I. Introduction
New business formation is crucial for economic growth, job creation, and wealth equality (Davis and Haltiwanger (Reference Davis and Haltiwanger1992), Decker, Haltiwanger, Jarmin, and Miranda (Reference Decker, Haltiwanger, Jarmin and Miranda2014), and Herranz, Krasa, and Villamil (Reference Herranz, Krasa and Villamil2015)). With the recent decline in new firms started in the United States (Pugsley and Şahin (Reference Pugsley and Şahin2019)), both policymakers and academic researchers have studied how public policies, including taxes and subsidies, influence local entrepreneurship and business dynamics (Lerner (Reference Lerner2020)).Footnote 1 Place-based tax incentives targeting certain regions have emerged as a significant policy instrument in regional economic development, but their effects on local private investments and entrepreneurial activity are unclear (Bartik (Reference Bartik2020)). Previous literature generally finds that policy-induced increases in private investments positively impact firms’ entrepreneurial activities, but concerns remain regarding the efficiency of tax-induced investments (Hall and Van Reenen (Reference Hall and Van Reenen2000)). Specifically, when a region experiences capital inflows induced by place-based tax incentives, will local entrepreneurship surge because of relaxed financial constraints, or is there a possibility that capital inflows may benefit existing firms and hurt local entrepreneurship? This article contributes to this debate by studying the impact of a recent place-based tax credit policy targeting low-income communities (LICs) in the United States, the Opportunity Zone program of 2017, and shows that despite a surge in local private investments, overall local new business formation declines, and there is negative real economic impact on local employment and market competition.
The Opportunity Zone program was introduced in 2017, and 8,762 out of 42,160 eligible census tracts, primarily LICs, were designated. The original purpose of the program was to encourage entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial financing in neighborhoods with high poverty (Eldar and Garber (Reference Eldar and Garber2022)),Footnote 2 despite being broadly conceived as a policy to draw private investments to these neighborhoods for long-term economic growth and employment. Investors who reinvest their capital gains from out-of-zone businesses into in-zone businesses through Opportunity Zone Funds for a qualified period can enjoy tax deferral and tax benefits. More than $40 billion equity has been raised to invest in the Opportunity Zone program as of April 2025, according to Novogradac, making the program one of the largest scale place-based policies in U.S. history. Studying the impact of Opportunity Zones on local private investments and entrepreneurship is especially important because it takes a more “market-based” approach than previous place-based policies and involves minimal government intervention—only zone designation and tax incentives.Footnote 3 Therefore, there is no guarantee that investors will indeed fund new ventures in low-income areas that the policy targets.
To examine the policy’s impact, I use a difference-in-differences (DiD) approach and compare census tracts designated as Opportunity Zones with those eligible but not designated before and after the policy’s implementation from 2015 to 2019. I show that areas with lower income, higher poverty, and a greater fraction of minority groups were more likely to become Opportunity Zones, suggesting that the selection of the treated areas is, in general, aligned with the policy’s target. Additionally, pre-policy growth in investments and entrepreneurship does not predict the designation of Opportunity Zones, alleviating the concerns about reverse causality.
Using novel data sets compiled from Form D filings and official business registration records from state government registrars, I show that the tax incentives offered by the Opportunity Zone program experienced a 10.5% increase in the number of private investment deals and a 16.1% increase in the total dollar amount of investment in the treated economically distressed census tracts. Also, the increase in private investments was larger in older firms than in the newly formed companies. When examining the policy’s impact on local entrepreneurship, I observe a significant 1.8% larger decline in the number of new firms formed in treated tracts following the designation, compared to non-treated tracts. The decline in entrepreneurship was concentrated in the non-tradable sector (e.g., grocery stores and restaurants), where most firms compete locally. In contrast, there was no significant impact on the formation of businesses in the tradable or construction sectors. The results support the interpretation that additional financial resources drawn by the policy help incumbents strengthen their market position, thus deterring potential entrepreneurs from entering.
In addition, the decrease in local new business formation was greater in Opportunity Zones with positive private investments during the sample period. Using the ZIP Codes Business Pattern (ZBP) data as an alternative measurement for local entrepreneurship, I confirm that there was a decrease in the net creation of establishments and find that the decline was mainly in firms with a smaller employment size. I also conduct a series of additional tests to confirm the robustness of the results. The estimation of the coefficient dynamics provides supportive evidence of parallel trends in the pre-shock periods. I perform a propensity score matching (PSM) based on census tracts’ observable characteristics and find that the findings are robust to using the matched sample. The results are also robust to excluding areas near colleges and universities. Similar estimates when splitting control group tracts based on their distances to an Opportunity Zone suggest a limited spillover effect from treated areas to nearby control areas. The results are also similar when census tracts with headquarters or multiple branches of multinational companies are excluded, alleviating the concern that other contemporaneous corporate tax deductions provided by the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) drive the main findings.
Next, I examine the Opportunity Zone policy’s real effects on the local economy. I find that total employment in Opportunity Zones decreased by 1.7% after the policy’s implementation. The decline was greater in firms with higher risk profiles and less information available to investors, such as those that were newly formed and independent. I further show that market competition, as measured by the concentration ratios and the Herfindahl–Hirschman Index (HHI), in the non-tradable sector decreased significantly after the policy’s implementation. In comparison, the tradable sector did not experience significant changes in local market competition. In addition, the likelihood of dissolution of older firms in the treated areas decreased compared to the control areas after the policy’s implementation. The declines in local employment and market competition in Opportunity Zones underscore the critical role of startups and young firms in local job creation and economic growth, particularly in contrast to older, incumbent firms (Haltiwanger, Jarmin, and Miranda (Reference Haltiwanger, Jarmin and Miranda2013), Adelino, Ma, and Robinson (Reference Adelino, Ma and Robinson2017)). These results highlight the importance of studying the impact of the Opportunity Zone policy on local entrepreneurship.
Lastly, to better understand how tax-induced private investments could discourage local entrepreneurship and employment, I construct a stylized model where an investor decides to invest in existing or new local firms in the policy-targeted areas. The model predicts that in sectors where firms compete locally with limited information available on the quality and risk of local private firms (Ivković and Weisbenner (Reference Ivković and Weisbenner2005), Seasholes and Zhu (Reference Seasholes and Zhu2010)), the investment in existing firms increases much more than in new firms, thus discouraging local entrepreneurship. Furthermore, in cases where potential new businesses’ ability to generate jobs is sufficiently high compared to existing businesses, tax-induced capital inflows could negatively impact local employment.
With the increasing adoption of place-based tax incentives in the United States and globally (Bartik (Reference Bartik2020)), this article has important policy implications. With almost no restrictions imposed by the Opportunity Zone program on investment allocation, investors preferred existing firms over new ones, and this widened funding gap discouraged local new business formation. Hence, future policymakers must carefully consider the potential distributional effects when offering tax incentives across businesses with varying levels of risk. A potential improvement to investor tax credit policies could involve differentiating tax incentives based on firm risk profiles. For instance, programs might offer higher incentives to new businesses or non-real estate firms, which are more likely to generate long-term local employment.
The rest of the article is organized as follows: Section II discusses the related literature and this article’s contribution. Section III introduces the institutional background of the Opportunity Zone policy. Section IV describes the data sources and variable construction. Section V shows the empirical strategy and results on the impact on local private investments and entrepreneurship. Section VI examines the real economic impact of the policy on local employment and market competition and discusses the economic mechanism. Section VII discusses its policy implications, and Section VIII concludes the article.
