Introduction
Globally, children constitute a small but significant proportion of homicide victims. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, approximately 71,600 children were victims of homicide in 2021, accounting for just over 15% of the estimated global total (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2023). Disaggregated data reveal that homicide rates among male and female child victims aged 0–9 years tend to be relatively equal. However, in older age groups, boys are significantly more likely than girls to become victims of homicide (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2023). What are the drivers of this type of lethal violence?
Data on intrafamilial child homicides highlight that fatal abuse is a prominent cause of child homicide. In the United States, during the federal fiscal year 2020, it was estimated that 1,750 children died as a result of abuse and neglect, corresponding to a rate of 2.38 deaths per 100,000 children in the population (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Administration on Children, Youth and Families, Children’s Bureau 2022). Often termed “accidental filicide”, this category of homicide involves child deaths resulting from abuse where the perpetrator does not intend to kill the child. Instead, the death is an unintended consequence of excessive physical maltreatment or neglect. A notable example includes “battered children” who succumb to injuries from repeated and/or prolonged severe assaults. Studies indicate that in cases of fatal abuse, fathers are more frequently the perpetrators than mothers, particularly in instances involving violent outbursts or the overzealous application of discipline (Léveillée and Doyon Reference Léveillée and Doyon.2019).
Extant data demonstrate that corporal punishment plays a significant role in child homicides around the world (Douglas Reference Douglas2017; Sidebotham Reference Sidebotham, Dixon, Perkins, Hamilton-Giachritsis and Craig2017; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2023). In many cases, deaths resulting from corporal punishment are not intentionally caused but are instead the tragic outcome of punishment gone awry. Often, these incidents are preceded by a history of parental use of corporal punishment against the child. Heartbreakingly, in some cases, there is a pattern of chronic corporal punishment inflicted on the child or all children within the household.
Child homicide is profoundly tragic for several reasons. First, children are inherently vulnerable due to their age, physical size and limited ability to defend themselves. Criminologists use terms such as “vulnerable victim”, “latent victim” and “predisposed victim” to describe individuals who are unable to resist their assailants because of their physical or mental state at the time of the offence (Rasko Reference Rasko1976). In this context, children are particularly defenceless against the violent actions of adults. The loss of potential further underscores the tragedy of child homicide. As young individuals, child victims of homicide are deprived of the opportunity to live fully, explore their potential and contribute to society. Their lives are prematurely cut short, making the crime all the more harrowing. A particularly distressing aspect of child homicide is that, in many cases, the perpetrators are family members. Families are expected to provide safety, care and protection for their young. Instead, in these cases, the violence inflicted by family members betrays this fundamental trust, culminating in the ultimate deprivation of life.
Background and Objectives of the Current Study
In May 2024, a Ghanaian woman residing in the United States and her live-in Ghanaian boyfriend were each sentenced to 25 years’ imprisonment for second-degree murder in the homicidal death of their five-year-old son. The couple had beaten the child at home and left him to die. Autopsy reports revealed that the boy had been “beaten from head to toe” and had sustained injuries described as “too numerous to count” (Asaaseradio 2024). This corporal punishment-linked homicide involving a Ghanaian couple living in the United States revived memories of similar practices of punitive physical force in Ghana, where I lived decades ago. Even as a child and later as an adult, I was deeply horrified and appalled by the excessive punishments I witnessed or heard about. Prompted by these recollections, I decided to investigate recent media-reported cases of disciplinary physical measures in Ghana to assess the current state of such practices.
The review uncovered several reports of corporal punishment-related deaths among toddlers and school-aged children in Ghana. Many accounts detailed harrowing cases of child homicides resulting from severe mistreatment under the guise of discipline. A sample of these reports includes titles such as: “Couple Beats 4-Year-Old Daughter to Death for Bedwetting” (MyJoyOnline 2022); “Swedru Methodist ‘B’ Basic School Teacher Allegedly Canes 13-Year-Old Student to Death” (UTV Ghana Reference Ghana2023); “Mother Beats 8-Year-Old Daughter to Death, Hides Body” (Pulse 2018); “Father Beats Daughter to Death” (GhanaWeb 2007); “32-Year-Old Woman Beats Son to Death” (Abbey Reference Abbey2017); “Senior High School Teacher in Trouble for Beating Student to Pulp” (GhanaWeb 2024b); “Teacher Canes Pupil, 8, to Death” (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2009c); “Student Loses Eye to Teacher’s Cane” (GhanaWeb 2016); and “Teacher Tortures Student for Making Noise” (GhanaWeb 2018). These findings inspired me to conduct empirical research on the phenomenon. This article presents the results of an analysis of 25 cases of such deaths documented in the Ghanaian media between 2009 and 2024.
