of cultural instruments and development models.

Scholars have also used assemblage thinking to unpack the complexities of China–Africa encounters. Studies on Chinese infrastructure projects (Han and Webber Reference Han and Webber2020; Franceschini Reference Franceschini2024), the Chinese construction industry in Congo-Brazzaville (Ning Reference Ning2024), Chinese health initiatives in Africa (Fei Reference Fei2022), and the evolving urban landscapes shaped by Chinese presence (Li and Siame Reference Li and Siame2020) all highlight the analytical utility of thinking with assemblage theory. Grounded in empirical evidence, these studies each provide nuanced insights into power dynamics, internal diversity, and the multiple logics at play within these relationships, offering a more sophisticated comprehension of what we mean by “agency.”

In assemblages, agency is distributed rather than concentrated. Bruno Latour (Reference Latour2005), arguing against traditional views that rest solely on human actors and dismiss the role of nonhuman entities, proposes that agency is not an inherent property of humans but a product of relationships arising from interactions within a network. He broadens the notion of agency beyond human actors, referring to anything that has a modifying effect or alters a situation—or, in his words, a “source of action,” as an “actant” (Latour Reference Latour1996, 373). Applying this to ZSCC allows for a departure from simplistic narratives of one-dimensional cultural transfer or Chinese soft power. Instead, we can see the center as an assemblage, a dynamic and evolving institution shaped by the interplay of numerous actants. These include not only the Chinese monks and Zambian practitioners but also the surrounding cultural milieu, the architectural design of the temple, the symbolism embedded in religious practices, the appeal of martial arts, and more.

In this light, assemblage thinking offers a valuable tool for moving beyond static analyses and encourages us to consider the center as a site of ongoing “becoming” (McFarlane and Anderson Reference McFarlane and Anderson2011). Within this framework, relationships between actants are constantly in flux, changing and adapting in response to internal and external forces. New actors may emerge, existing alliances may shift, and the very nature of the assemblage transforms over time. The path of becoming is never predetermined but is open-ended, hence providing a fresh perspective for understanding the subtle and unpredictable unfolding of ZSCC.

Assembling ZSCC: Assembling a site for multifaceted functions

Assemblage thinking emphasizes the circulation of elements, particularly how they gather, intersect, and disperse alongside other agents and actors across multiple scales. In this article, I examine the operation of ZSCC as an evolving, heterogeneous assemblage that is fluid in form and serves multiple overlapping functions, including cultural, charitable, educational, and religious activities. These activities and sites often intersect with, reinforce, and shape one another. The section below explores how ZSCC functions simultaneously as a cultural, religious, charitable, and educational site, and how these intertwined roles contribute to the broader process of assembling.

ZSCC as a cultural site

The Zambia Shaolin Cultural Center, as its name suggests, operates as a vibrant cultural site. Shaolin’s rich cultural heritage, including its practices of Zen Buddhism and kung fu, is actively promoted by the center through different kinds of engagement with the public. Chinese and African Masters interact with visitors about a variety of cultural topics, including the Chinese language, Buddhist philosophy, calligraphy, traditional etiquette, and theories of traditional Chinese medicine.

Among the various cultural practices promoted by ZSCC, kung fu stands at the heart of its cultural engagement with Zambians. It plays a central role in the everyday life of the children and staff at the center. Shaolin kung fu is not just about physical combat but it is also deeply connected to Buddhist philosophy and spiritual practice, particularly Zen Buddhism. Its training includes meditation, mindfulness, and ethical lessons that embody Buddhist principles such as kindness, self-control, and the cultivation of inner tranquility. Although Shaolin kung fu is often viewed as a cultural performance, it also has a religious aspect, which emphasizes the integral link between physical movement and spiritual development, as well as the pursuit of both external strength and internal wisdom. As the kung fu training at ZSCC is primarily conducted by African warrior monks, their approach tends to focus less on the spiritual and religious aspects of kung fu. According to Yollando, these elements may be too advanced or challenging for children at their current developmental stage.Footnote ¹⁵ In fact, the training offered by ZSCC differs in its approaches from that offered at the Shaolin headquarters in the Song Mountain. At ZSCC, kung fu training also includes female students, whereas female students (except some international participants) are not usually accepted at the headquarters.

