Hostname: page-component-89b8bd64d-z2ts4 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2026-05-09T17:00:46.071Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Negotiating conservation and competition: national parks and ‘victory-over-communism’ diplomacy in South Korea

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 September 2023

Jaehwan Hyun
Jaehwan Hyun*
Affiliation:
Institute of Liberal Education, Pusan National University, South Korea
*
Email: jhwanhyun@pusan.ac.kr
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Focusing on South Korean biologists and their efforts to establish national parks in the 1960s and 1970s, I illuminate the ways in which they negotiated their relationship with the ecological diplomacy of the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and the anti-communist and developmentalist diplomacy of the South Korean government. To justify their activities, these South Korean biologists emphasized the importance of nature conservation activities in the competition for international recognition and economic development with their northern counterparts. The national-park initiative was thus subsumed into the politics of this legitimacy competition between the two Koreas, or what I call ‘victory-over-communism’ diplomacy. The IUCN's influence over South Korea was limited to the extent that both the government and scientists recognized the diplomatic merit they could gain in the context of their Cold War competition and developmentalism. It is also shown how, during the short detente period of the two Koreas, South Korean biologists used victory-over-communism diplomacy to renew their government's attention to their activities. This Korean episode contributes to the wider perspective of decentralizing the Cold War history of environmental diplomacy in the free-world bloc by illustrating the importance of its entanglement with the Cold War politics surrounding Asian developmentalism.

Information

Type
Research Article
Information
The British Journal for the History of Science , Volume 57 , Special Issue 2: Decentring histories of science diplomacy: cases from Asia , June 2024 , pp. 239 - 255
Check for updates
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of British Society for the History of Science

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Article purchase

Temporarily unavailable

References

1 I adopt the McCune–Reischauer system for the romanization of Korean; all Korean names in this article are given surname first, followed by given name.

2 For instance, during the period of Richard Nixon's presidency (1969–74) the US government utilized environmental diplomacy to reduce American investment in international aid and used intra-bloc diplomatic tools for detente. Flippen, J. Brooks, ‘Richard Nixon, Russell Train, and the birth of modern American environmental diplomacy’, Diplomatic History (2008) 32(4), pp. 613–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Macekura, Stephen, Of Limits and Growth: The Rise of Global Sustainable Development in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Camprubí, Lino, ‘Birds without borders: ecological diplomacy and the WWF in Franco's Spain’, Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences (2020) 50(4), pp. 433–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Kupper, Patrick, ‘Nature's laboratories? Exploring the intersection of science and national parks’, in Howkins, Adrian, Orsi, Jared and Fiege, Mark (eds.), National Parks beyond the Nation: Global Perspectives on America's Best Idea, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2016, pp. 114–32Google Scholar.

5 Schleper, Simone, Planning for the Planet: Environmental Expertise and the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, 1960–1980, London: Berghahn Books, 2019Google Scholar.

6 Macekura, op. cit. (2), pp. 41–2; Schleper, op. cit. (5), pp. 5–6; Selcer, Perrin, The Postwar Origins of the Global Environment: How the United Nations Built Spaceship Earth, New York: Columbia University Press, 2018, pp. 75–9Google Scholar.

7 Macekura, op. cit. (2), pp. 213–33; Adams, William M., ‘Green development theory? Environmentalism and sustainable development’, in Crush, Jonathan (ed.), Power of Development, London: Routledge, 2005, pp. 85–96Google Scholar; Corson, Catherine, ‘Shifting environmental governance in a neoliberal world: US AID for conservation’, Antipode (2010) 42(3), pp. 576–602CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Hyun, Jaehwan, ‘Brokering science, blaming culture: the US–South Korea ecological survey in the demilitarized zone, 1963–8’, History of Science (2020) 59(3), pp. 315–43CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

9 State-centrism is more common in the North Korean historiography mainly due to the limitation of access to non-state materials. See Winstanley-Chesters, Robert, ‘From dialectic of nature to the Asian mode: a pre-history of North Korean environmental approach’, Capitalism and Nature Socialism (2016) 27(3), pp. 46–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robert Winstanley-Chesters, ‘Vibrant matter(s): fish and fishing histories in North Korea’, in Ts'ui-jung Liu and Micah Muscolino (eds.), Perspectives on Environmental History in East Asia: Changes in the Land, Water, and Air, London: Routledge, 2021, pp. 136–58. For the case of national park establishment, see Manyong Moon, ‘Social history of national parks in South Korea’, 6th Biennial Conference of East Asian Environmental History, Kyoto, Japan (online), 10 October 2021.