The current study examined corporal punishment-linked homicides involving children in Ghana, focusing on several critical aspects. These include: (1) the sociodemographic characteristics of the victims, including age and gender; (2) the sociodemographic characteristics of the offenders, including age, gender and occupational status; (3) the relationship between the victims and offenders; (4) the modus operandi and weapons used in the killings; (5) the spatial and temporal dimensions of the incidents; (6) the motives or motivations underlying the homicides and circumstances surrounding the crimes; and (6) the responses of the criminal justice system to the lethal assaults. Additionally, the study examined public reactions to such cases, providing a comprehensive analysis of this pressing issue. The article concludes by offering recommendations aimed at reducing the incidence and prevalence of corporal punishment-related child deaths in Ghana.
The Status of Children in Ghana
A study of corporal punishment-related deaths in Ghana necessitates an examination and discussion of the status of children within Ghanaian society. The following section of the paper is dedicated to this analysis.
Ghana is a deeply pronatalist society, where having children is highly valued or treasured (Dowuona-Hammond Reference Dowuona-Hammond, Mensa-Bonsu and Dowuona-Hammond1994; Mends Reference Mends, Mensa-Bonsu and Dowuona-Hammond1994; Ofosu-Budu and Hanninen Reference Ofosu-Budu and Hanninen2020). Marriage is traditionally regarded as a means of procreation, and although societal attitudes are gradually shifting, there remains significant prestige associated with having multiple children – particularly for parents who can financially support them. Voluntary childlessness is virtually unheard of and socially unacceptable. Infertility is viewed as a pitiable condition, and individuals unable to bear children often face intense stigma (Fledderjohann Reference Fledderjohann2012; Mends Reference Mends, Mensa-Bonsu and Dowuona-Hammond1994).
Despite the cultural emphasis on having children, the status of children in Ghanaian society remains low. Children are often perceived as the property of their parents and their respective patrilineal or matrilineal lineages rather than as distinct individuals with unique identities, needs and rights that warrant prioritization (Dowuona-Hammond Reference Dowuona-Hammond, Mensa-Bonsu and Dowuona-Hammond1994). Across Ghanaian society, children are generally expected to be seen but not heard, with their rights often overlooked, abridged or disregarded (Ame, Agbényiga, and Apt Reference Ame, Agbényiga and Apt2011). Many parents and guardians subject children to physical, psychological and emotional abuse (Kyei-Gyamfi Reference Kyei-Gyamfi, Ame, Agbényiga and Apt2011). When others attempt to intervene on behalf of these children, abusive parents often defend their actions by asserting ownership over their children, claiming the right to treat them as they see fit (Afrifa Reference Afrifa, Mensa-Bonsu and Dowuona-Hammond1994; Dowuona-Hammond Reference Dowuona-Hammond, Mensa-Bonsu and Dowuona-Hammond1994; Mends Reference Mends, Mensa-Bonsu and Dowuona-Hammond1994).
A significant proportion of children in Ghana are born out of wedlock, with many fathers in non-marital relationships refusing to take responsibility for pregnancies they have fathered. Even in cases where paternity is acknowledged, non-custodial fathers frequently fail to provide adequate care or financial support, leaving children at heightened risk of neglect (Ghana News Agency 2022). Unfortunately, the government of Ghana lacks a rigorous and robust formal mechanism for establishing paternity or facilitating the collection of regular child support payments from non-custodial fathers to custodial parents, further exacerbating the vulnerability of these children.
Among Ghanaians, there is a widely held perception, supported by empirical evidence, that living with individuals other than one’s biological parents is often associated with a higher risk of mistreatment and abuse. For instance, it is widely recognized that stepmothers often mistreat their stepchildren, a perception supported by shared experiences within communities. Among the Akans, this sentiment is captured in the saying, “Obi nkyϵn yϵ tena na”, which translates to “It is difficult to stay with or live with someone who is not family or a blood relative.” This proverb underscores the complexities and tensions that can arise in non-biological family relationships, reflecting broader cultural attitudes toward kinship and caregiving.