To improve its financial situation, ZSCC initiated a community outreach project that offers kung fu training to people outside the center. As outlined in ZSCC’s brochure, this program is open to anyone aged six and above, regardless of gender. Beyond regular training, ZSCC has also become active in hosting kung fu competitions. For instance, in June 2023, ZSCC hosted the first-ever African Shaolin Kung Fu Games in Lusaka. This six-day event brought together more than 150 participants from 23 African countries (Xinhua Reference Xinhua2023). During this time, the center hosted the Shaolin African Union Founding Conference and the first African Shaolin Kung Fu Duan Pin System Training Class.

Kung fu and martial arts associations in other African countries also contributed to the process of assembling. ZSCC acts as a site for Shaolin to network with other kung fu/martial arts associations in Africa. For instance, the coordination of the inaugural African Shaolin Kung Fu Games in 2023 demonstrated the effectiveness of the African kung fu training program in fostering a broad and engaged community, which subsequently strengthened Shaolin’s influence across the continent. Beyond organizing events, ZSCC is actively involved in attracting kung fu and martial arts associations for training and collaboration. For instance, Emmanuel Ngallie from ZSCC has organized various events designed to attract other associations to visit the center and participate in training sessions.

Moreover, food plays a role in the cultural practices at ZSCC. Following the Shaolin tradition, the center provides zhaifan (斋饭), known as “vegetarian meal” or “fasting meal,” which is offered as part of Buddhist monastic practice and reflects Buddhist principles of purity, compassion, and respect for all living beings. At ZSCC, the cultural fusion between Shaolin and Zambia is evident in the meals served, which often incorporate traditional Zambian dishes such as Nshima, made from maize flour and water and cooked by Zambian chefs. The fusion of Shaolin and Zambian food traditions not only facilitates cultural adaptation but also illustrates the assemblage-like nature of ZSCC’s everyday practices, where different cultural elements converge and are rearticulated.

ZSCC as a religious site

As a Buddhist center, ZSCC naturally functions as a site for religious practice. The Zambian constitution guarantees freedom of worship and propagation (Simuchimba Reference Simuchimba2001). This legal framework allows foreign religious groups like Shaolin to establish a presence in Zambia. Nevertheless, public perceptions of Shaolin’s presence in Zambian society remain mixed. While Zambia has the highest percentage of Christians in Africa, evidence suggests that this does not necessarily mean all Christians in the country “see eye to eye or that they respect each other” (Haynes Reference Haynes2024, 36). Nearly one-third of Zambians have expressed concerns about “Christian extremism,” although what that term means is not always clear (Haynes Reference Haynes2024, 36).

Within this context, some Zambians propose that the introduction of Chinese Buddhism could serve as a counterbalance to religious extremism, promoting greater religious diversity and tolerance. As ZSSC also serves as a site for religious education, some Zambians, especially educators, believe its operation could improve the state of religious education in the country, which has traditionally focused on Christian teachings rather than on broader religious education.

However, in a predominantly Christian society, Chinese religious and cultural practices have raised concerns. Some speculate that the presence of Shaolin is intended to influence Zambians to abandon their cultural values in favor of a Chinese lifestyle. There are also concerns that the presence and operation of the Shaolin may conflict with Zambia’s status as a Christian nation (Spring24 TV 2022). For example, a Lusaka resident living near ZSCC expressed discomfort: “Zambia is a Christian nation. The temple with its superstition and ancient gods is at variance with our Christian beliefs. Its presence is bigger than our churches, it makes us uncomfortable.”Footnote ¹⁶