10 Gissibl, Bernhard, Höhler, Sabine and Kupper, Patrick (eds.), Civilizing Nature: National Parks in Global Historical Perspective, New York: Berghahn Books, 2012CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kupper, Patrick, Creating Wilderness: A Transnational History of the Swiss National Park, New York: Berghan Books, 2014CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Emily Wakild, ‘Conservation on tour: comparing nations, scientists, and parks in the Americas’, in Howkins, Orsi and Fiege, op. cit. (4), pp. 91–113.

11 Young-Dai Kwon, ‘One year of our science world’ (Urigwahakgyeui illyeon), Donga Daily, 23 December 1961, p. 4.

12 After its establishment in 1963, the organization changed its name several times, in 1965, 1967 and 1974. In this paper, I will use KCCN as an abbreviation for the organization's name, regardless of name changes.

13 Fedman, David, Seeds of Control: Japan's Empire of Forestry in Colonial Korea, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2020CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Yeong-Ho Jung, ‘Winter expedition to Mt. Odae’ (Tonggi odaesan tapsagi), Donga Daily, 13 February 1955, p. 4.

15 Hon-kyu Kim and Pyong-oh Won, ‘The bird preservation in Korea’ (Han'gugŭi chosuboho), in Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Agriculture, A Report on the 12th International Council for Bird Preservation Meeting, Seoul: Ministry of Agriculture, 18 September 1960, pp. 41–59.

16 Lee, Woo Chul, ‘On the natural monuments in Korea’ (Ch'ŏnyŏn'ginyŏmmure kwanhan sogo), Korean Journal of Plant Taxonomy (1969) 1(1), pp. 27–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 Hyun, Jaehwan, ‘Reconfiguring mountain expeditions: the transwar origins of the Korean nature conservation movement, 1926–1962’, Korea Journal (2022) 62(3), pp. 79–115Google Scholar.

18 Hyun, op. cit. (17), pp. 100–2.

19 Jaehwan Hyun, ‘Cold War environmentalism in a South Korean context’, a virtual workshop at the Max-Planck Institute for the History of Science, Department III, Berlin, Germany (online), 10 May 2021.

20 Pyong-oh Won, The Bird and Animal Preservation (Chosuboho), Seoul: Central Forest Experiment Station, 1956.

21 This obscurity of the distinction between preservation and conservation originated from the Japanese Empire's forestry and landscape management practices, and thus postwar Japanese conservationists also confused the two concepts. See Hyun, op. cit. (17), pp. 82–3.

22 Hyun, op. cit. (8), pp. 319–26.

23 There was a short-lived government (August 1960–May 1961) between the Rhee and Park regimes.

24 Hon-Kyu Kim, ‘National park status in Korea’, in Science Council of Japan (ed.), Abstract of Papers Related with Agriculture, Forestry, Animal Science and Conservation for the Eleventh Pacific Science Congress, vol. 6, Tokyo: Science Council of Japan, 1966, p. 6.

25 Holdgate, Martin, The Green Web: A Union for World Conservation, Oxon: Earthscan, 1999, pp. 69–71Google Scholar.

26 Most of the financial support came from the CPP.

27 ‘IUCN membership request review’ (IUCN kaip kŏmt'o), in Ministry of Foreign Affairs (ed.), The Republic of Korea Foreign Affairs Archives Guide, vol. 1: 1949–1959 (Taehanmin'guk oegyosaryohaejejip 1. 1949–1959nyŏn), Seoul: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2010, p. 329.

28 For the case of UNESCO participation see ‘UNESCO general assembly, the 8–10th’ (UNESCO ch'onghoe, che 8–10ch'a), 1958, in Ministry of Foreign Affairs, op. cit. (27), p. 299.