In Ghana, there is a widespread practice where parents loan or lend out their children to work as domestic servants. These children are often withdrawn from school and tasked with performing most, if not all, of the household chores. In many cases, the children are also made to sell wares on the streets or in markets. Sadly, these children frequently endure physical and psychological abuse and are subjected to harsh treatment. Their education is oftentimes sacrificed, depriving them of opportunities for personal and intellectual development. Moreover, they are often victims of physical violence, emotional mistreatment and, in some cases, sexual abuse, further compounding their vulnerability and exploitation (Lawson Reference Lawson1998).
Reports of sexual assault against children in Ghana frequently appear in the various local media, including cases of incest where fathers and stepfathers abuse their daughters, for example: “Man Jailed 10 Years for Defiling His Ten-Year-Old Stepdaughter” (GhanaWeb 2023); “Man Jailed 20 Years for Defiling Biological Daughter” (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2022a); and “Man Gets 20 Years for Defiling 12-Year-old Daughter” (Nyabor Reference Nyabor2020). Numerous instances of child rape or defilement by strangers have also been documented, further highlighting the vulnerabilities faced by children (Donkor Reference Donkor2019).
In Ghana, children are among the most frequently targeted groups for witchcraft accusations and mistreatment, second only to older women (Adinkrah Reference Adinkrah2011, Reference Adinkrah2015). These accusations often originate from their parents, non-relative guardians, or surrogate caregivers and Christian pastors. In many instances, children accused of being witches are blamed for the misfortunes or lack of success of their parents or guardians. These accusations of malevolence subject children to additional layers of abuse and ostracism, compounding their already precarious status within society. Some accused children are subjected to torture to force confessions for imaginary offences and, and in some cases, they are killed (Adinkrah Reference Adinkrah2011, Reference Adinkrah2015; Joy News Reference News2021).
Corporal Punishment of Children in Ghana
Corporal punishment remains pervasive in Ghanaian society and is routinely employed as a disciplinary measure in various settings (Afrifa Reference Afrifa, Mensa-Bonsu and Dowuona-Hammond1994; Kyei-Gyamfi Reference Kyei-Gyamfi, Ame, Agbényiga and Apt2011). In many Ghanaian homes, parents resort to physical methods of discipline, including slapping, punching or using implements such as sticks, canes, waist belts, ropes and even computer cords (Afrifa Reference Afrifa, Mensa-Bonsu and Dowuona-Hammond1994; Kyei-Gyamfi Reference Kyei-Gyamfi, Ame, Agbényiga and Apt2011). More severe forms include burning children with hot pressing irons or scalding them with hot water. This widespread use of corporal punishment is often justified by religious beliefs, particularly among Christian households, where parents cite a supposed Biblical admonition to “spare the rod and spoil the child” as a rationale for their actions. Physical punishment is employed for a wide range of infractions, including bedwetting, failure to complete errands or tasks, and acts of misbehaviour such as stealing. In some instances, it is used as a coercive method to extract confessions from children accused of wrongdoing. The administration of corporal punishment against children is often gendered. Women predominantly administer corporal punishment to toddlers and younger children, while men typically discipline older children, particularly boys, through physical punishment (Kyei-Gyamfi Reference Kyei-Gyamfi, Ame, Agbényiga and Apt2011).
Despite the official prohibition of corporal punishment in Ghanaian schools in 2019, reports indicate that some educators, school officials and administrators continue to employ these practices. In educational settings, corporal punishment is often used to address issues such as academic underperformance, tardiness, late arrivals or disruptive behaviour in the classroom. The continued prevalence of corporal punishment in both domestic and institutional contexts raises significant concerns about the physical and psychological safety and well-being of children in Ghana, as well as the broader implications for child rights and protection (Kyei-Gyamfi Reference Kyei-Gyamfi, Ame, Agbényiga and Apt2011).
