1 https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0070903/?ref_=tt_ch Accessed 1 January 2024.

2 The main contributions on important cities: Ankara (Foss, C., ‘Late Antique and Byzantine Ankara’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 31 (1977) 27-82Google Scholar); Ephesos (Foss, Ephesus After Antiquity: a Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish city (Cambridge 1979); Sardis (Foss, Byzantine and Turkish Sardis (Cambridge 1980); Nicaea (Foss and Tulchin, J., Nicaea. A Byzantine capital and its praises (New York 1996)Google Scholar. Foss also published the results of extensive archaeological surveys conducted in Anatolia and beyond: ‘The Lycian coast in the Byzantine age’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 48 (1994) 1-52; ‘The cities of Pamphylia in the Byzantine age’, in Foss (ed.), Cities, Fortresses and Villages of Byzantine Asia Minor (Burlington VT 1996) IV.1-62; ‘Syria in transition. A.D. 550-750: an archaeological approach’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51 (1997) 189-269.

3 Foss, ‘Archaeology and the "Twenty Cities" of Byzantine Asia’, AJA 81/4, 469-86.

4 Foss ‘The Persians in Asia Minor and the end of Antiquity’, The English Historical Review, 90/357 (1975) 721-47.

5 Foss, ‘Archaeology and the "Twenty Cities"’, 486.

6 A milestone is Brown, Peter, The World of Late Antiquity (New York 1971)Google Scholar.

7 See e.g. D. Claude, Die Byzantiische Stadt im 6. Jahrhundert (Munich 1969); moreover, in the 1950s both Alexander Kazdhan and George Ostrogorsky relied on numismatic evidence as a guide fossil to interpret the trajectories of Byzantine urbanism, though reaching opposite conclusions: (see Zavagno, L., ‘The Byzantine city and its historiography’, in Bakirtzis, N. and Zavagno, L. (eds.), The Routledge Handbook of the Byzantine City. From Justinian to Mehmet II (ca. 500 – ca. 1500) (London 2024) 17-36Google Scholar.

8 Wickham, C., Framing the Early Middle Age: Europe and the Mediterranean, 400-800 (Oxford 2005) 11-12Google Scholar. Wickham's criticism is mainly directed at A.H.M. Jones, who set the trend of Late Roman studies from the 1930s to the 1960s; see e.g. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (Oxford 1937) and The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: a social, economic and administrative survey (London 1964).

9 Wickham, Framing, 32 and The Donkey and the Boat, 271 with further bibliography.

10 Crow, J., ‘Archaeology,’ in James, L. (ed.), A Companion to Byzantium (Oxford 2010) 291-300Google Scholar (293).

11 For a brief overview of progress in the analysis of these two types of material evidence see Gandila, A..’ Reconciling the ‘step sisters’: early Byzantine numismatics, history and archaeology’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 111 (2018), 103-24Google Scholar; Dark, K., Byzantine Pottery (Oxford 2002)Google Scholar; Vroom, J., Byzantine to Modern Pottery in the Aegean: 7^th to the 20^th century A.C. An introduction and field guide (Utrecht 2005)Google Scholar.

12 Crow, ‘Archaeology,’ 293.

13 There is no independent Wikipedia entry for ‘Byzantine Archaeology’: the entry for ‘Byzantine Studies’ includes numismatics and epigraphy as ‘auxiliary [sic] disciplines’ but does not mention archaeology. The sole handbooks of Byzantine archaeology have not been translated into English: Zanini, E., Introduzione all'Archeologia Bizantina (Roma 1994)Google Scholar; A. Paliouras, Εισαγωγή στη Βυζαντινή Αρχαιολογία (Ioannina 2004).