29 For the competition of two Chinas in the IGY see Zuoyue Wang and Jiuchen Zhang, ‘China and the International Geophysical Year’, in Roger D. Launius, James Rodger Fleming and David H. DeVorkin (eds.), Globalizing Polar Science: Reconsidering the International Polar and Geophysical Years, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, pp. 143–55.

30 For the history of anti-communism and its transition during the Park period see Seong-Bo Kim, ‘Cracks and conversion of anti-communism in Korea after the Korean War’ (Chŏnhu han'guk pan'gongjuŭiŭi kyunyŏlgwa chŏnhwan), Journal of History and Practical Thought Studies (Yŏksashirhak'oe) (2017) 62, pp. 191–219.

31 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ‘A problem of attending international conferences organised by communist countries’ (Kongsan'gwŏn kaech'oe kukchehoeŭi ch'amgamunje), 22 April 1966, National Archives of Korea (subsequently NK), CA0007233. In 1972, the Park government officially promoted academic exchange with the communist countries of Eastern Europe beyond participating in international conferences or seminars in which scholars from communist countries would take part. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ‘The promotion of academic exchange with the communist bloc’ (Kongsan'gwŏn'gwaŭi haksul kyoryu ch'ujin), 1972, NK, CA0361926.

32 Kwon, op. cit. (11).

33 ‘ICSU member unions membership’ (ICSU sanhadanch'e kaip ch'ujin), in Ministry of Foreign Affairs (ed.), The Republic of Korea Foreign Affairs Archives Guide, vol. 2: 1960–1963 (Taehanmin'guk oegyosaryohaejejip 2. 1960–1963nyŏn), Seoul: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2011, p. 251. Competition surrounding ICSU union membership similarly occurred between Taiwan (Republic of China) and mainland China (People's Republic of China), especially after the United Nations took the decision to expel Taiwan while accepting mainland China in 1971. For example, see Joeslyn, Jo Ann and Isamil-Zadeh, Alik, ‘IUGG evolves (1940–2000)’, History of Geo- and Space Sciences (2019) 10, p. 58Google Scholar.

34 Holdgate, op. cit. (25).

35 IUCN, Tenth General Assembly, New Delhi, 1969, vol. 2: Proceedings and Summary of Business, Morges: IUCN, 1970, p. 42.

36 George C. Ruhle, Advisory Report on National Parks and Reserves for the Republic of Korea, 1966, New York: American Committee for International Wildlife Protection, 1968, p. 21; AKCN, ‘Nature and natural resources of Korea’, Korean Nature (1965) 1, pp. 14–15, 15.

37 AKCN, op. cit. (36), pp. 14–15.

38 AKCN, op. cit. (36), p. 15.

39 Harold J. Coolidge to Yung Sun Kang, 14 June 1969, Harvard University Archives, Harold J. Coolidge Papers (subsequently HP), Box 33, folder ‘ADM: International Relations 1969; International Unions: IUCN; Area Info: So Pac & Asia’.

40 KCCN, Nature in Korea (Han'gugŭi chayŏn), Seoul: Bureau of Cultural Properties Protection, Ministry of Culture and Information, 1970.

41 Bont, Raf de, ‘A world laboratory: framing the Albert National Park’, Environmental History (2017), 22(3), pp. 404–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 William J. Ford to Harold J. Coolidge, 4 May 1962, National Archives and Records Administrations via National Library of South Korea, RG 84, Records of the Foreign Service Posts of the Department of State, 1788–1964, folder ‘310 International Conference (General), 1962’.

43 Kupper, op. cit. (4).

44 ‘The national park law (draft)’ (Kungnipkongwŏnbŏp(an)), 1959, NK, BA0084231, p. 323; ‘The national park law (draft)’ (Kungnipkongwŏnbŏp(an)), 1960, NK, BA0084231, p. 152. The definition of national parks was very obscure. According to the final draft, any scenic sites (p'unggyŏngji or p'unggwangji), where it is possible to contribute to the improvement of public health and development of tourism industry, could be designated by the Minister of the Interior (in case of national parks) or mayors (in case of regional parks). This recreational (and national-health-driven) national-park idea originated from the Japanese Empire and contemporary Japan's national-park planning. Okauchi, Kazuki, ‘Dreaming of “human-uninhabited” areas? national park debates in modern Germany and Japan’, Urbanscope (2018) 9, pp. 55–63Google Scholar.