The African staff at ZSCC have been proactive in addressing these concerns and criticisms. Yollando and Mwale, in particular, actively engage with the Zambian media and those who question the legitimacy of the center. Instead of emphasizing the religious aspect, which might be sensitive, they concentrate their messaging on cultural exchanges and youth development. Yollando, for instance, has repeatedly clarified that ZSCC was not established to interfere with religions in Zambia, but to enable students to discover their talents through kung fu and Chinese culture. In a TV interview, Yollando stated, “We are not here to change their religion; we are here to help them find their own talents and ensure those talents are best developed” (Spring24 TV 2022). Mwale emphasized the value of unity and peaceful coexistence, quoting Zambia’s founding father Kenneth Kaunda’s motto: “One Zambia, one nation.” Mwale and Yollando also advised their Chinese colleagues to engage more actively with other religious groups in Zambia to foster mutual respect and interfaith understanding. They reached out to Zambian media outlets and Christian communities from different denominations, including major church bodies (e.g., the Christian Council of Zambia). They also made efforts to engage with Muslim societies and Hindu communities, emphasizing the importance of mutual respect and “harmonious coexistence.”Footnote ¹⁷

Regarding ZSSC’s religious education, Yanlun emphasizes that it is “important not to impose religious worldview on Zambian children,” and that ZSCC has not been imposing Buddhism on them. According to Yanlun, children at the center have the freedom to engage with Christianity or other Zambian religions. Yanlun explains: “Many of these children were raised in Christian households before here, we do not expect them to fully embrace Buddhist culture, they can choose whatever they prefer.” At the same time, ZSCC also serves as a site for learning about Buddhist teachings. Some of the children, who are more advanced Mandarin speakers, have begun to study Buddhist literature, such as the “Diamond Sutra” and the “Shurangama Sutra.”

In China, Shaolin rarely interacts with other religious groups. This is because all religious activities, including interfaith collaboration, are tightly regulated by various state organs, which discourages interreligious collaboration as it could be perceived as politically sensitive or potentially threatening to the Chinese Communist Party’s authority and influence (Johnson Reference Johnson2017). Conversely, its Zambian branch has organized more interfaith interaction activities at both individual and institutional levels. For instance, during Abbot Shi Yongxin’s first visit to Zambia, he held meetings with several national religious leaders and representatives from various religious organizations. According to Yanlun, ZSCC has been actively engaging with various religious organizations in Zambia and beyond.Footnote ¹⁸ This demonstrates Shaolin’s more open and collaborative approach as it tries to expand its influence in Africa.

ZSCC as a charitable and educational site

A key feature of ZSCC is that, beyond its cultural and religious functions, it also serves as a charitable and educational site—something that was not initially planned. As mentioned above, the center currently takes care of around thirty children, most of them aged between three and ten. The majority of the children belong to single-mother households with low incomes; some are orphans who resided with relatives. When some of these relatives first heard about a Chinese Buddhist temple being built in Lusaka, some visited the temple hoping the monks could raise the children. Master Yanlun explained that as ZSCC became better known, more guardians in similar situations wanted to send their children to the center, but the center currently does not have the capacity to take additional children.

With the increasing number of children residing at the center, ZSCC realized that it had to take on educational responsibilities; hence, it registered for a primary school license. It hired two Zambian teachers to teach the national curriculum, offering subjects such as English, science, technology, and mathematics, among others. Table 1 shows the ZSCC’s timetable for teaching the Zambian curriculum at the primary school level.

Table 1. ZSCC’s teaching timetable (Zambian curriculum). Source: Shared by Master Yankun via WeChat, June 2025 (published with Master Yankun’s consent)

Alongside the Zambian curriculum, the education of the children at ZSCC also incorporates the unique characteristics of Shaolin elements. The children and the Masters at ZSCC follow the same routine: the Shaolin Temple morning bell rings every day at 5:00 a.m. The masters and children then get up and prepare for morning prayers at 5:30 a.m. Breakfast is served at 6:30 a.m. From 7:30 a.m. to 9:30 a.m., Zambian teachers conduct classes based on the Zambian curriculum. At 9:30, the children begin kung fu training. Around 12:00, they have lunch. From 12:30 to 2:30 p.m., they continue with lessons following the Zambian curriculum. At 2:30 p.m. there is another kung fu training session, although compared to the morning session, it is less strict and looks more like a physical education class. At 4:30 p.m., it is time for evening prayer, followed by dinner at 5:30 p.m. At 7:30 p.m. it is time for Chinese language classes. The Chinese language classes are taught by both Chinese and African staff at ZSCC. At 9:00 p.m., the evening drum sounds, signaling that it is time to prepare for bed. By 9:30 p.m., all the children are in bed. In addition, they also have music classes occasionally. The children have learned Chinese folk and popular songs, as well as some Zambian songs, which they sometimes perform during events.Footnote ¹⁹