II. Related Literature and Contribution
This article contributes to several strands of literature. First, this article builds on the literature related to the real effects of tax policies, specifically on the local economy. Previous articles have studied the impact of corporate tax and personal income tax on corporate decision-making and risk-taking (Coles, Patel, Seegert, and Smith (Reference Coles, Patel, Seegert and Smith2022)), R&D spending and innovation (Wilson (Reference Wilson2009), Mukherjee, Singh, and Žaldokas (Reference Mukherjee, Singh and Žaldokas2017)), and establishments and employment (Giroud and Rauh (Reference Giroud and Rauh2019)). Regarding the effect of tax policies on entrepreneurial activity, the literature generally finds that lowering corporate or personal income taxes is positively related to becoming an entrepreneur (Cullen and Gordon (Reference Cullen and Gordon2007), Curtis and Decker (Reference Curtis and Decker2018)). Other studies show that providing capital gain credits increases business formation and investment in high-growth startups as well as affects IPO underpricing and proceeds (Guenther and Willenborg (Reference Guenther and Willenborg1999), Edwards and Todtenhaupt (Reference Edwards and Todtenhaupt2020), Denes, Howell, Mezzanotti, Wang, and Xu (Reference Denes, Howell, Mezzanotti, Wang and Xu2023), and Chen and Farre-Mensa (Reference Chen and Farre-Mensa2025)) find that tax credits offered to angel investors increase investments toward entrepreneurial firms but do not have any positive impact on boosting high-growth entrepreneurship. My article contributes to this literature by showing that tax incentives can, under certain circumstances, negatively affect local entrepreneurship through unevenly distributed investment inflows between established and newly formed firms.
Second, this article contributes to the literature surrounding the role of financial constraints as barriers to entrepreneurship and innovation (Evans and Jovanovic (Reference Evans and Jovanovic1989), Hurst and Lusardi (Reference Hurst and Lusardi2004), and Cagetti and De Nardi (Reference Cagetti and De Nardi2006)).Footnote 4 Many government programs have been created to address market failures associated with entrepreneurial finance (Hall (Reference Hall2002), Hall and Lerner (Reference Hall and Lerner2010), Akcigit, Hanley, and Stantcheva (Reference Akcigit, Hanley and Stantcheva2022), and Bayar, Chemmanur, and Liu (Reference Bayar, Chemmanur and Liu2026)). This article adds to this literature by studying place-based tax incentives to potential investors in entrepreneurial firms. As the article shows that new private investments brought in by the policy might favor existing businesses and discourage entrepreneurship under certain circumstances, it adds to the discussion on the efficiency of using tax instruments to promote entrepreneurship (Poterba (Reference Poterba1989)).
Finally, this article is related to the literature on the effects of place-based policies, as the Opportunity Zone program targets economically distressed areas in the United States. Existing studies on such place-based policies have generated mixed findings regarding their impact on local economic growth and employment (see Austin, Glaeser, and Summers (Reference Austin, Glaeser and Summers2018) for a summary of the studies) but largely overlooked the impact on local entrepreneurship.Footnote 5 Since the Opportunity Zone program’s implementation, studies have found the policy has either a positive or null effect on the aggregated local economy.Footnote 6 My article contributes to this literature by showing that place-based tax incentives could have negative real economic impact on local entrepreneurship and employment through increased local investments.
III. Institutional Background
The Opportunity Zone policy was introduced under the TCJA and signed into law on Dec. 22, 2017. This policy mainly aimed to provide tax incentives to potential investors to reinvest capital gains in economically distressed communities and boost local economic development in these communities. More than 8,700 census tracts were designated in the United States. Figure 1 shows the geographical distribution of the Opportunity Zones.
Figure 1 displays the geographical distribution of Opportunity Zones in the United States. Regions highlighted in red represent census tracts designated as Opportunity Zones. Regions marked in yellow were eligible for designation but were not finally selected as Opportunity Zones. The remaining areas show census tracts ineligible for designation within the United States.

FIGURE 1 Long description
A choropleth map of the contiguous United States and parts of Alaska and Hawaii. The map uses three color categories to represent census tract status.
* Red regions represent tracts designated as OZ. These are scattered nationwide but show higher density in the Southwest, particularly in Arizona and New Mexico, as well as in the Southeast and along the Appalachian range.
* Yellow regions represent tracts that were eligible but not designated. These cover vast areas of the Midwest, the Great Plains, and the West, often surrounding the smaller red designated zones.
* White or light gray regions represent tracts that were ineligible for designation. These are most prominent in the Northeast corridor, the Great Lakes region, and suburban areas surrounding major metropolitan hubs.
A legend at the bottom identifies the red square as Designated as OZ and the yellow square as Eligible but not designated.
The Opportunity Zone policy differs from previous place-based policies introduced in the United States because the government plays a much smaller role. Previous place-based policies usually involved heavy government efforts and interventions, such as selecting firms for grants or tax benefits and monitoring their use. Although place-based policies have cost about $60 billion annually (Bartik (Reference Bartik2020)), studies have shown mixed findings regarding the policies’ impact on local investment, employment, and economic growth (Busso, Gregory, and Kline (Reference Busso, Gregory and Kline2013), Neumark and Simpson (Reference Neumark and Simpson2015), and LaPoint and Sakabe (Reference LaPoint and Sakabe2021)).Footnote 7 The Opportunity Zone program is differentiated from most previous place-based policies by a more “market-based” approach as it has “no cap on participation and require[s] no government approval” (Council of Economic Advisers (2021)).
The Opportunity Zone concept was first proposed in 2015 by the Economic Innovation Group, a bipartisan public policy organization. In April 2016, the bill to create Opportunity Zones was introduced in the U.S. Senate and House and reintroduced in February 2017, but it did not get much attention. The passage of the TCJA at the end of 2017 finally created Opportunity Zones, after which the U.S. Department of the Treasury identified 42,160 eligible census tracts among the 74,134 census tracts in the United States. For a census tract to qualify for the designation, it had to be a LIC with either a poverty rate greater than 20% or a median household income less than 80% of the local median household income statewide, or the tract had to be contiguous to a LIC tract and have a relatively low household income. Governors could nominate up to 25% of a state’s LIC census tracts for Opportunity Zone designation by Mar. 21, 2018 (later extended to Apr. 20, 2018). Despite showing political favoritism, as shown in Frank, Hoopes, and Lester (Reference Frank, Hoopes and Lester2022) and Eldar and Garber (Reference Eldar and Garber2023), governors have generally chosen tracts that align with the policy objective, characterized by lower income and higher poverty levels, as shown in Supplementary Material Table A9. Up to 5% of the total tracts nominated could be non-LIC, but they had to be contiguous to a nominated LIC tract. By June 2018, the U.S. Treasury Department had designated 8,762 census tracts as Opportunity Zones, of which 8,534 were LICs.
The Opportunity Zone program benefits those who invest capital gains received from out-of-zone businesses in designated census tracts by allowing them to defer taxes on the initial capital gain until 2026 or until the asset is sold. In addition, if the capital gain is invested for at least 7 years (5 years), Opportunity Zone investors can receive a reduction of 15% (10%) in the amount of prior capital gains tax. Finally, for investments held for more than 10 years, investors will receive an increase in the tax basis that equals the fair market value upon sale, effectively eliminating the taxes due from new capital gains. To obtain the tax benefits, investors must invest capital gains in Qualified Opportunity Zone (QOZ) businesses through Qualified Opportunity Funds (QOFs). QOZ businesses must have at least 50% of their gross income earnings from trade, businesses, or services conducted in an Opportunity Zone, and QOFs need to invest at least 90% of their assets in QOZ businesses. There are no other requirements for receiving tax benefits except for the investment period and geographical location. The first year for investments to qualify for participating in the Opportunity Zone program was 2018. The last year to invest to qualify for the 15% tax deduction was 2019, 7 years before 2026. Investors who want to enjoy the capital gain tax exemption have to invest soon after the policy is in effect in 2018 to qualify for the 10-year requirement. The short eligible investment window explains why the effects shown later happened soon after the policy’s implementation.