45 The National Park Law draft discussed in 1959 was planned to be enacted in 1961 but was withdrawn in 1962 by the junta government.

46 It would be worth noting that similar regional competition to bring national parks in their places happened in the mid-1930s when the governor general of Korea announced the national-park plan as a way to promote regional tourism. It was not put into action due to the radicalization of the second Sino-Japanese War from the summer of 1937. For colonial national-park planning see Chan-mo Park, ‘Mt. Chiri and “national parks” in colonial Korea’ (Ilchegangjŏmgi chirisan'gwa kungnipkongwŏn), in Dong-kyu Moon and Chan-mo Park (eds.), Mount Chiri and the Gurye–Yeonha Association (Chirisan'gwa kuryeyŏnhaban), Seoul: Taehaksa, 2017, pp. 69–86.

47 Jaeyoung Ha, ‘Preservation as a force of development: local, national, and Cold War dynamics in the making of South Korea's first national park’, Ecological and Environmental History Seminar of the Korean Society of Environment and Ecology, 29 November 2022 (online).

48 Survey and Research Committee for the Development of Chiri-Mountain Area, Report on the Survey for the Development of Chiri-Mountain Area (Chirisan jiyŏkkaebare gwanhan chosabogosŏ), Seoul: Korea National Reconstruction Movement Headquarters, 1963.

49 It might be wrong to define the Mount Chiri proposal as only a legacy of the previous Rhee government's national-park planning. As Korean historian Jaeyoung Ha recently discovered, in the 1960s bureaucrats of the Ministry of Construction and Ministry of Transportation developed the Mount Chiri national-park plan under the inspiration of USOM's and PATA's technical assistance to the South Korean tourism industry. Ha, op. cit. (47).

50 In 1966, even when Coolidge showed his strong support for the KCCN's proposal, Kim Hon-kyu continuously suggested Mount Chiri as a proposed national park. After the final Park Law was passed in 1967, Kim became the only biologist member of the Ministry of Construction's Committee of National Parks Management. Hon-Kyu Kim, National Parks in the World (Segyeŭi kungnipkongwŏn), Seoul: s.n., 1970. In 1968, when Kim was active as a national-park adviser to the Ministry of Construction, Coolidge explicitly expressed his distaste for his activities and advised the US national-park authorities not to work with him. Harold J. Coolidge to Anthony Wayne Smith, 31 July 1968, HP, Box 27, folder ‘ADM: International Relations 1968; International Unions: IUCN; Area Info: Pacific-Asia; General’.

51 ‘A roundtable talk for the cultural property protection weeks’ (Munhwajaeaehogigane puch'inŭn chwadamhoe), Donga Daily, 10 November 1962, p. 3.

52 William Hart to Harold J. Coolidge, 20 April 1964, HP, Box 11, folder ‘ADM: International Relations; International Unions: IUCN; ICNP; Area Info: So Pac & Asia; General’.

53 The IUCN originally favoured the Bureau of Forestry since the CPP seemed to be mainly related to preservation of ‘cultural property’ rather than ‘nature conservation’. Yet the Bureau of Forestry narrowed its focus to forestry management after the government drove a long-term nationwide afforestation initiative.

54 ‘For the first time in Korea: designating Mount Seorak and Mount Halla as national parks’ (Urinaraesŏ ch'ŏŭmŭro – sŏraksan'gwa hallasanŭl kungnipkongwŏnŭro), Kyunghyang shinmun, 16 May 1964, p. 5. The KCCN's original proposal also included other sites, such as Ulleung Island, the Nakdong river delta and Chin Island – mostly redesignated natural monuments two years earlier in tandem with the legislation of Cultural Property Protection Law. The first two regions were later designated natural reserves as well. Bok-Sung Cho to William Hart, 28 December 1963, HP, Box 11, folder ‘ADM: International Relations; South Pacific Area’.