14 See e.g. Hendy, M.F., Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 300—c. 1450 (Oxford 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Harvey, A., Economic Expansion in the Byzantine Empire 900-1200 (Cambridge 1990)Google Scholar; Whittow, M., The Making of Orthodox Byzantium, 600-1205 (Oxford 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bintliff, J., ‘Beyond the dots on the map: future directions for surface artefact survey in Greece’, in Bintliff, J., Kuna, M., and Venclova, N. (eds.), The Future of Surface Artefact Surveys in Europe (Sheffield 2000) 3–20Google Scholar; Brubaker, L. and Haldon, J., Byzantium in the Iconoclastic Era (ca. 680-850). The Sources: An Annotated Survey (Aldershot 2001)Google Scholar; the array of chapters in Laiou, A., The Economic History of Byzantium. From the seventh through the fifteenth century (3 vols, Washington DC 2002)Google Scholar; Rautman, M., Daily Life in the Byzantine Empire (London 2006)Google Scholar; Laiou, A. and Morrisson, C., The Byzantine Economy (Cambridge 2007)Google Scholar; Decker, M., Tilling the Hateful Earth: agricultural production and trade in the Late Antique East (Oxford 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Izdbesky, A., A Rural Economy in Transition: Asia Minor from Late Antiquity into the Early Middle Ages (Warsaw 2013)Google Scholar; Decker, M., The Byzantine Dark Ages (London 2016)Google Scholar; Haldon, J., The Empire that would not Die: the paradox of Eastern Roman survival, 640–740 (Cambridge 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ousterhout, R., Eastern Medieval Architecture: the building traditions of Byzantium and neighboring lands (New York 2019)Google Scholar; Lavan, L., Public Space in the Late Antique City (Leiden 2021)Google Scholar; A. Castrorao Barba and G. Castiglia, Perspectives on Byzantine Archaeology. From Justinian to the Abbassid Era (6^th-9^th Centuries AD) (Turnhout 2023). Although only partially focusing on Byzantium, other seminal contributions heavily relying on archaeology and material culture are McCormick, M., Origins of the European Economy. Communications and commerce AD 300-900 (Cambridge MA 2001)Google Scholar, Wickham, Framing, and The Donkey and the Boat. Reinterpreting the Mediterranean economy 950-1180 (Oxford 2023).

15 Bollók, Á., ‘The archaeology of the Byzantine state – a non-specialist's approach’, Antaeus 33 (2015) 265-315Google Scholar, esp. 274; also Whittow, Making, 14 and Rautman, M., ‘Archaeology and Byzantine Studies’, in Byzantinische Forschungen 15 (1990) 137-66Google Scholar.

16 Decker, M., ‘The current status of Byzantine archaeology’, History Compass 16/9 (2018) 1-8Google Scholar, esp. 2

17 Baron, H., ‘Introduction – steps towards an environmental history of the Byzantine Empire,’ in Baron, H. and Daim, F. (eds.), A Most Pleasant Scene and an Inexhaustible Resource. Steps towards a Byzantine environmental history. Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident 6 (Mainz 2017) 9-14Google Scholar; Xoplaki, E. et al., ‘The medieval climate anomaly and Byzantium: a review of the evidence on climatic fluctuations, economic performance and societal change’, Quaternary Science Reviews 136 (2016) 229-52CrossRefGoogle Scholar and ‘Modelling climate and societal resilience in the Eastern Mediterranean in the last millennium’, Human Ecology 46 (2018) 363–79Google Scholar; Olson, A., Environment and Society in Byzantium 650-1150. Between the oak and the olive (New York 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 See e.g. Haldon, J., Elton, H., and Newhard, J., Archaeology and Urban Settlement in Late Roman and Byzantine Anatolia: Euchaïta- Avkat- Beyözü and its environment (Cambridge 2018)Google Scholar.

19 S. Ladstätter, ‘Ephesos from Late Antiquity until the Middle Ages. An archaeological introduction’, in S. Ladstätter and P. Magdalino (eds.), Ephesos from Late Antiquity until the Late Middle Ages (Vienna 2019) 11-72; T. Otten, ‘Das Byzantinische Pergamon- Ein Überblick zu Forschungsstand und Quellenlagen,’ in F. Daim & J. Drauschke (eds.), Byzanz- das Römerreich im Mittelalter. Teil 2, 2 Shauplätze (Mainz 2010), 809-30. An exception among historical excavations is Corinth: see G. Sanders, ‘Corinth’, in A. Laiou, The Economic History, 633-41) and ‘Bridging the Grande Brèche. Rethinking coins, ceramics, Corinth, and commerce in the centuries following AD 500,’ in Dunn, A. (ed.), Byzantine Greece: Microcosm of Empire (London 2024) 137–66Google Scholar.