As an educational site, the center actively engages with Zambian educational bodies. For example, several Lusaka-based schools and universities, including the American International School of Lusaka, the Chinese International School in Zambia, and the University of Zambia, have invited the center to showcase kung fu for their students. Additionally, some Zambian schools have also organized visits for their students to the center.Footnote ²⁰ In 2024, during the International Day of the Girl Child, children at ZSCC were invited to give a performance. According to an official from the Ministry of Education, ZSCC was invited to showcase the talents and discipline of the children. The official explained:

One of the biggest challenges in Zambia is that many parents do not understand the process of how to improve children’s discipline. When children want to learn something but it becomes difficult, parents allow them to quit. Children at Shaolin (ZSCC) are not like that. By inviting them to give a performance, they also teach others how to be disciplined in order to become talented … Also, I noticed previously that there are girls at Shaolin (ZSCC). I think, as our theme this year is Girls’ Vision for the Future, it is also inspiring to see girls perform kung fu, and perform well.Footnote ²¹

In China, Shaolin usually does not engage with schools or universities, as the Chinese government enforces strict regulations on religious activities outside of designated places of worship. The operation of ZSCC in Zambia is different. Due to relatively relaxed regulations in Zambia, ZSCC frequently performs outside its space, which has provided them with more opportunities to engage with Zambian society. Notably, some Zambian educational institutions view the activities conducted by ZSCC, particularly the kung fu performances by its children, as reflecting discipline and dedication, qualities that they encourage Zambian children to cultivate.

As described above, ZSCC operates as a multifunctional space where cultural, charitable, educational, and religious activities are not discrete but intersect and reinforce one another. For instance, in its educational function, the children residing at the center are not only students but inhabitants of a religious and aesthetic environment. Their artistic expressions and practice, for instance, include drawing Buddhist statues, through which the children also cultivate a personal understanding of the Dharma. Their everyday environment naturally shapes their creative expressions. The center’s cultural and religious dimensions, as well as educational and charitable functions, are continuously reinforced through lived learning experience and creative practice. Moreover, both nonhuman (e.g., languages, transcultural education, the fusion of culinary traditions, the practice of kung fu) and human elements have contributed to “assembling.” It shows that Shaolin’s presence in Zambia is not merely a transmission of its Buddhist ideas and practices. Rather, it has evolved into a more adaptable form, allowing for mutual influence. Local Zambian cultural and religious elements, in particular, have played an active role in shaping such dynamics and are integrated alongside Shaolin traditions.

Assembling ZSCC: Co-formations between Chinese and Zambian actants

Beyond viewing the operation of ZSCC as the creation of a multifunctional site, it can also be understood as a process of co-formation between Chinese and Zambian actants, which involves a constellation of various actors (state and nonstate) and elements (human and nonhuman), each contributing in distinct ways to the center’s emergence and operation. The relationship between Chinese religious organizations and the Chinese state is often referred to as “both unity and struggle” (ji lianhe you douzheng 既联合又斗争), a characteristic of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) united front efforts (Brook Reference Brook, Ashiwa and Wank2009; Wu, Tsai and Wang Reference Wu, Tsai and Wang2025). While Beijing, or Henan province, as well as the Chinese embassy in Zambia, provide a certain level of support to Shaolin or ZSCC (e.g., connecting ZSCC with the Zambian president’s office), it is also important to consider the role of state oversight and regulation as Shaolin’s internationalization also frequently encounters domestic policy and regulatory barriers due to its religious nature. These mechanisms can challenge Shaolin’s internationalization, as the temple “may gain sufficient ideological and discursive power,” which could be perceived as a threat to CCP’s rule, influence, and legitimacy (Wu, Tsai and Wang Reference Wu, Tsai and Wang2025). For example, former Abbot Shi Yongxin mentioned that his international cultural dissemination activities require multilayered domestic approvals. The process begins with seeking consent from the local Bureau of Religious and Ethnic Affairs in Dengfeng City and continues through various bureaucratic layers, including the Dengfeng City Foreign Affairs Office, the Henan Province Foreign Affairs Office, and the National Religious Affairs Bureau. His travel plans had to adhere strictly to the itinerary reported to Beijing, with little flexibility.Footnote ²²