55 ‘Will establish national parks: Mount Seorak, Mount Halla and Huksan Island’ (Kungnipkongwŏn kkumigiro – Sŏraksan, Hallasan, Hŭksando), Chosun Daily, 16 February 1964, p. 7; Park Man-Kyu, ‘Special plants among natural monuments’ (Ch'ŏnyŏn'ginyŏmmurŭi t'ŭksushingmul), Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies (1965) 1, pp. 61–68, 67.

56 The background of his lecture was the conferment of an honorary doctorate from Seoul National University. Harold J. Coolidge, ‘The role of international nature conservation in the protection of human environment’ (In'ganŭi chayŏnhwan'gyŏngŭl suhohame issŏsŏ kukchejayŏnbojonŭi yŏk'al), an inaugural speech delivered at Seoul National University, Seoul, 4 November 1965.

57 ‘Facing a crisis of extinction: natural resources should be protected’ (Samyŏrŭi wigiesŏ: pohodoeŏya hal chayŏnjawŏn), Kyunghyang Shinmun, 6 November 1965, p. 5.

58 ‘Proposed 1966 Eastern Asian Mission of Ruhle’, 16 August 1966, HP, Box 20, folder ‘ADM: International Relations 1966; International Unions: IUCN; ICNP’.

59 Ruhle, op. cit. (36), pp. 40–4.

60 Ruhle, op. cit. (36), pp. 5–6.

61 Ruhle, op. cit. (36), pp. 67–8.

62 Yung Sun Kang to Harold J. Coolidge, 10 July 1967, Smithsonian Institution Archives, RU271, Box 16, Folder 4.

63 The article's limitation was evident. The size of the protected area was much smaller than the IUCN experts of KCCN biologists had suggested, and the budget for ‘conservation’ was mostly allocated for afforestation and the construction of management facilities. For instance, the official Mount Chiri National Park Plan after the Park Law legislation allocated 4,606,000 won for a conservation project out of a total budget of 400,491,000 won (1.15 per cent). In the conservation project budget, 500,000 won were allocated for constructing scenic-site conservation facilities, 3,806,000 won for afforestation and 300,000 won for removing rocks around twenty-kilometre mountain trails. ‘The submission of the Mount Chiri national-park plan’ (Chirisan'gungnipkongwŏn'gyehoekchech'ul), 6 February 1968, NK, BA0224873, pp. 149–50.

64 Hak So Kim to Harold J. Coolidge, 8 February 1968, HP, Box 33, folder ‘ADM: International Relations 1969; International Unions: IUCN; Area Info: So Pac & Asia’.

65 For the reasons for the project's suspension see Hyun, op. cit. (8), pp. 339–41. In a Korean-language article, Manyong Moon has detailed the history of the DMZ peace park proposal from 1970 to the present. While agreeing with the general narrative he makes, here I highlight more a need to locate this episode within the diplomatic dimension, as I shall show below. Manyong Moon, ‘The meaning and prospect of the ecological survey of the DMZ’ (Pimujangjidae saengt'aejosaŭi ŭiŭiwa chŏnmang), Daedong Culture (Daedong munhwa) (2019) 106, pp. 35–64.

66 Han, Gi-Sik, ‘A report: the international conference on the problems of Korean unification’ (Han'gukt'ongilmunje kukchehaksurhoeŭi pogo), National Assembly Review (1970) 105, pp. 73–9Google Scholar.

