Severe restriction of food and fluid intake presenting in National Health Service (NHS) services is conventionally diagnosed as either anorexia nervosa or avoidant/restrictive food intake disorder (ARFID). Diagnostic criteria centre on weight and shape psychopathology in anorexia nervosa, with evidence supporting cognitive-behavioural approaches targeting fear of weight gain and body image distortion. National Institute for Health and Care Excellence guidelines 1 emphasise structured nutritional rehabilitation alongside psychological interventions addressing eating disorder cognitions. ARFID criteria encompass restriction driven by sensory sensitivities, fear of aversive consequences or lack of interest in eating. Treatment protocols derived from these frameworks show limited efficacy in reducing restriction and medical risk, and only where psychopathology aligns well with diagnostic criteria. Reference Frostad and Bentz2,Reference Solmi, Wade, Byrne, del Giovane, Fairburn and Ostinelli3
Functional and relational understandings of restriction
Clinicians increasingly encounter patients presenting with severe restriction and associated medical emergency, yet showing minimal evidence of classical anorexia nervosa psychopathology. These individuals often lack the body image distortion characteristic of anorexia nervosa. Their restriction triggers clinical emergencies, hospital admissions and repeated cycles of deterioration and stabilisation. Once admitted, they may show greater capacity around eating and some physiological improvement compared with classical anorexia nervosa presentations, returning to severe restriction post-discharge. Reference Frostad and Bentz2,Reference Fenton, Ellison, Philpot, Adedeji, Cruickshank and Goldup4 Unlike anorexia nervosa, where resistance to eating is typically consistent and pervasive, restriction in restrictive intake self-harm (RISH) shows a more yo-yo pattern of rapid onset and partial remission in the context of care. Reference Fenton, Ellison, Philpot, Adedeji, Cruickshank and Goldup4
These patterns do not map onto existing diagnostic categories. ARFID does not capture the relational and emotional drivers at play. Atypical anorexia nervosa still presupposes weight/shape psychopathology, which is often absent. Clinicians have begun using the term RISH to describe presentations where the primary function of restriction is emotional relief, interpersonal communication or self-harm rather than weight control. Reference Frostad and Bentz2,Reference Solmi, Wade, Byrne, del Giovane, Fairburn and Ostinelli3
A recent review highlighted the functional roles of restrictive eating, including as a form of self-harm, a regulatory strategy and for interpersonal influence. Reference Ambler, Hill, Willis, Gregory, Mujahid, Romeu and Brennan5 These findings challenge assumptions that disordered eating can be understood primarily through weight/shape psychopathology and invite examination of how restriction may operate.
We draw on attachment theory to argue that RISH represents a relationally mediated coping strategy emerging when early caregiving experiences constrain capacity for direct help-seeking or self-regulation. We further argue that current NHS structures can inadvertently reinforce these developmental templates. A relationally informed approach is therefore essential to person-centred care and reducing iatrogenic harm.
RISH as a functionally distinct clinical phenomenon
What differentiates RISH from anorexia nervosa is not the absence of weight/shape concerns, but their reduced salience relative to the distinctive meaning and purpose of restriction. Individuals with RISH often restrict to communicate distress, relieve unbearable affect, elicit particular responses in others or create a sense of agency in invalidating or chaotic situations. Restriction in these cases functions in ways that overlap with self-harm and chronic suicidality. Reference Fenton, Ellison, Philpot, Adedeji, Cruickshank and Goldup4 The clinical recognition of these patterns has led to the development of RISH as a formulation-driven term, moving away from previous categorisations such as atypical anorexia nervosa or ‘disordered eating’, which many patients experience as invalidating and unhelpful for treatment engagement. Reference Ellison and Philpot6
A recent review by Ambler et al Reference Ambler, Hill, Willis, Gregory, Mujahid, Romeu and Brennan5 found compelling empirical grounding for this conceptualisation. Affect regulation emerged as the most commonly endorsed function, with interpersonal influence, personal mastery and validation also prominent. These findings resonate with clinical observations of RISH, where restriction becomes an automatic response, making its rapid onset and offset comprehensible. When individuals are removed from the relational contexts that evoke restriction and placed into hospital environments with predictable routines, consistent attention and regular monitoring, the drive to restrict temporarily diminishes. This explains why swift medical stabilisation is often observed.