In addition, as the Chinese government imposes strict controls on the transfer of assets by domestic religious institutions to foreign entities, Shaolin is not permitted to transfer its domestic financial resources abroad.Footnote ²³ Yanlun described Shaolin’s presence in Africa as being akin to “an abandoned child overseas,”Footnote ²⁴ reliant solely on self-driven efforts for cultural dissemination.

Operating overseas, the Chinese embassy in Zambia has taken a more supportive stance as Chinese diplomats stationed in Zambia consider ZSCC as a potential instrument of soft power.Footnote ²⁵ During Shi Yongxin’s visit, the Chinese ambassador to Zambia hosted a formal meeting to welcome the then Abbot. The embassy also connected ZSCC with the Zambian president’s office. Such diplomatic support stands in contrast to more reserved or cautious approaches seen elsewhere in Africa. For example, Master Xianhong of Tanhua Temple in Dar es Salaam noted that the Chinese Embassy in Tanzania distanced itself from the temple due to a scandal involving Master Xuecheng and Chinese diplomats’ perception that the Longquan Temple is not an “orthodox representation of Buddhism.”Footnote ²⁶

The process of assembling ZSCC also depends heavily on its embeddedness within the Zambian regulatory and institutional landscape. The center has strategically cultivated relationships with key Zambian government departments, including the offices of the president and vice president, along with various ministries. One of ZSCC’s strategies for fostering positive relations with Zambian government bodies and officials has been cultural outreach, particularly through kung fu performances. For instance, during Zambia’s annual agricultural exhibition in August 2023, children and the African warrior monks from ZSCC gave a kung fu performance in front of the vice president of Zambia. The following day, the permanent secretary of the vice president’s office visited the center to extended an invitation for ZSCC to participate in Zambia’s national religious conference. During this visit, the permanent secretary emphasized that while Zambia’s predominant faith is Christianity, the country takes pride in its remarkable religious tolerance. He suggested that with Shaolin’s presence in Zambia, Buddhism should be integrated into Zambian religious belief system.Footnote ²⁷

Establishing the legal foundation for ZSCC required navigating several layers of Zambian bureaucracy. Initially, ZSCC registered as a private company limited by guarantee through the Patents and Companies Registration Agency (PACRA), a statutory body under the Ministry of Commerce, Trade, and Industry. Later, it also registered the Shaolin Association Africa as a nongovernmental organization (NGO) under relevant legislation. The Ministry of Home Affairs also approved the registration of Shaolin Temple Zambia under the provisions of the Societies Act.

In addition to their regulatory role, Zambian government bodies have also actively supported the development of ZSCC. For instance, in October 2024, the Ministry of Community Development and Social Services, and the Ministry of Youth, Sport, and Arts visited the center and organized a donation for its children. The event was part of border corporate social responsibility initiatives led by Zambian companies and underscored the Zambian government’s support for ZSCC. The frequent exchanges between Zambian government bodies and ZSCC highlight that, for the Zambian government, ZSCC is more than just a religious site; it is also a charitable, educational, and cultural institution that deserves government recognition and support. Moreover, when children of ZSCC returned from China for the Shaolin games competition, staff from the Zambian president’s office welcomed them at Lusaka airport, a symbolic moment illustrating an affective assemblage of pride, national symbolism, and relational bonds.

The interplay of multiple actors, including Chinese diplomats, Zambian bureaucrats, religious personnel, and local communities shows that meaning and legitimacy around ZSCC are co-created through negotiation and adaptation, even as each actor engages the center with different intentions and rationalities. ZSCC should thus be understood as an evolving material, elemental, and affective assemblage, which involves a complex network of transnational enterprises, connections, infrastructures, and relation-building efforts (especially through the “African Trainees Program”), continually shaped by a variety of actors, human and nonhuman elements, and varying degrees of agency.