Ideally, anyone with capital gains may invest in Opportunity Zones. In practice, however, most QOFs have filed for an exemption with the SEC under Regulation D, Rule (b), and Rule (c), limiting their offerings mainly to accredited investors. In the sense that they obtain their funding mainly from accredited investors, QOFs are similar to other financial intermediaries in the private market, such as angel groups, venture capital (VC) funds, and private equity funds. On the other hand, there are several differences between QOFs and the previous financial intermediaries. The first is the restriction on the geographical location: investments must be mainly (at least 90%) in firms located in economically distressed areas designated as Opportunity Zones, while other intermediaries can freely invest in companies all over the United States. The second difference is that investors need to invest their capital gains into a QOF within 180 days after their capital gains are triggered; QOFs are subject to the same restriction to invest their money into QOZ businesses within 180 days.Footnote 8 Other private funds, such as VC funds, do not have a specific deadline for finishing investment choices. Sorenson and Stuart (Reference Sorenson and Stuart2001) show that VC firms begin investing 1 year after closing a fund and invest 80% of their committed capital within the first 3 years.
The Opportunity Zone program has attracted much attention from investors, and the dollar amount involved has been sizable. Congress’s Joint Committee on Taxation estimated that the loss of federal revenue created by the Opportunity Zone program over 10 years to be at least $1.6 billion annually.Footnote 9 As of April 2025, more than 2,000 QOFs have been created with more than $40 billion equity raised since the passage of the law.Footnote 10
IV. Data
In this section, I describe the data sets used and variables constructed for the empirical analyses in the article.
A. Data Sources and Variable Construction
1. Data on Private Investments
To confirm there is first-stage impact of the Opportunity Zone policy on local private investments, I collect data on private investments from SEC Form D filings. Historically, information on private investment has been hard to observe, and researchers have recently started using Form D filings to analyze private investments (Xu (Reference Xu2023)). Federal securities laws require firms that raise capital through private placements to file a Form D, a notice of exemption for security offerings, with the SEC. Form D filings track information such as the name, location, industry, incorporation year of the filing firm, and the date and total offering amount of each filing. Firms are required to file Form D within 15 days after the first sale of securities in the offering. Failure to file a Form D may incur consequences such as being prohibited from future private investments and may constitute a felony.Footnote 11 Both the invested firms and Opportunity Zone funds are incentivized to file a Form D with the SEC to demonstrate their qualification for tax incentives (Atkinson (Reference Atkinson2019)). Supplementary Material Section D shows a sample Form D.Footnote 12
Using information from Form D filings, I construct two variables measuring local private investments in a census tract and a given year. I first geocode the company addresses disclosed in Form D to find the census tract where the company is located. Then, I aggregate the number of private investment deals and the dollar amount in each census tract in each year to construct the two variables: the number of private investment deals (Num_Inv) and the dollar amount of private investment deals (Amount_Inv). To further break down the impact of the policy on local private investments across sectors, I categorize all the investment deals into three sectors, finance, real estate, and business, based on the industry information provided in Form D.Footnote 13
2. Data on Business Registration
New business formation is the main outcome of interest in this article and is measured by using official business registration filings with state governments. Using official registration to measure entrepreneurship is more comprehensive and timely compared to using establishment counts provided by other commercial databases (Guzman and Stern (Reference Guzman and Stern2015), Engelberg, Guzman, Lu, and Mullins (Reference Engelberg, Guzman, Lu and Mullins2026)).
The business registration data are collected by OpenCorporates and contain information including the company name, address, type, dates of incorporation, and dissolution (if applicable). Recent studies have used data from OpenCorporates to obtain information for private firms, such as the incorporation date and active status (Ewens and Farre-Mensa (Reference Ewens and Farre-Mensa2020)). Following Engelberg et al. (Reference Engelberg, Guzman, Lu and Mullins2026), I focus on for-profit firms as they consist of more than 95% of new businesses formed and are more economically relevant.
I first geocode the company addresses using the Census Geocoder API to obtain the census tract code.Footnote 14 I then aggregate the number of new for-profit companies incorporated in each census tract by their incorporation year to construct the variable, Num_NewFirm. OpenCorporates does not provide business registration records in Delaware, Illinois, or Puerto Rico due to limited accessibility of those state governments’ websites; therefore, the census tracts for these states are excluded from the analysis of local business formation.
To analyze which sectors were most affected by the decline in new business formation, I classify industries into four categories—tradable, non-tradable, construction, and other—based on their reliance on local conditions, consistent with the methodology of Mian and Sufi (Reference Mian and Sufi2014). A data limitation is that the business registration record data do not include standard industry codes (e.g., NAICS or SIC). To overcome this, I use a machine learning model to classify firms into these sectors. The full technical details of this approach are presented in Supplementary Material Section C.
3. Data on Establishment-Level Employment and Sales
To study the real economic impact, I use the establishment-level employment and sales data from the National Establishment Time-Series (NETS).Footnote 15 Like the U.S. Census Bureau’s Longitudinal Business Database (LBD), the NETS database, built by Duns and Bradstreet and Walls & Associates, aims to track the entire universe of firm establishments in the United States. Several studies have used the NETS database to examine firm performance, especially for private firms and startups (Neumark, Wall, and Zhang (Reference Neumark, Wall and Zhang2011), Farre-Mensa, Hegde, and Ljungqvist (Reference Farre-Mensa, Hegde and Ljungqvist2020)). From NETS, I obtain the information of an establishment’s name, industry code, address, first year and last year of operation, annual employment and sales, and business ownership type (whether it is a subsidiary of another company or a standalone firm).
To examine the policy’s real impact on the local economy, I aggregate the total employment and sales in a census tract in a year using the NETS data. To study local market competition, I construct local market concentration measures, including the concentration ratios of the top 3 or top 5 players (CR3 and CR5) and the HHI, based on the employment and sales by firms in a census tract in a year.
Note that, like most databases provided by the Census Bureau, imputations are used in the missing employment and sales data for a fraction of businesses in the NETS database.Footnote 16 Barnatchez, Crane, and Decker (Reference Barnatchez, Crane and Decker2017) do not find systematic location-specific patterns for these imputations, which might have led to biases in the estimation. Neumark, Zhang, and Wall (Reference Neumark, Zhang and Wall2007) validate the NETS employment data against the Census’s microdata and find high correlations between NETS, CES, and QCEW at the county-by-industry level (0.99 and 0.95, respectively). Nevertheless, to alleviate the concern, I rerun the tests only using the non-imputed employment data following Denes et al. (Reference Denes, Howell, Mezzanotti, Wang and Xu2023) and obtain similar results as shown in Supplementary Material Table A14.
4. Control Variables and Other Measures for Local Economic Conditions
To control for changes in local demographic and economic conditions, I include the lagged-1-year natural logarithm of the population (Population), the natural logarithm of median income (Median_Income), the natural logarithm of median age (Median_Age), the percentage of white people alone (%White), the percentage of black people alone (%Black),Footnote 17 the poverty rate (Poverty_Rate), unemployment rate (Unemp_Rate), and the percentage of people without a high school diploma (%NoHighSchool). The outcome variables for each census tract are in year t, while the control variables are lagged 1 year as t–1. The data for the control variables are from the American Community Survey (ACS).
To examine whether the policy has led to changes in geographical mobility, I use the total number of people who move into census tracts in a year from the ACS. I group the immigrants in a census tract by their education level and poverty status to further break down the mobility composition. I collect the tract-level and county-level Gini coefficient from the ACS to measure local income inequality.
B. Summary Statistics
Summary statistics are reported in Table 1, with variable definitions listed in the Appendix. In the sample, there are 42,171 census tracts eligible for the Opportunity Zone designation; among these, 31,859 are LICs, while the rest are contiguous, non-LIC tracts. The sample includes 8,761 census tracts designated as Opportunity Zones, of which 8,531 are LICs.Footnote 18 For most analyses in the article, I include only the LIC tracts to make the treated and control groups more comparable. The main findings are all robust if non-LIC contiguous tracts are included. The sample period is from 2015 to 2019. All tract-level amount variables are winsorized at the 1st and 99th percentiles to avoid data errors involving extreme values that may drive the results.

TABLE 1 Long description
The table contains summary statistics for variables at the census-tract-year level.