RISH thus sits conceptually at the intersection of eating disorder and self-harm. Like self-harm, it may serve as a means of coping, communicating or regaining agency. Like eating disorders, it involves the body as the primary site of meaning-making and self-regulation. Understanding RISH therefore requires a framework capable of integrating these domains.
Relational dynamics and the development of RISH
Attachment theory provides a useful foundation for understanding why some individuals resort to restriction for regulation. Bowlby Reference Bowlby7 argued that early caregiving experiences shape internal working models that govern how individuals perceive their own needs and the responsiveness of others. When caregiving is inconsistent, intrusive, or conditional, the development of self-regulation and help-seeking may be compromised. Reference Ringer and Crittenden8 From our clinical observations, three relational patterns appear particularly relevant to RISH.
Boundary confusion develops when caregivers override bodily cues, impose their emotional states on the child, or fail to support the development of autonomy. Children learn that internal signals (e.g. hunger, distress, curiosity) are unreliable. Restriction becomes a means of reclaiming control and asserting autonomy. Individuals who describe restricting for self-protection (e.g. to avoid demands, maintain distance, or create interpersonal barriers Reference Fenton, Ellison, Philpot, Adedeji, Cruickshank and Goldup4 ) are reflecting this dynamic.
Subjugation arises when children learn that expressing needs leads to rejection, conflict, or punishment. Restriction becomes a paradoxical means of communicating need while simultaneously denying it. This is consistent with restriction as interpersonal influence. Reference Fenton, Ellison, Philpot, Adedeji, Cruickshank and Goldup4 Risk-based access criteria within the NHS can inadvertently confirm the internalised belief that needs are legitimate only when distress is extreme. Individuals may therefore escalate restriction to reach a level of medical compromise that warrants intervention, consistent with documented avoidant personality traits in eating disorder populations, including fear of rejection and interpersonal avoidance as both risk and maintaining factors. Reference Simpson, Azam, Brown, Hronis and Brockman9
In unpredictable caregiving environments, children may learn that only extreme distress elicits care. Restriction in RISH often echoes this relational pattern; individuals deteriorate rapidly when they feel abandoned or unheard, yet stabilise quickly when admitted to hospital. Understanding these mechanisms is essential for reducing iatrogenic harm.
Iatrogenic reinforcement within NHS structures
Risk-driven thresholds communicate that care is contingent upon measurable physiological risk. This reinforces the belief that deterioration is necessary to be taken seriously. Similarly, crisis-responsive models re-enact relational patterns where help is available only when distress reaches its peak. This can make verbal help-seeking feel futile, and encourage reliance on restriction as the most reliable means of eliciting intervention. Standard eating disorder pathways may thereby inadvertently reinforce restrictive behaviours. Reference Ellison, Philpot, Fenton, Fuller, Leighton and Ecclestone10
Time-limited admissions may mirror experiences of inconsistent caregiving, with abrupt transitions potentially contributing to feelings of abandonment and renewed restriction. Reference Day, Mitchison, Mannan, Tannous, Conti and Dearden11 Lengthy psychiatric or specialist in-patient admissions can reinforce the reliance on illness as a means of securing relational connection. Reference Fenton, Ellison, Philpot, Adedeji, Cruickshank and Goldup4
From our clinical observation, staff countertransference can lead to responses that replicate conditional care, such as withdrawing support in response to perceived manipulation or escalating control in response to deterioration. Collectively, these structural features risk further entrenching RISH cycles while attempting to mitigate risk.