67 Paige, Glenn D., ‘1966: Korea creates the future’, Asian Survey (1967) 7(1), pp. 21–30, 27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

68 Ruhle, op. cit. (36), p. 5.

69 William Hart, A Systems Approach to Park Planning, Morges: IUCN, 1966, p. 50.

70 Hyun, op. cit. (8), pp. 323–6. The ‘field’ has been a hotspot for historians of science to decentre laboratory-centred understanding. For instance, Amanda Rees looks at fieldworkers in animal behavioural studies as a lens to renew our understanding of animal agency. In recent years, place-making in the field has gained the attention of historians. The case of the DMZ national park can be examined in the context of this historiography, and I will focus on it in future research. Rees, Amanda, ‘Wildlife agencies: practice, intentionality and history in twentieth-century animal field studies’, BJHS: Themes (2017) 2, pp. 127–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Millam, Erika Lorraine, ‘Making place in the field’, Isis (2022) 113(1), pp. 121–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the historiography of field sciences see Robert E. Kohler and Jeremy Vetter, ‘The field’, in Bernard Lightman (ed.), A Companion History of Science, Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 2016, pp. 282–95.

71 IUCN, ‘IUCN commission on national parks: minutes of meeting of June 22, 1966, Lucerne, Switzerland’, 22 June 1966, HP, Box 20, folder ‘ADM: International Relations 1966; International Unions: IUCN: ICNP; General’.

72 For the detail of the KCCN–Smithsonian ecological research on the DMZ see Hyun, op. cit. (8), pp. 322–41.

73 IUCN, op. cit. (71).

74 ‘Designating the DMZ as a national park’ (Pimujangjidaerŭl kungnipkongwŏnŭro), Donga Daily, 29 August 1966, p. 1; ‘The Korean DMZ national park statement was adopted’ (Han'gukpimujangjidae kungnipkongwŏnan ch'aet'aek), Donga Daily, 1 September 1966, p. 7.

75 ‘An excellent potential national park’ (Mŏshinnŭn kungnipkongwŏn'gam), Donga Daily, 17 September 1966, p. 5.

76 ‘The minutes of the 312th–320th UNC military armistice commission general meeting’ (Kunsajŏngjŏnwiwŏnhoe ponhoeŭi hoeŭirok, che312–320ch'a), in Ministry of Foreign Affairs (ed.), The Republic of Korea Foreign Affairs Archives Guide, vol. 7: 1971 (Taehanmin'guk oegyosaryohaejejip. 7, 1971nyŏn), Seoul: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2016, pp. 395–6; ‘Allies propose clearing military from Korean DMZ’, New York Times, 13 June 1971, p. 13.

77 Young-ho Lee, Ideological Definition Issues and Implementation Plans of Three Unification Principles (Autonomy, Peace, and Solidarity of the Korean Nation) (Chaju, p'yŏnghwa, minjoktanhap samgaet'ongirwŏnch'igŭi inyŏmjŏk chŏngwi munjewa kuch'ehwa pangan), Seoul: The Board of National Unification, 1972, pp. 29–30.

78 Lee, Young-ho, ‘A proposal for peace’, Korea Journal (1974) 14(1), pp. 4–7, 6Google Scholar.

79 ‘Academic research should be the top priority’ (Haksuryŏn'gu sŏnhaengdwaeya: kunsabimujangjidae p'yŏnghwajŏkkaebal munje), Kyunghyang Shinmun, 27 July 1971, p. 6.

80 Yung-sun Kang, A Study of Natural Resources in the DMZ (Pimujang chidaeŭi ch'ŏnyŏn chawŏne kwanhan yŏn'gu), Seoul: Board of National Unification, 1972.

81 Kang, op. cit. (80), pp. 61–2.

82 Kang, op. cit. (80), pp. 61–2.

83 Yung-sun Kang, The Problems and Resolutions of North Korea–South Korea Cooperation in the Co-development of the DMZ (Pimujangjidae kongdonggaebarŭl t'onghan nambuk'an sanghohyŏpchosangŭi munjejŏm mit taech'aek), Seoul: Board of National Unification, 1973, p. 4.

84 Kang, op. cit. (83), pp. 8–12.

85 Kang, op. cit. (83), pp. 15–16.

86 Kang, op. cit. (83), p. 5.

87 For the revival of the DMZ peace park proposal as a ‘post-Cold War’ diplomatic tactic see Brady, Lisa M., ‘From war zone to biosphere reserve: the Korean DMZ as a scientific landscape’, Notes and Records: The Royal Society Journal of the History of Science (2021) 75(2), pp. 189–205CrossRefGoogle Scholar.