Panel A. Private Investments and Entrepreneurship:
* Opportunity Zone dummy (O Z): N 154,563, Mean 0.247, Std. Dev. 0.431, Min 0.000, Median 0.000, Max 1.000.
* No. of investment deals (Num_Inv): N 154,563, Mean 0.118, Std. Dev. 2.257, Max 641.000.
* Dollar amount of investments (Amount_Inv, $millions): N 154,563, Mean 2.732, Std. Dev. 92.635, Max 15,422.180.
* No. of new firms (Num_NewFirm): N 147,638, Mean 10.158, Std. Dev. 46.537, Median 3.000, Max 4,628.000.
Panel B. Control Variables (N 154,492 for all):
* Population (thousands): Mean 4.046, Std. Dev. 1.892.
* Median income ($thousands): Mean 39.156, Std. Dev. 12.987.
* Median age: Mean 35.860, Std. Dev. 7.501.
* Poverty rate (%): Mean 22.181, Std. Dev. 9.976.
* White alone (%): Mean 61.206, Std. Dev. 28.727.
* Black alone (%): Mean 23.000, Std. Dev. 27.929.
* Unemployment rate (%): Mean 10.827, Std. Dev. 6.116.
* Without high school degree rate (%): Mean 20.867, Std. Dev. 11.883.
Panel C. Employment and Sales Related:
* Total employment (thousands): N 154,476, Mean 2.497, Std. Dev. 4.253.
* Total sales ($million): N 154,476, Mean 400.210, Std. Dev. 3,939.252.
* Employment HHI (Non-tradable): N 153,709, Mean 1,758.177, Std. Dev. 1,562.017.
* Employment HHI (Tradable): N 140,314, Mean 4,747.626, Std. Dev. 2,849.086.
* Sales HHI (Non-tradable): N 153,709, Mean 2,741.045, Std. Dev. 1,683.877.
* Sales HHI (Tradable): N 140,314, Mean 5,399.009, Std. Dev. 2,832.087.
Panel D. Other Economic Outcomes (N 147,638 for all):
* No. of firms dissolved: Mean 0.431, Std. Dev. 3.078, Max 436.000.
* No. of firms dissolved, age > 1 year: Mean 0.390, Std. Dev. 2.864, Max 407.000.
* No. of firms dissolved, age > 2 years: Mean 0.172, Std. Dev. 1.353, Max 193.000.
As shown in Table 1, 24.7% of the tracts are Opportunity Zones, while the remaining tracts are eligible but non-designated. On average, each year, a census tract has 0.12 private investments that average $2.732 million. In Supplementary Material Table A1, I report more details on the age and geographical distributions of private investment deals. An average census tract in the sample has about 11 new firms incorporated each year and has 4,046 people with a median income of $39,156, a poverty rate of 22%, a population that is 61% white and 23% black, an unemployment rate of 11%, and 21% without a high school diploma.
V. Effects on Local Private Investments and Entrepreneurship
Using the Opportunity Zone policy as a quasi-natural experiment, I run a DiD approach to identify the policy’s impact on local private investments and entrepreneurship. In the baseline regressions, I estimate the following equation:
where i is a census tract and t represents a year. OZ is an indicator that takes a value of 1 if the tract was designated as an Opportunity Zone and 0 if it was eligible but not designated. Post is a dummy that equals 0 before 2018 and 1 afterward. To control for local demographic and economic characteristics, I include the natural logarithm of the population, the natural logarithm of the median income, the natural logarithm of the median age, the poverty rate, the percentage of white or black people, the percentage of the population without a high school diploma, and the unemployment rate of census tract i in year t–1. To account for unobservable location-specific characteristics and time-specific trends, the DiD model includes census tract fixed and year fixed effects.Footnote 19 I cluster standard errors by census tract.Footnote 20
A. Impact on Local Private Investments
I start the empirical analysis by examining the impact of the Opportunity Zone policy on local private investments. Columns 1–4 in Table 2 report the ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions. The dependent variables are the natural logarithm of 1 plus the number of private investment deals in census tract i and year t, Ln(Num_Inv + 1) and the natural logarithm of 1 plus the dollar amount of private investments, Ln(Amount_Inv + 1). The coefficient estimates on
$ OZ\ast Post $
are all positive and significant at the 1% level, either with or without control variables. The magnitude of the coefficient estimates suggests that the effects are also economically sizable: after the policy shock, the number and amount of private investments that flowed into treated tracts (the Opportunity Zones) increased by 10.5% and 16.1%, respectively, compared to tracts that were eligible but not designated.Footnote
21 Following Cohn, Liu, and Wardlaw (Reference Cohn, Liu and Wardlaw2022), I report the results of Poisson estimation in Supplementary Material Table A4 and find positive and statistically significant coefficient estimates on
$ OZ\ast Post $
. When breaking down the impact on local private investments into three categories—finance, real estate, and business—based on the “industry” information in the Form D filings as shown in Supplementary Material Table A5, I find significant and positive impact on private investments across all three sectors, with the largest effect on the business sector.Footnote
22

TABLE 2 Long description
The table presents regression results for three dependent variables: natural log of number of investments plus 1, natural log of investment amount plus 1, and natural log of new firms plus 1. Each variable is tested in two models, one without and one with control variables.
Key findings for the OZ times Post interaction term:
* For Ln(Num_Inv + 1): Models 1 and 2 show a positive coefficient of 0.011, significant at the 1% level.
* For Ln(Amount_Inv + 1): Models 3 and 4 show positive coefficients of 0.151 and 0.149 respectively, significant at the 1% level.
* For Ln(Num_NewFirms + 1): Models 5 and 6 show negative coefficients of -0.018 and -0.019, significant at the 10% and 5% levels respectively.
Control variables included in even-numbered models:
* Population: Positive and significant for investment models, negative and non-significant for new firms.
* Median_Income: Positive and significant only for new firms (0.085).
* Median_Age: Positive and significant only for new firms (0.151).
* %White and Poverty_Rate: Small but statistically significant positive coefficients for investment models.
* %Black and %NoHighSchool: Negative and significant for new firms.
Model Statistics:
* Number of observations range from 147,565 to 154,563.
* R-squared values are 0.733 for investment count, 0.565 for investment amount, and 0.849 for new firms.
* All models include Tract and Year Fixed Effects.
To further analyze the impact on local investments, I examine how firm age influences investment patterns. As outlined in the model (Section VI.C), Opportunity Zone investors are likely to favor existing firms relative to new firms, likely due to their lower risk and more information available. To test this hypothesis, I categorize firms based on whether they have been operational for at least 1 year and compare the local private investments received by each group. The 1-year threshold captures the “up or out” dynamic among new firms (Wiens and Jackson (Reference Wiens and Jackson2015)), as evidenced by Bureau of Labor Statistics data showing that roughly 25% of new firms fail within their first year, with exit rates declining thereafter.
The results are shown in Table 3, where the dependent variables are the number of investment deals (Ln(Num + 1)) and the dollar amount of deals (Ln(Amount + 1)) with other empirical specification similar to equation (1). The first two columns in Table 3 suggest that the Opportunity Zone policy has invited more private investment deals for older firms than newly formed firms. The difference between these two types of firms is statistically significant at the 1% level (z-stat being 3.578). Similarly, the dollar amount of investment increased for both older and newly formed firms, but the increase was significantly larger for the older ones in the Opportunity Zones than for the newly formed ones. It is worth noting that the increase in investment amount is greater than that in deal count, suggesting investors were deploying large sums into fewer firms. This pattern could be driven by the tight timeline to meet the qualification requirements and is consistent with the interpretation that investment flows favored existing firms.

TABLE 3 Long description
The table is organized into four columns under two main dependent variables. Columns 1 and 2 measure the natural logarithm of one plus the number of investments L n ( N u m _ I n v plus 1). Columns 3 and 4 measure the natural logarithm of one plus the investment amount L n ( A m o u n t _ I n v plus 1).
Within each pair, the first column represents firms One Year and Above, and the second column represents firms Less Than 1 Year.