There have been numerous media-reported cases in Ghana where family members of students subjected to corporal punishment have retaliated against the teachers who administered the punishment, for example: “Odumase JHS Closed Down After Youth Attack Teacher for Canning Pupils” (Normanyo Reference Normanyo2023); and “Family Seeks Justice for Final-Year Student Assaulted by Teachers” (GhanaWeb 2024a). In one such case, a teacher tragically lost her life as a result of retaliatory violence. On 27 November 2013, a 22-year-old kindergarten teacher was killed following an incident involving the corporal punishment of a student. After administering the punishment, the child sustained an injury, prompting significant outrage from the student’s family. To de-escalate tensions, the teacher and the school principal visited the student’s family to offer an apology. However, during this visit, an enraged family member attempted to assault the teacher with a chair. While attempting to flee, the teacher fell into an open gutter and subsequently died. This incident highlights the extreme consequences that can ensue from the use of corporal punishment, emphasizing its potential to provoke violence and deepen conflicts within communities (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2013).
Evidence suggests that corporal punishment of children may contribute to child and adolescent suicides in Ghana. A review by Mensah Adinkrah (unpublished results) of the underlying factors contributing to children and adolescent suicides indicates that both fear of corporal punishment and resentment over experiencing such punishment played significant roles in some youths’ decisions to end their lives. In October 2014, a 13-year-old boy hanged himself over threats of punishment from his mother. According to reports, the boy had finished a meal without washing the dishes, a habit for which his mother had repeatedly scolded him. This time, she threatened to punish him. When the mother left for the market, the boy hanged himself out of fear of the threatened punishment (GhanaWeb 2014b). In another case, in September 2014, a 13-year-old boy died by suicide after being punished by his mother. On the morning of the incident, the boy’s mother had sent him on an errand to purchase foodstuff from the market. When he refused to go, she beat him with a cane. Nursing resentment over the beating, the boy hanged himself in his mother’s room later that day while she was at work. Also, in August 2020, a 16-year-old boy described as a “betting and gambling addict” hanged himself on a tree near his home. His mother had threatened to report him to law enforcement authorities over his delinquent activities (Ghanaian Times 2020).
Research Methods and Data Sources
In Ghana, there is no centralized homicide registry compiled and maintained by the Ghana Police Service. However, homicide cases frequently receive extensive coverage in both print and electronic media. For this research, a systematic search was conducted across these media platforms to identify and analyse cases of corporal punishment-related deaths. For print media, I analysed the content of both published issues and online editions of The Daily Graphic, The Ghanaian Times, The Mirror, The Weekly Spectator and The Daily Guide. For electronic media, I examined the content of Ghana-based online news platforms, including Ghanaweb.com, Ghanamma.com, Ghananewsagency.com and Modernghana.com.
A total of 25 such cases were identified, photocopied and thoroughly reviewed. The analysis focused on several key variables, including: (1) the demographic characteristics of the victim; (2) the demographic characteristics of the assailant; (3) the victim–offender relationship; (4) the modus operandi or method of offence perpetration and the weapon involved; and (5) reason(s) provided for administering the corporal punishment. Additionally, information was collected regarding the post-homicide processes, including whether the offender was arrested, prosecuted, convicted and sentenced.
A review of the scholarly literature reveals that the use of newspapers and other mass media-based case reports in studies of lethal violence, including suicidal and homicidal behaviour, is well-established (see, for example, Adinkrah Reference Adinkrah2012, Reference Adinkrah2014). Such data sources are particularly valuable in many African and other developing countries where officially compiled data and other primary sources of information are virtually non-existent (Adinkrah Reference Adinkrah2011, Reference Adinkrah2012, Reference Adinkrah2014). In Ghana, for instance, no private or governmental agencies currently maintain a registry of homicidal behaviour. However, it is important to note that homicide data reported in Ghanaian newspapers exhibit a high degree of reliability. This reliability is largely attributable to the relatively low number of homicide cases in the country and the intense public curiosity that such incidents provoke. Ghanaian media houses typically have journalists stationed across various towns and cities who are promptly dispatched to locations where newsworthy events occur, ensuring timely and comprehensive coverage. These factors collectively contribute to the reliability and dependability of homicide reports in the mass media.
To provide contextual understanding and background information on the use of corporal punishment in Ghanaian society, interviews were conducted with 20 Ghanaian adults – 10 men and 10 women. These interviews explored their knowledge and personal experiences with corporal punishment practices. Ultimately, this research is informed by the author’s extensive experience as a social scientist, providing intimate knowledge of Ghanaian society. As a native who has lived continuously in Ghana for over 20 years and continues to return annually for research, professional engagements and familial visits, I draw on this lived experience to complement the empirical data collected.