20 Wickham. Framing, 626 and C. Bouras, ‘Aspects of the Byzantine city. Eighth to fifteenth century’ in Laiou, The Economic History of Byzantium, 483-579, esp. 499-500; ‘Cityist (byzantinist) is a person whose research is defined by the creative, cultural and social imperative of the City life. The city being always with a capital C, none other than the capital city itself, Constantinople.’: Tsivikis, N., ‘Moving beyond the invisible cities of Byzantium’, EJPCA 10 (2020), 325-34Google Scholar (351)).

21 J. Shea, ‘The Late Byzantine city: social, economic, and institutional profile’, PhD diss., University of Birmingham 2009; Curta, F., ‘Postcards from Maurilia or the historiography of the dark-age cities of Byzantium.’ EJPCA 6 (2016), 89-110Google Scholar; Key Fowden, E., Çağaptay, S., Zychowicz-Coghill, E., and Blanke, L., Cities as Palimpsests? Responses to antiquity in Eastern Mediterranean urbanism (Oxford 2022)Google Scholar.

22 Detailed bibliography on most of these in Zavagno, L., The Byzantine City from Heraclius to the Fourth Crusade 610-1204 (London 2021)Google Scholar.

23 Pulak, C., ‘Yenikapı Byzantine shipwrecks’, in Kızıltan, Z. (ed.), Istanbul: 8,000 Years Brought to Daylight: Marmaray, Metro, Sultanahmet excavations (Istanbul 2007) 202-15Google Scholar; Kocabaş, U., ‘The Yenikapı Byzantine-era shipwrecks, Istanbul, Turkey: a preliminary report and inventory of the 27 wrecks studied by Istanbul University’, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 44/1 (2015) 5-38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 https://www.aa.com.tr/en/culture/history-being-rewritten-with-archaeological-excavations-at-train-station-in-istanbul/2390473 accessed 1 January 2024.

25 A project initiated by Koç University to bring together relevant visual and written data to create a digital resource on the city walls. https://istanbulcitywalls.ku.edu.tr/en/page/about accessed 1 January 2024. For a list of all the excavated sites in the city (to 2012), see K. Dark and F. Özgümüş, Constantinople: archaeology of a Byzantine megapolis (Istanbul 2013).

26 Tsivikis, ‘Moving beyond’, 328.

27 Uytterhoeven, I. and Ricci, A., The Palimpsest of the House. Reassessing Roman, Late Antique, Byzantine, and Early Islamic living patterns (Istanbul 2022)Google Scholar; Kondyli, F. and Anderson, B., The Byzantine Neighbourhood. Urban space and political action (London 2022)Google Scholar.

28 Yalman, S. and Uğurlu, A. Hīlāl, Sacred Spaces and Urban Networks (Istanbul 2019)Google Scholar.

29 Bakirtzis, N., ‘The practice, perception and experience of Byzantine fortification,’ in Stephenson, P. (ed.), The Byzantine World (London 2010) 352-76Google Scholar; Kontogiannis, N., Byzantine Fortifications: protecting the Roman Empire in the East (Barnsley 2022)Google Scholar.

30 Zanini, E., una, ‘Appunti per ‘archeologia del pane’ nel Mediterraneo tardo antico’, in Archetti, G. (ed.), La Civiltà del Pane. Storia, Tecniche e simboli dal Mediterraneo all'Atlantico (Spoleto 2015) 373-94Google Scholar.

31 Dunn, A., ‘The transition from polis to kastron in the Balkans (III-VII cc.): general and regional perspectives’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 18 (1994) 61-80Google Scholar; Curta, F., Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages (Cambridge 2006)Google Scholar; Albani, J. and Chalkia, E., Heaven on Hearth. Cities and countryside in Byzantine Greece (Athens 2013)Google Scholar; Veikou, M., Byzantine Epirus. A topography of transformation. settlements of the seventh-twelfth centuries in southern Epirus and Aetoloacarnania, Greece (Leiden 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Michaelidis, D., Pergola, P., and Zanini, E., The Insular System of the early Byzantine Mediterranean. Archaeology and history (Oxford 2013)Google Scholar; Niewöhner, P., The Archaeology of Byzantine Anatolia From the End of Late Antiquity until the Coming of the Turks (Oxford 2017)Google Scholar.