Row 1: O Z asterisk P o s t interaction term.
- Column 1: 0.010 with significance at 1 percent level. Standard error 0.002.
- Column 2: 0.002 with significance at 5 percent level. Standard error 0.001.
- Column 3: 0.140 with significance at 1 percent level. Standard error 0.031.
- Column 4: 0.035 with significance at 5 percent level. Standard error 0.016.
Row 2: Number of observations is 154,492 for all columns.
Row 3: R-squared values.
- Column 1: 0.727.
- Column 2: 0.579.
- Column 3: 0.576.
- Column 4: 0.450.
Row 4 to 6: Controls, Tract F E, and Year F E are marked Yes for all columns.
Row 7: Difference.
- Columns 1 and 2: 0.008.
- Columns 3 and 4: 0.105.
Row 8: z-statistics.
- Columns 1 and 2: 3.578 with significance at 1 percent level.
- Columns 3 and 4: 3.010 with significance at 1 percent level.
Table 3 presents the results where the dependent variables are the number of investment deals (Ln(Num + 1)) and the total dollar amount (Ln(Amount + 1)), using specifications consistent with equation (1). Columns 1 and 2 indicate that the Opportunity Zone policy attracted significantly more private investment deals to older firms compared to newly formed ones and the difference is statistically significant at the 1% level (z-stat = 3.578). A similar divergence appears in investment amount, while both groups experienced an increase, the capital injection into older incumbents was substantially larger than that into new firms. Notably, the response in investment amount is much stronger than that in the investment count, suggesting that investors are investing more money into fewer firms. This pattern is consistent with the program’s tight qualification timeline, which likely incentivized investors to prioritize “shovel-ready” projects in established firms over new ventures that require longer lead times.
The previous findings show that the policy had a distributional effect on private investments between incumbents and newly formed firms. Despite bringing more private investments into economically distressed communities, incumbents benefited significantly more than newly formed firms.
B. Impact on Local Entrepreneurship
After verifying that the Opportunity Zone policy has indeed increased private investments in the treated census tracts, I next examine its impact on local entrepreneurship, measured by new business formation. Table 2, columns 5 and 6, report the results where the dependent variable is the total number of new businesses registered in census tract i and year t (Ln(Num_NewFirm + 1)), without and with controls, respectively. The coefficient estimate on
$ OZ\ast Post $
is negative and statistically significant at the 1% significance level. This suggests that, after the introduction of the policy, new business formation declined an average of 2.1% more in census tracts designated as Opportunity Zones, compared to other eligible but non-designated tracts.Footnote
23 Poisson regression also reports a significantly negative estimate, as shown in Supplementary Material Table A4, column 3.
Next, I test whether there is a decline in local new business formation in sectors with greater local competition. The intuition is that as investors allocate more capital to existing, older firms in the treated areas, the potentially widened gap in financial resources would discourage a potential entrepreneur from entering the market in sectors that compete mostly locally.
Using the industry classification from Mian and Sufi (Reference Mian and Sufi2014), I divide sectors into non-tradable (e.g., restaurants, grocery stores, and retail services), tradable (e.g., manufacturing and wholesale), construction, and other. Intuitively, firms in the non-tradable sector mostly compete locally. Table 4 presents the effect of the policy on the formation of new businesses in these sectors. I observe that the coefficient estimate on
$ OZ\ast Post $
is negative and statistically significant for the non-tradable and other sectors, while it is insignificant for the tradable and construction sectors. This finding suggests that the Opportunity Zone policy could help incumbent firms gain financial resources and maintain their competitive advantages, such as store renovations, as shown by Sage, Langen, and Van de Minne (Reference Sage, Langen and Van de Minne2023), who find that commercial property prices rose significantly in treated areas where upgrades were needed. Potential entrepreneurs, particularly in non-tradable sectors, may avoid starting businesses if they anticipate being unable to match the financial capacity of incumbent firms.Footnote
24 Consistent with this, I later show that local employment decreased in Opportunity Zones, suggesting that private investments were directed toward non-labor expenditures like renovations rather than job creation.

TABLE 4 Long description
The table presents regression results for the dependent variable L n (Num underscore NewFirms plus 1) across four sectors: (1) Non-Tradable, (2) Tradable, (3) Construction, and (4) Other.
For the primary interaction term O Z times Post:
- Non-Tradable: -0.016 with three asterisks (standard error 0.005).
- Tradable: -0.003 (standard error 0.002).
- Construction: -0.005 (standard error 0.006).
- Other: -0.021 with two asterisks (standard error 0.009).
Model statistics for all four columns:
- Number of observations: 147,565.
- R-squared values: 0.568 for Non-Tradable, 0.388 for Tradable, 0.722 for Construction, and 0.847 for Other.
- Controls, Tract F E, and Year F E are included (Yes) for all models.
Also, one should expect the decline in new business formation to be greater in Opportunity Zones that have received private investments than those that have not, compared to non-treated census tracts. Supplementary Material Table A7 confirms the previous conjecture that the magnitude of the coefficient on
$ OZ\ast Post $
in a sample restricted to only positive-investments Opportunity Zones is about twice that in the baseline regressions.
Finally, I validate the entrepreneurship finding using data from the ZBPs provided by the Census Bureau. Instead of counting the number of firms registered, the ZBP database provides statistics on the total number of establishments in a zip code. I calculate the changes in the number of establishments as a proxy for local net creation of businesses. As shown in column 1 in Supplementary Material Table A6, the Opportunity Zone policy had a negative net effect on the creation of local businesses, confirming the previous finding using OpenCorporates data. The ZBP data also provide the number of employees of established businesses. The decrease in the net creation of local establishments was mainly among smaller firms (with fewer than 10 employees or with 10–50 employees) but not in large ones (with more than 50 employees).
C. Identification Assumptions and Robustness Tests
The DiD approach compares outcome variables before and after the policy between designated census tracts and eligible but non-designated tracts. This identification strategy relies on two main assumptions. First, it assumes that changes in private investments and entrepreneurship would have been the same across the treated and control areas, absent the Opportunity Zone policy change (i.e., the parallel trend assumption). Second, it assumes that the Opportunity Zone policy was not determined based on the level and growth of local private investments and new business formation before the policy.
I take several steps to verify these assumptions and address potential concerns. One concern is that the selection of Opportunity Zones was not random and that outcome variables such as private investments may have evolved differently between designated and non-designated tracts in the absence of the policy. To address this concern, I plot the coefficient estimates around the introduction of the Opportunity Zone policy at the end of 2017. As shown in Figure 2, local private investments and entrepreneurship did not diverge before the policy’s introduction, as the 95% confidence intervals all cover 0.Footnote 25 The difference between the treated and control tracts started to enlarge significantly only after the policy was introduced. The figure provides support for the parallel trend assumption required by the DiD approach.
Figure 2 shows the coefficient plot around the Opportunity Zone policy by estimating the following model:
where
$ {Semester}_t $
is a set of indicator variables that equals 1 in semester
$ t $
. The benchmark group comprises observations from the second semester of 2017 (2017H2) when the Opportunity Zone policy was signed into law.
$ {OZ}_i $
is a dummy that equals 1 if the census tract
$ i $
was designated as an Opportunity Zone and equals 0 if the tract was eligible but not selected. Graph A shows the plot of coefficient estimates of
$ {\beta}_t $
when the outcome variable is the natural logarithm of 1 plus the number of private investments. The outcome variable in Graph B is the natural logarithm of 1 plus the amount of private investments. The outcome variable in Graph C is the natural logarithm of 1 plus the number of new for-profit firms. The center points show the point estimates of
$ {\beta}_t $
and the vertical lines denote the 95% confidence intervals of
$ {\beta}_t $
estimates. Control variables are specified as in the baseline regressions in Table 2. Census tract fixed effects and semester fixed effects are included. Standard errors are clustered by census tracts.

FIGURE 2 Long description
A multi-panel figure containing three coefficient plots, each with a Y-axis labeled beta sub t and an X-axis showing semi-annual periods from 2015 to 2019 H 2. A vertical dashed line marks the policy implementation at 2017 H 2, where the coefficient is normalized to zero.