Study Results
Below, I provide a criminological analysis of the 25 homicides linked to corporal punishment that were the focus of this study. Table 1 shows the selected features of the crimes.
Selected features of the crimes
Reasons for corporal punishment
Public Reactions to Corporal Punishment-Related Homicides of Children
Corporal punishment-related homicides of children in Ghana consistently attract significant media coverage and elicit strong public reactions. Such cases often dominate the headlines, receiving front-page prominence in major newspapers and extensive airtime on radio and television. These stories are typically the lead news items during prime-time broadcasts, reflecting the public’s intense interest in the subject matter. Major online news platforms also cover these incidents comprehensively, frequently publishing updates as the narratives unfold.
The public responses to these homicides were overwhelmingly negative, with widespread condemnation directed at the perpetrators. Callers to radio programmes, which often host discussions about such cases, typically use harsh language to denounce the behaviour of the offenders, describing it as “animalistic” or “primitive”. A recurring demand among these callers is for the authorities to impose the harshest possible sentences on the offenders as a deterrent to others (GhanaWeb 2014a; GhanaWeb 2015; Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2022b). Some members of the public suggested that parents who kill their children because of corporal punishment should be permanently barred from having more children, framing this as a necessary preventive measure. Others advocated for mandatory parenting or child-rearing classes for all expectant parents to educate them on non-violent disciplinary methods in order to reduce the risk of abuse.
Regarding educators involved in fatal corporal punishment cases, public sentiment was similarly unforgiving. Many commentators called for teachers who kill children to face stringent legal consequences, including long custodial sentences. Additionally, there was a common demand that such individuals be permanently banned from the teaching profession to prevent recurrence. These reactions reflect a societal consensus against corporal punishment-related homicides and a desire for systemic reforms to protect children from such tragic outcomes. They underscore the need for robust policies, public education, and strict enforcement of laws prohibiting corporal punishment in both homes and schools in the country.
Sociodemographic Characteristics of Victims
Of the 25 victims analysed, 14 (56%) were male, while 11 (44%) were female. The victims’ ages ranged from 18 months to 20 years, with a mean (average) age of 9.14 years, a median age of 8 years and a standard deviation of 5.4 years.
Sociodemographic Characteristics of Offenders
In total, 28 individuals were arrested and charged in connection with the homicidal deaths of the 25 victims. The group of assailants comprised 12 (42.9%) men and 16 (57.1%). Among them, the ages of only seven were reported, ranging from 19 to 45 years, with a mean age of 32.4 years. Assailants who were not teachers or educators came from a variety of occupational backgrounds, including petty traders, shop attendants, commercial lorry drivers, a Christian pastor and unemployed individuals.
Victim–Offender Relationships
The study also examined the relationship between victims and offenders. Biological fathers acting alone were responsible for eight (32%) of the deaths, while biological mothers acting alone accounted for four (16%). Step relationships were implicated in seven (28%) of the cases, involving either a stepfather and biological mother or a stepmother and biological father acting together to kill the child. Stepmothers acting alone were similarly responsible for four (16%) of the cases. In one instance, an aunt was identified as the perpetrator of her nephew’s murder. Teachers accounted for four (16%) of the 25 child deaths resulting from corporal punishment.
Spatial Aspects of the Crime
The spatial dynamics of the homicides were examined to determine where the assaultive violence occurred. Findings revealed that 20 (80%) out of the 25 incidents took place within the victims’ homes, underscoring the home as the primary location of such violence. The remaining five (20%) incidents occurred at the victims’ schools, highlighting the occurrence of fatal assaultive violence in educational settings.
Modus Operandi
The data revealed that corporal punishment was inflicted through various methods, including: (1) beating with fists; (2) striking with objects such as sticks, canes, shoes, waist belts and electrical cords; and (3) scalding with a hot-pressing iron. Notably, some teachers specifically utilized canes when administering corporal punishment. In one tragic incident, a teacher compelled a student to climb a tall coconut tree despite the student’s protests that he lacked the necessary skills. The student fell, sustaining a spinal cord injury that ultimately proved fatal.
Motives
The study examined the motives behind the use of corporal punishment in cases that resulted in child fatalities (see Table 2). In four cases (Cases 12, 13, 14 and 19), parents had a history of chronic corporal punishment. Over time, the repeated and excessive use of physical discipline escalated, culminating in the death of the child. Two cases (Cases 15 and 17) involved excessive punishment used to address nocturnal enuresis (bedwetting). In these instances, the parents sought to control the behaviour through severe and disproportionate measures. In two other cases (Cases 5 and 22), parents reacted angrily to incidents where infants or toddlers defecated on themselves. These acts of defecation provoked excessive punishment, leading to fatal outcomes.