32 Decker, M., ‘What is a Byzantine landscape? ’, in Veikou, M. and Nilsson, I. (eds), Spatialities of Byzantine Culture from the Human Body to the Universe (Leiden 2022) 243-61Google Scholar, esp. 245.

33 Bollók, ‘The archaeology’, 279; also Decker, ‘The state,’ 5.

34 Lefort, J., Morrisson, C., and Sodini, J.P., Les Villages dans l'Empire byzantin, IVe-XVe siècle (Paris 2005)Google Scholar. Some recent regional overviews are: for Anatolia A. Izdebeski, ‘Rural Settlements,’ in Niewöhner (ed.), The Archaeology, 82-90; for Greece: E. Gerousi ‘Rural Greece in the Byzantine period in light of the new archaeological evidence’ in Albani and Chalkia (eds.), Heaven & Hearth, 31-43 and E. Athanassopoulos, ‘Medieval landscape archaeology in southern Greece: an overview and reassessment’, in A. Castrorao Barba, D. Tanasi, and R. Micicchè, Archaeology of the Mediterranean during Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Gainesville FL 2023), 94-114; for Cyprus M. Rautmann, A Cypriot Village of Late Antiquity: Kalavasos-Kopetra in the Vasilikos Valley (Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series #52) (Portsmouth 2003) and ‘The villages of Byzantine Cyprus’ in Lefort, Morrisson and Sodini (eds), Les Villages, 453-64; T. Papacostas, ‘The Troodos Mountains of Cyprus in the Byzantine period: archaeology, settlement, economy’, Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes 43 (2013) 175-200; also the works of Athanasios Vionis; finally, for Sicily (where the focus has been on the transformations and re-functionalization of Roman villas) see G. Cacciaguerra and A. Castrorao Barba, ‘The Sicilian countryside during the Byzantine period’, in Castrorao Barba and Castiglia, Perspectives, 107-22. See also T. Lewit and A. Chavarria, ‘Archaeological research in the Late Antique countryside. A bibliographical essay’, in W. Bowden et al., Recent Research on the Late Antique Countryside (Leiden 2004) 1-51; and the overview (limited to the seventh-to-tenth century period) in Decker, The Byzantine, 123-52.

35 Lewit, T., ‘Stories in the ground: settlement remains and archaeology as narrative in the fourth- to sixth-century Eastern Mediterranean,’ in Burke, J. et al. (eds), Byzantine Narrative. Papers in honour of Roger Scott (Melbourne 2006), 475-80Google Scholar.

36 Decker, ‘What is a Byzantine landscape?’, 246.

37 A. Vionis, ‘Understanding settlements in Byzantine Greece: new data and approaches for Boeotia, sixth to thirteenth century’, in Papantoniou, G. and Vionis, A., ‘Landscape archaeology and sacred space in the Eastern Mediterranean: a glimpse from Cyprus,’ Land 6 (2017) 1-18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vionis, A. and Papantoniou, G., ‘Central place theory reloaded and revised: political economy and landscape dynamics in the longue durée’, Land 8 (2019) 36CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Vionis’ research is heavily indebted to the historical-geographical theories of Koder, Johannes, ‘Land use and settlement: theoretical approaches’, in Haldon, J. (ed.), General Issues in the Study of Medieval Logistics: sources, problems and methodologies (Leiden 2006), 178–81Google Scholar.

38 M. Veikou, ‘Byzantine histories, settlement stories: kastra, ‘isles of refuge’, and ‘unspecified settlements’ as in-between or third spaces’, in T. Kiousopoulou (ed.), Οι βυζαντινές πόλεις (8ος-15ος αιώνας.) Προοπτικές της έρευνας και νέες ερμηνευτικές προσεγγίσεις (Rethymno 2012) 159-207, esp. 172-4.