* Graph A, Number of Private Investments: Before 2017 H 2, coefficients are near zero or slightly negative. After the policy, there is a clear upward trend, with point estimates rising from approximately 0.004 in 2018 H 1 to 0.008 in 2019 H 1, before a slight dip in 2019 H 2. Confidence intervals for post-policy periods mostly stay above the zero line.
* Graph B, Amount of Private Investments: Similar to Graph A, the pre-policy period shows coefficients near zero. Post-policy, the estimates increase significantly, peaking at approximately 0.14 in 2019 H 1. The 95 percent confidence intervals are wider than in Graph A but show a positive shift after 2017 H 2.
* Graph C, Number of New Firms: This plot shows a different trend. Pre-policy estimates fluctuate around zero. Post-policy, the coefficients drop into negative territory, with point estimates between negative 0.02 and negative 0.03 for 2018 and 2019, suggesting a decrease in new firm creation relative to the benchmark.
Another concern is related to the differences in characteristics between the designated and non-designated tracts.
Even though the DiD approach requires only pre-trends to be similar instead of the levels, some may still worry that non-balanced covariates may threaten the parallel trend assumption. To address this concern, I include tract-level lagged-one-year control variables, including population, median income, median age, percentage of white or black population, poverty rate, and unemployment rate in the baseline regressions.
I also perform a PSM on pre-treatment characteristics and keep the control tract with the highest propensity score within the same county as the treated tract (an Opportunity Zone) as its matched control. I add state dummies to control for the political affiliation of state governors and their potential impact on the selection of tracts. To further address the concern that the variation in political ideology drove the difference in private investments between treated and control, Supplementary Material Table A8 shows the sub-sample tests of splitting the sample census tracts by whether the Democratic or Republican party won their located states in the 2016 presidential election, and no significantly different impact of the policy was found between the two groups of tracts.
Column 1 of Supplementary Material Table A9 presents the results of running the Logit regression in the full sample to produce the propensity scores. The results show that the policy was successful in general at targeting areas in need: census tracts with lower income, higher poverty, and a greater percentage of black people were more likely to become Opportunity Zones, alleviating the concern that the increase in private investments was driven by governors’ favoritism toward areas that had already been gentrified.Footnote
26 Column 2 shows the Logit regression results using the matched sample, and one sees that the observation numbers decreased to 15,210.Footnote
27 The independent variables lost significance in the matched sample, and the pseudo
$ {R}^2 $
decreased from 0.0558 to 0.0011, suggesting that the pre-shock characteristics are comparable in the matched sample and not likely to explain the selection of the Opportunity Zone in the matched sample. Supplementary Material Table A10 shows the DiD results with a sub-sample of matched pairs from PSM, and the main findings are robust in the matched sample.
Some critics of the policy argue that certain census tracts designated as Opportunity Zones are close to colleges and universities where students are considered low-income residents. Thus, I conduct a robustness test by excluding census tracts with colleges and universities. The campus address and population information are collected from Homeland Infrastructure Foundation-Level Data. The results in Supplementary Material Table A11 show that the previous results are not driven purely by treated census tracts that have or are close to a campus of colleges and universities, thereby alleviating the concern that the economic characteristics of college towns and students might affect the level of investment in Opportunity Zones.
Concerns may arise regarding whether private investments were influenced by other tax reform measures enacted simultaneously with the TCJA, particularly the tax deductions for multinational corporations (MNCs). However, it is unlikely that other provisions of the TCJA would confound the results presented in this article. The primary benefit of Opportunity Zones stems from capital gains tax relief for investors, whereas other TCJA provisions target corporate expenses and profits, which are less likely to directly affect distressed areas like Opportunity Zones. Moreover, as demonstrated by Albertus, Glover, and Levine (Reference Albertus, Glover and Levine2025), there was no significant response in U.S. firms’ investment and employment due to increased access to inexpensive capital, further mitigating concerns about confounding effects in this context. To alleviate the specific concern about tax deductions for MNCs, I conduct a robustness test by excluding census tracts containing headquarters or at least 20 subsidiaries of any MNC. A firm is classified as multinational in a given year if its pretax foreign income (PIFO) or foreign tax expenses (TXFO) are non-missing and greater than 0, following the approach in Lampenius, Shevlin, and Stenzel (Reference Lampenius, Shevlin and Stenzel2021). The coefficient estimates on OZ*Post in Supplementary Material Table A12 remain statistically significant, suggesting that the original findings were not substantially impacted by tax reform provisions of the TCJA specifically benefiting MNCs.
Finally, I examine whether the distance from a control tract to a treated tract affects the results. The analysis aims to determine whether the policy had any spillover effects on local investments and entrepreneurship in nearby control tracts, which could potentially bias the estimation. I split the control tracts, eligible but non-designated as OZs, based on whether there is an Opportunity Zone within 3 km and rerun the baseline regressions. Supplementary Material Table A13 shows that the baseline results are robust regardless of whether benchmarking against control groups closer to a treated census tract or not. This suggests little spillover effect on local private investments or entrepreneurship.
The previous analyses confirm that the Opportunity Zone policy is a plausible quasi-natural shock to local private investments: The policy was effective in introducing private investments to treated areas that otherwise would not have happened. Some may question why the effect showed up quickly after the policy implementation and the importance of the effect if it was only short term. Two points worth discussing when interpreting this result. First, the immediate decrease in new firms in 2018 should not be surprising because the law requires investors to reinvest their capital gains within 180 days after realization. Second, the negative effect, which was greater in 2018 compared to 2019, may be due to the timeline of the tax benefits offered: the latest time to max out all the tax benefits provided by the policy is 2018. Without the pandemic in 2020, the negative impact may have faded over the years, given that investors would have had more time to do due diligence on their investment targets. In this case, their preference for older businesses, as discussed in the following section, might diminish. Although the policy’s negative effect on local new business formation might be relatively short term, decreases in local business formation could significantly impact local market competition and employment, as I will show in the following sections of the article.
VI. Real Economic Impact: Employment, Sales, and Market Competition
Thus far, the analyses have shown that despite increased private investments in the treated areas, there was a decline in the formation of new businesses. However, it raises the question: if the policy has potentially bolstered the local economy in other, arguably more pivotal economic dimensions, should readers care about the decline in new business formation? In this section, I extend the examination to assess the policy’s impact on broader economic indicators. I show that declines in local entrepreneurship are associated with decreased employment levels and market competition.
A. Reduced Employment and Sales
Table 5 presents the result of examining how the Opportunity Zone policy affects local employment. Panel A of column 1 shows that local employment decreased by 1.7% in the treated areas after the policy and the effect is statistically significant at the 1% level. When breaking down by firm age (i.e., newly formed or more than 1 year) and ownership type (i.e., whether it is a standalone firm or a subsidiary of the parent company), the total employment by Age ≤ 1&Standalone firms decreased significantly by 4.1% and the other type of firms also decreased significantly by 1.6%. However, the total employment for Age >1&Subsidiary firms that have the most information available to investors and the lowest risk did not change significantly. When replacing the dependent variable with sales generated by local firms, I observe similar findings that the total sales also declined significantly. The only types of firms that survived this decrease were those older than 1 year and subsidiaries.Footnote 28

TABLE 5 Long description
The table is divided into two vertical sections.
Panel A: L n (Employment plus 1).
This panel measures the impact on jobs across four columns:
1. Total: O Z asterisk Post coefficient is minus 0.017 with 1 percent significance level.
2. Age greater than 1 and Subsidiary: coefficient is minus 0.004, not significant.
3. Age less than or equal to 1 and Standalone: coefficient is minus 0.041 with 1 percent significance level.
4. Others: coefficient is minus 0.016 with 1 percent significance level.
All columns have 154,476 observations and R-squared values ranging from 0.827 to 0.995.
Panel B: L n (Sales plus 1).