Clinical and service-level implications
Addressing RISH requires both relationally informed clinical interventions and structural adjustments. Clinically, the cornerstone of effective intervention is a comprehensive functional assessment. Reference Fenton, Ellison, Philpot, Adedeji, Cruickshank and Goldup4 Clinicians must explore what restriction accomplishes, what states it regulates, what relational meanings it holds, and anticipated fears if restriction were reduced or abandoned. Primary care decision-making tools such as those developed by Ellison and Philpot Reference Ellison and Philpot6 can assist in accurate initial identification of RISH presentations, supporting appropriate referral pathways from the outset. Further, interventions targeting personality and emotional regulation processes have been associated with improved eating disorder outcomes, supporting a functionally informed approach. Reference Simpson, Azam, Brown, Hronis and Brockman9 Interventions may subsequently focus on developing alternative emotion-regulation strategies, practising direct help-seeking, establishing boundaries or fostering agency, depending on the primary function of restriction.
Organisationally, reducing iatrogenic reinforcement requires rethinking service access, continuity of care, and transitions. Creating pathways that recognise psychological distress irrespective of body mass index, providing continuity during periods of lower acuity, and managing transitions gradually may reduce the need for escalation. Multidisciplinary teams should explicitly discuss how service structures may inadvertently reinforce restriction with each other and with patients.
Supporting staff through training and supervision is equally critical. Understanding RISH as relationally mediated helps staff interpret countertransference reactions in a more contextualised way. Reflective supervision enables consistent responses that offer relational experiences differing from those that shaped reliance on restriction.
Implications, limitations and future directions
RISH represents an emerging and clinically pressing challenge – recognised across both child and adult mental health settings, including in survey data from child mental health professionals. Reference Fenton, Ellison, Philpot, Adedeji, Cruickshank and Goldup4 It cannot be fully understood through the lens of classical anorexia nervosa. Its roots lie in relational trauma, emotion dysregulation, and internal working models that make direct help-seeking feel dangerous or ineffectual. Empirical research has identified overlapping personality profiles in eating disorder populations – including constricted/overcontrolled and emotionally dysregulated subtypes – which share features with the relational patterns observed in RISH. Reference Simpson, Azam, Brown, Hronis and Brockman9,Reference Westen and Harnden-Fischer12 Restriction encompasses a range of functions and its rapid escalation and de-escalation reflect its relational embeddedness.
Current NHS structures may reinforce the very dynamics they seek to manage by inadvertently creating cycles of deterioration and crisis. It should be acknowledged that the evidence base for RISH as a distinct clinical entity remains emergent, resting primarily on clinical observation and conceptual literature; empirical research including case series and prospective studies is urgently needed. Relational and functional formulation offers crucial insights into clinical and systemic interventions for RISH. Attending to the functions restriction serves, making services more responsive to need rather than exclusively to risk, and supporting staff to work relationally are essential components of creating therapeutic environments in which needs can be expressed and met without resorting to restriction. Services can therefore begin to interrupt the cycles of iatrogenic reinforcement that sustain RISH and foster healthier engagement and recovery. Such responses have been described in emerging clinical reports of RISH presentations. Reference Fenton, Ellison, Philpot, Adedeji, Cruickshank and Goldup4
About the authors
Susan Simpson is a consultant clinical psychologist; Director of Schema Therapy Training Scotland, Stirling, Scotland; and Adjunct Researcher-Lecturer with the School of Society and Culture at Adelaide University, Adelaide, Australia. Kirsty Gillings is Consultant Clinical Psychologist and Clinical Lead for Personality Disorder at Alloway Centre, Community Mental Health Team, NHS Tayside, Dundee, Scotland.
Author contributions
S.S. and K.G. were involved in the initial literature review and the writing and the discussion of the paper. S.S. and K.G. contributed equally to writing the paper.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Declaration of interest
None.
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