39 Veikou, M., ‘Mediterranean Byzantine ports and harbors in the complex interplay between environment and society. Spatial, socio-economic and cultural considerations based on archeological evidence from Greece, Cyprus and Asia Minor,’ in Preiser-Kapeller, J. and Daim, F. (eds.), Harbours and Maritime Networks as Complex Adaptive Systems (Mainz 2015) 39-61Google Scholar.

40 Ousterhout, R., Visualizing Community: art, material culture, and settlement in Byzantine Cappadocia (Washington DC 2017)Google Scholar

41 See nn. 43 and 44.

42 J. W. Hayes, Excavations at Saraçhane in Istambul. vol. 2: The Pottery (Princeton 1992).

43 Wickham, Framing, 708-20.

44 N. Poulou, ‘Digging in the dark: the islands of the Aegean and Crete from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages (late 6^th-9^th c. CE.,’ in Castrorao Barba, Tanasi, and Micicchè eds.), Archaeology of the Mediterranean, 13-52; P. Armstrong, ‘The earliest glazed ceramics in Constantinople: a regional or international phenomenon?’ Journal of Archaeological Science. Reports, 29 (2019) https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2019.102078 accessed 1 January 2024, and ‘Greece in the eleventh century’, in J. Howard-Johnston (ed.), Social Change in Town and Country in Eleventh-Century Byzantium (Oxford 2020), 133–56. For sets of ceramics included in the MBP see S.S. Skartsis and N.Kontogiannis, ‘Central Greece in the Middle Byzantine and Late Byzantine periods: changing patterns of consumption in Thebes and Chalcis’, in J. Vroom (ed.), Feeding the Byzantine City. The Archaeology of Consumption in the Eastern Mediterranean (ca. 500-1500) (Leiden 2023), 195-223, esp. 197; also Vroom, ‘Production, exchange and consumption of ceramics in the Byzantine Mediterranean (7^th-15^th centuries)’, in Vroom (ed.), Feeding, 283-338.

45 P. Arthur, ‘From Italy to the Aegean and back again. Notes on the archaeology of Byzantine maritime trade,’ in S. Gelichi and R. Hodges (eds.), Da un mare all'altro. Luoghi di scambio nell'Alto Medioevo europeo e mediterraneo Atti del Seminario Internazionale Comacchio, 27-29 Marzo 2009 (Turnhout 2012), 337-52; I. Randall, “Continuity and change in the ceramic data. The ‘Byzantine problem” and Cyprus during the treaty centuries’, Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes 43 (2013), 273-84; S. Gabrieli, ‘In search of lost centuries. Hand-made pottery in Cyprus between Rome and the Crusaders,’ HEROM. Journal on Hellenistic and Roman Material Culture, 9 (2020), 447-87, esp. 454-60; A. Vionis, ‘Bridging the early Medieval “ceramic gap” in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean (7th-9th c.): local and global phenomena’, HEROM. Journal on Hellenistic and Roman Material Culture, 9 (2020) 291-397.

46 On Late Roman production see e.g. S. Demesticha, ‘Late Roman Amphora typology in context’, in N. Poulou-Papadimitriou, E. Nodarou and V. Kilikoglou (eds), Late Roman Amphorae and Coarse Ware 4 LRCW 4: The Mediterranean: a market without frontiers. BAR Int. S 2616 (I) (Oxford 2014) 599-606; on the Byzantine globular and ovoidal amphorae see the dedicated issue of the journal Archeologia Medievale (AM XLVI (2018).

47 Vroom, J., ‘The Byzantine web. Pottery and connectivity between the southern Adriatic and the eastern Mediterranean,’ in Gelichi, S. and Negrelli, C. (eds.), Adriatico altomedievale (VI-XI secolo). Scambi, porti, produzioni (Rome 2017) 285-313Google Scholar.

48 S. Cosentino, ‘Mentality , technology and commerce: shipping amongst the Mediterranean islands in Late Antiquity and beyond’, in Michaelides, Pergola, and Zanini (eds.), The Insular System, 63-76 (72).