This panel measures the impact on sales across the same four columns:
1. Total: O Z asterisk Post coefficient is minus 0.028 with 1 percent significance level.
2. Age greater than 1 and Subsidiary: coefficient is minus 0.008, not significant.
3. Age less than or equal to 1 and Standalone: coefficient is minus 0.066 with 1 percent significance level.
4. Others: coefficient is minus 0.031 with 1 percent significance level.
All columns have 154,476 observations and R-squared values ranging from 0.670 to 0.983.
Both panels include Controls, Tract F E, and Year F E. Standard errors are provided in parentheses below each coefficient.
To validate that the decline in new business formation is the main driver of the observed decrease in aggregate employment, I first examine whether there is indeed a large gap between new firms and existing firms in job creation in Opportunity Zones. New entrants create, on average, 11,827 jobs per firm, whereas incumbents create only 0.048 jobs per firm. This confirms that new firms are the primary engine of local job growth in these distressed neighborhoods. Using these statistics, I then perform a back-of-the-envelope calculation to test the mechanism. Given that new firms constitute approximately 8% of total local establishments, and the policy reduced new business formation by 1.8% (based on the coefficient of −0.018 in Table 2), the predicted impact on aggregate employment driven by this decline in new firms is approximately 0.08
$ \times $
(−0.018)
$ \times $
11.827
$ \approx $
−1.703%. This calculated magnitude matches the actual aggregate employment decline of 1.7% observed in Panel A of Table 5 (the coefficient on
$ OZ\ast Post $
being −0.017). This result supports the hypothesis that the aggregate employment loss was driven by the “missing generation” of high-growth new firms, which incumbents failed to replace.
To explain why incumbents failed to offset this job loss, I draw on studies showing that these established firms directed tax-advantaged capital toward non-employment-related assets and property renovations rather than expanding their workforce. Specifically, Freedman et al. (Reference Freedman, Khanna and Neumark2021) find that the policy’s impact on the average earnings of local residents is statistically indistinguishable from 0, while Sage et al. (Reference Sage, Langen and Van de Minne2023) document an increase in local commercial property prices for assets requiring renovation in the treated areas. Combining these findings with the negative employment results from my analysis suggests that the tax-induced capital inflows were likely spent toward physical assets rather than labor.Footnote 29
To further validate that the decline in entrepreneurship and employment is driven by incumbent crowding-out in locally competitive markets, I examine whether the policy’s impact varies based on the region’s industrial composition. If the negative real effects indeed stem from incumbents edging out new firms through local competition, one would expect these effects to be mitigated in regions dominated by tradable sectors, where demand is not constrained by the local market and firms do not compete locally.
Table 6 reports the results of estimating the baseline DiD model in two subsamples: census tracts where the tradable sector is the largest employer sector and accounts for more than 20% of the workforce (“Tradable-Dominant”), and those where the tradable sector is not the dominant sector. As shown in columns 1 and 3, in tradable-dominant tracts, the coefficients for both new business formation and employment are statistically indistinguishable from 0. On the contrary, the negative and statistically significant impact on both new business formation and total employment is concentrated mainly in tracts where the tradable sector is not dominant. This analysis confirms that the crowding-out of entrepreneurship and employment is specific to markets where firms compete locally.

TABLE 6 Long description
The table consists of four columns of regression results. Columns 1 and 2 use the natural logarithm of the number of new firms plus 1 as the dependent variable. Columns 3 and 4 use the natural logarithm of employment plus 1. The columns are further divided by whether the census tract is Tradable-Dominant (Yes for columns 1 and 3; No for columns 2 and 4).
* Row 1: OZ asterisk Post interaction term.
- Column 1 (Tradable-Dominant: Yes): 0.012 with a standard error of 0.032.
- Column 2 (Tradable-Dominant: No): negative 0.020 with a standard error of 0.010, significant at the 5 percent level.
- Column 3 (Tradable-Dominant: Yes): negative 0.006 with a standard error of 0.004.
- Column 4 (Tradable-Dominant: No): negative 0.017 with a standard error of 0.001, significant at the 1 percent level.
* Row 2: Number of observations.
- Column 1: 10,818.
- Column 2: 136,749.
- Column 3: 11,493.
- Column 4: 142,972.
* Row 3: R-squared values.
- Column 1: 0.847.
- Column 2: 0.849.
- Column 3: 0.995.
- Column 4: 0.995.
* Row 4 and 5: Tract F E and Year F E are marked as Yes for all four columns.
B. Decreased Market Competition and Exits for Incumbents
Next, I examine whether and how market competition and firm exits changed after the policy’s implementation.
First, I study the Opportunity Zone policy’s impact on local market competition. In Table 7, Panel A, the dependent variables are the concentration ratios of the top 3 and top 5 employers in a census tract in a year (CR3 and CR5) as well as the HHI based on employment and use them as dependent variables in different sectors.Footnote
30 One would expect to see that market competition would decrease significantly in the non-tradable sector, where most of the decline in business formation is observed, and see little impact in the tradable sector. This is the case shown in Table 7: The coefficient estimates on
$ OZ\ast Post $
are all positive and significant at a 1% significance level for the non-tradable sector, and I do not observe significance in the tradable sector. In Panel B, I use sales instead of employment to construct the previous three measures. The results are similar to those in Panel A.

TABLE 7 Long description
Panel A. Local Market Competition in Employment.
For the Non-Tradable sector, the O Z asterisk Post coefficient is 0.378 for C R 3, 0.289 for C R 5, and 30.957 for H H I, all significant at the 1 percent level. Standard errors are 0.096, 0.084, and 8.423 respectively.
For the Tradable sector, coefficients are 0.053 for C R 3, 0.008 for C R 5, and 17.060 for H H I, none of which are statistically significant.
Number of observations ranges from 140,231 to 153,709 with R-squared values between 0.890 and 0.954.
Panel B. Local Market Competition in Sales.
For the Non-Tradable sector, the O Z asterisk Post coefficient is 0.262 for C R 3 significant at 5 percent, 0.250 for C R 5 significant at 5 percent, and 23.415 for H H I significant at 10 percent. Standard errors are 0.128, 0.098, and 12.585 respectively.
For the Tradable sector, coefficients are negative 0.055 for C R 3, negative 0.016 for C R 5, and 11.782 for H H I, none of which are statistically significant.
Number of observations ranges from 140,231 to 153,709 with R-squared values between 0.835 and 0.945.
Both panels include Controls, Tract F E, and Year F E.
Second, I examine whether the policy affected incumbents’ dissolution (i.e., firm exit). The logic is that increased private investments in incumbents may help their survival. In Table 8, the dependent variable is the natural logarithm of the number of firms that dissolve in a census tract each year. In column 1, the coefficient on OZ*Post is negative and insignificant, suggesting that the total number of companies going out of business did not change significantly. However, as shown in columns 2 and 3, there was a significant decrease in the number of firms that were at least 1 or 2 years old when they dissolved. The results suggest that older incumbents in the treated areas were more likely to survive (less likely to go out of business) after implementing the policy. The finding is consistent with the hypothesis that the additional financing resources, brought in by the tax incentives, helped incumbents build up their competitive advantage over potential newcomers and reduced local competition.

TABLE 8 Long description
The table consists of three columns under the primary dependent variable L n (Num_Dissolved plus 1).
Column 1: All Dissolved. The O Z times Post coefficient is minus 0.006 with a standard error of 0.004. R-squared is 0.510.
Column 2: Firm Age greater than 1 Year. The O Z times Post coefficient is minus 0.007 with a significance level of 10 percent and a standard error of 0.004. R-squared is 0.483.
Column 3: Firm Age greater than 2 Years. The O Z times Post coefficient is minus 0.014 with a significance level of 1 percent and a standard error of 0.003. R-squared is 0.437.
All three columns have 147,565 observations and include Controls, Tract F E, and Year F E. Standard errors are clustered at the census tract level.
Overall, the results in this section show that the Opportunity Zone policy has negatively impacted local employment and market competition. The negative economic effects highlight the importance of the previous findings in the article that the Opportunity Zone policy negatively impacted the formation of local businesses.Footnote 31
C. Stylized Model: Place-Based Tax Incentives, Business Formation, and Employment
To understand why tax-induced investments negatively affect local business formation and employment, I present a stylized framework. Rather than attempting to capture every institutional detail of the Opportunity Zone program, the model isolates a specific economic channel, the tension between funding established incumbents versus riskier new ventures. While this framework provides useful intuition for the observed displacement effects, I acknowledge it may not be the only mechanism at work. Other institutional factors, such as the program’s short qualification window, likely operated alongside this channel to discourage firm entry. The full model and proofs are in Supplementary Material Section B. A brief summary of the model predictions is discussed later.Footnote 32
The model explores how an investor (i.e., a QOF) allocates capital between existing firms and new firms within an Opportunity Zone. Most of the firms located in these low-income and high-poverty neighborhoods are private companies with severe information asymmetry between owners and investors (Leland and Pyle (Reference Leland and Pyle1977)) due to limited availability of information and uncertainty (Ivković and Weisbenner (Reference Ivković and Weisbenner2005), Seasholes and Zhu (Reference Seasholes and Zhu2010)). One important observable factor related to the risk of failure that investors would consider is the company’s age (Dunne, Roberts, and Samuelson (Reference Dunne, Roberts and Samuelson1989)). The investor faces a trade-off between the safety of investing in established companies, which guarantees a fixed return, and the higher but riskier potential returns from investing in new firms conditional on success. The model incorporates two key features to mirror the conditions in Opportunity Zones. First, the expected profitability of new ventures being successful is constrained by a scarcity of high-quality entrepreneurial projects. As more capital is invested in the distressed tracts, the marginal probability of success diminishes, reflecting a limited supply of productive local opportunities. Second, local competition from better-financed existing firms further reduces the likelihood of success for new firms, with the effect being particularly pronounced in non-tradable sectors, where local competition is more intense.
The model shows that the investor’s optimal investment in new firms depends on the size of the available fund (K). When the fund size is small, the investor directs almost all capital toward new firms because the marginal success probability remains high. However, as the fund size grows, competition between firms intensifies, and the optimal investment in new firms decreases. If the fund becomes too large, the investor eventually allocates all the capital to existing firms, as the competitive pressure makes investments in new firms unprofitable. The model predicts that in sectors with higher local competition, such as restaurants and grocery stores in the non-tradable sector, the Opportunity Zone policy can have a negative impact on new business formation.
The model also suggests that employment outcomes are tied to the allocation of capital between existing and new firms. New firms are generally more effective in creating jobs than established firms and if the gap in job creation potential between new and old firms is large enough, an increase in the fund size could lead to a decrease in total employment. This occurs because the investor increasingly favors established firms, which contribute less to employment, as the fund grows. Thus, the model predicts that the Opportunity Zone policy could reduce employment if new firms’ job creation advantage is sufficiently large.
VII. Policy Implications
The findings of this article offer important insights for the design of future place-based interventions, particularly as large-scale programs such as the CHIPS and Science Act of 2022 continue to deploy capital into targeted regions. The policy implications of the article are as follows.
First, policymakers could consider differentiating tax incentives based on firm age and local industrial composition to mitigate the distributional distortions observed in this study. Because investors naturally favor safer, information-rich incumbents, simply inviting more capital inflow could widen the funding gap between existing firms and newcomers, particularly in industries that are sensitive to local competition like the non-tradable sector. Future policies could consider offering higher tax credits for investments in newly formed firms, ensuring that capital fosters new market entry rather than reinforcing the position of established businesses.
Second, the government needs to carefully choose the policy goal for place-based incentives that would promote economic activities like entrepreneurship and innovation while also ensuring long-term employment gains. The Opportunity Zone program aimed to attract capital inflows to economically distressed areas but imposed no employment requirements. As a result, capital flowed mostly toward physical assets and renovations that benefited incumbents but did not translate into job creation. To ensure broader economic gains, future tax credits could be made conditional on net job creation, ensuring that the subsidized capital complements rather than substitutes for labor.
Third, policymakers should be aware that the design of implementation timelines could significantly impact capital allocation efficiency. The Opportunity Zone program imposed tight deadlines for realizing capital gains and deploying funds, which likely exacerbated investors’ preference toward incumbents rather than new businesses. Future policies should provide longer qualification windows to allow investors sufficient time to screen and identify high-potential new firms, thereby reducing the bias toward “shovel-ready” incumbents.
VIII. Conclusion
This article studies how place-based tax incentives affect local investments and new business formation. Using the recent place-based tax credit policy, the Opportunity Zone program, as a quasi-natural experiment, I show that the policy effectively attracted more private investments to the economically distressed neighborhoods that the policy targeted. However, the number of new business formations declined significantly in the local area. I further show that the inflow of tax-advantaged capital disproportionately benefited older, incumbent firms. As these better-financed incumbents compete with potential entrants for finite local resources and market share, the policy ultimately stifled local entrepreneurship, especially in the non-tradable sector. Furthermore, the program’s tight qualification timeline likely exacerbated this dynamic by incentivizing investors to fund “shovel-ready” incumbents rather than new ventures.
Furthermore, the policy had negative real effects on the local economy. Despite the increase in investment, treated areas experienced declines in aggregate local employment and sales, and a reduction in market competition. These findings highlight the limitations of employing purely market-based tax incentives in distressed communities. While successful at attracting capital, such policies may inadvertently stifle entrepreneurship and job creation that they aim to foster. Future policy designs must therefore look beyond aggregate investment volumes to consider the distributional impact of capital allocation. To ensure broad economic gains from these incentive programs, policymakers should consider differentiating credits based on firm age and local industry composition, mandating job creation, and extending qualification windows.
Appendix. Variable Definitions
- OZ:
-
An indicator that takes a value of 1 if the tract was designated as an Opportunity Zone and 0 if it was eligible but not designated.
- Post:
-
It is a dummy that equals 0 prior to 2018 and 1 afterward.
- Num_Inv:
-
Number of investment deals filed in a census tract. Source: Obtained from the SEC Form D filings.
- Amount_Inv:
-
Dollar amount of investments in $millions in a census tract. Source: Obtained from the SEC Form D filings.
- Num_NewFirms:
-
Number of for-profit new firms registered in a tract. Source: Obtained from official business registration records collected by Opencorporates.
- Num_Dissolved (Age > 1 or 2 years):
-
Number of firms that dissolved in a census tract (when they were older than 1 or 2 years at the time of dissolution). Source: Obtained from official business registration records collected by Opencorporates.
- Population:
-
The population of a census tract in thousands. Source: Obtained from the ACS by Census.
- Median_Income:
-
The median income of a census tract in thousand dollars. Source: Obtained from the ACS by Census.
- Median Age:
-
The median age of a census tract. Source: Obtained from the ACS by Census.
- Poverty Rate:
-
The poverty rate of a census tract. Source: Obtained from the ACS by Census.
- %White:
-
The percentage of people in a census tract who are white. Source: Obtained from the ACS by Census.
- %Black:
-
The percentage of people in a census tract who are black. Source: Obtained from the ACS by Census.
- Unemp_Rate:
-
The unemployment rate of a census tract. Source: Obtained from the ACS by Census.
- %NoHighSchool:
-
The percentage of people in a census tract who do not have a high school degree. Source: Obtained from the ACS by Census.
- Employment:
-
Total employment of firms located in a census tract. Source: Obtained from NETS.
- Sales:
-
Total sales by firms located in a census tract. Source: Obtained from NETS.
- CR3 and CR5:
-
Concentration ratios of the top 3 and top 5 employers or sales producers in a census tract.
- HHI:
-
The Herfindahl–Hirschman Index calculated based on a census’ employment or sales.
Supplementary material
To view supplementary material for this article, please visit http://doi.org/10.1017/S0022109026103068.
