49 Vroom, ‘Ceramics’, 182-4.

50 Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 302-16.

51 Vroom, ‘Ceramics’, 298-9.

52 J. Vroom, ‘Shifting Byzantine networks: new light on Chalkis (Euripos/Negroponte) as center of production and trade in Greece (c. 10^th-13^th c.)’, in E. Fiori and M. Trizio (eds.), The 24^th International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Vl. 1: Proceedings of the Plenary Sessions (Venice 2022) 453-87.

53 Laiou and Morrisson, Byzantine Economy, 84-9.

54 Decker, ‘The state,’ 5.

55 C. Morrisson, ‘Coins’, in in Niewöhner (ed.), The Archaeology, 71-81, esp. 76.

56 Gandila, ‘Reconciling’, 110-118, esp. 111.

57 A. Poulter, The Transition to Late Antiquity. On the Danube and beyond (Oxford 2007). A. Asa Eger, The Islamic-Byzantine Frontier: interaction and exchange among Muslim and Christian communities (London 2014); Peacock, A.S., ‘The Seljuk Sultanate of Rūm and the Turkmen of the Byzantine frontier, 1206–1279’, Al-Masāq 26/3 (2014) 266-87Google Scholar; Lau, M., ‘Ioannoupolis: Lopadion as ‘city’ and military headquarters under Emperor Ioannis II Komnenos,’ in Matheou, N.S.M., Kampanaki, T. and Bondioli, L.M. (eds.), From Constantinople to the Frontier: The City and the Cities ( Leiden 2016) 435-464Google Scholar; A. Madgearu, Byzantine Military Organization on the Danube, 10^th-12^th Centuries (Leiden 2013); Cosentino, S., ‘Insularity, economy and social landscape in the early Byzantine period,’ Rivista di Studi Bizantini e NeoEllenici 55 (2018) 89-104Google Scholar, esp. 102.

58 On Slavic wares see Vroom, J., ‘From one coast to another: early medieval ceramics in the southern Adriatic region’, in Gelichi, S. and Hodges, R. (eds.), From One Sea to Another. Trading places in the European and Mediterranean early Middle Ages., (Turnhout 2012) 353-92CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp 390-1; on matted wares (‘ceramica a stuoia’) see L. Arcifa and R. Longo, ‘Processi di diversificazione territorial nella Sicilia di inizi IX secolo. Il Contesto di Rocchicella -Mineo (CT),’ . P. Arthur and M.L. Imperiale (eds.), VII Congresso Nazionale di Archeologia Medievale. Volume II. Sezione IV. Luoghi di Culto e Archeologia (Florence 2016) 402-7.

59 See L. Zavagno, ‘“Encounters at the end of the world”: mobility and cross-cultural interactions on Byzantine islands (ca.550- ca.850) in an archaeological perspective’, in K. Durak and N.Necipoğlu (eds.), Mobility and Materiality in Byzantine-Islamic Relations, 7th-12th Centuries (forthcoming).

60 Vroom, J. and Tzavella, E., ‘Dinner time in Athens: eating and drinking in the Medieval Agora’, in Vroom, J., Waksman, Y., and van Oosten, R. (eds.), Medieval MasterChef: Archaeological and historical perspectives on eastern cuisine and western foodways (Turnhout 2017), 145-81Google Scholar; esp. 146-7; Arthur, P., ‘Pots and boundaries. On cultural and economic areas between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages’, in Bonifay, M. and Tréglia, J.-C. (eds.), LRCW 2. Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean: archaeology and archaeometry I (Oxford 2007) 15-22Google Scholar.

61 L. Mordechai and M. Eisenberg, ‘Rejecting catastrophe: the case of the Justinianic plague,’ Past & Present, 244/1 (2019) 3–50, esp. 24-44.

62 Haldon, J. et a., ‘The climate and environment of Byzantine Anatolia: integrating science, history, and archaeology’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 45/2 (2014), 113–61Google Scholar.

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65 On the archaeology of people vs. the archaeology of monuments, see Horden, P. and Purcell, N., The Corrupting Sea. A Study on Mediterranean history (Oxford 2000), 88–122Google Scholar.