Two cases (Cases 11 and 21) involved fathers punishing daughters for suspected or imagined immoral behaviour. In one instance, a girl was accused of engaging in sexual relationships and spending nights outside the home. In the second case, a girl was assaulted for returning home at 9.00 pm on the day of the incident. In another case, an eight-year-old boy was beaten to death by his father and stepmother after being accused of attempting to engage in sexual activity with the stepmother.
Two fatalities were linked to monetary disputes. In one case, a child was accused of stealing money, leading to punishment by the mother that proved fatal. In the other, a child was blamed for losing money entrusted to them during an errand, which also resulted in deadly punishment. In one case, a parent fatally assaulted their two-year-old child due to frustration over delayed walking. The parent administered incessant physical punishment in response to the child’s inability to walk, which ultimately resulted in the child’s death. One incident was a case of revenge filicide. Here, a father, angry with his former partner, directed his rage toward their child and fatally assaulted them.
Three cases were related to perceived poor academic performance. In two of these, teachers administered corporal punishment for unsatisfactory results on school assignments, quizzes or tests. In the third case, a father assaulted his son for allegedly underperforming in a national competitive examination. Two deaths occurred at school as a result of corporal punishment used to correct alleged misbehaviour. In one case, a child accused of making noise in the classroom was caned; he later died at home from complications associated with the punishment. In the second case, a child was disciplined at school during morning worship for disturbing others and subsequently succumbed to injuries sustained from the punishment.
In two additional school-related cases (Cases 24 and 25), corporal punishment led to indirect fatalities. In one instance, a child who had been punished for misbehaviour was instructed to climb a coconut tree to retrieve a coconut. The child, unable to perform the task safely, fell, sustaining spinal injuries that led to paralysis and death weeks later. In the second case, a child who was allegedly unwell was forced to carry out a physically strenuous punishment at school. The child collapsed and died from stress-related complications.
Case Descriptions
A summary of each of the 25 cases analysed in this study is provided below.
Case 1: Caned for Failing a Mental and Dictation Test at School
In July 2009, an eight-year-old second-grade student tragically lost her life following severe corporal punishment administered by her teacher for alleged “poor performance” on an academic test. The teacher had conducted a quick dictation (English spelling) and mental (arithmetic) test, concluding that the student had performed inadequately. According to the victim’s mother, the child returned home appearing physically frail and emotionally dejected. When questioned, the child refrained from disclosing the cause of her distress. However, her younger sibling, who also attended the same school, revealed that the teacher had subjected the victim to a severe whipping for her test performance. Later that evening, the child complained of persistent headaches and neck pain. Despite being administered over-the-counter pain medication, she tragically passed away at dawn the following day (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2009b, Reference Ghana2009c).
Case 2: Angry Teacher Canes Child to Death
In May 2023, a teacher’s punitive actions resulted in the death of a 13-year-old boy. The incident occurred at a school in a small urban community when the teacher, angered by the noise made by students while she stepped out of the classroom, demanded that they present homework assigned the previous day. After grading their work, the teacher administered lashes for each incorrect answer. The victim, having answered six questions incorrectly, was subjected to six lashes. Before the caning, the boy pleaded with the teacher to cane the inside of his palm instead of his back, but his plea was ignored. Following the caning, the boy complained that the stick had struck his spinal cord. According to the victim’s mother, he returned home coughing blood. He was rushed to the hospital for medical attention but tragically succumbed to complications from the injuries sustained during the punishment (UTV Ghana Reference Ghana2023).
Case 3: Let’s Keep it a Secret
Case 3 involved the tragic death of a 13-year-old boy who was beaten by a teacher during the school’s morning Christian devotion and worship. The incident began when the school prefect reported the names of students accused of disturbing the service to the teacher. In response, the teacher severely caned the boys, including the victim. The boy sustained significant injuries and later informed his father about the assault. Angered by the incident, the father initially planned to confront the teacher at the school. However, his friends persuaded him to refrain from acting. Tragically, the boy fell into a coma that evening and passed away during the night. Following the boy’s death, the traditional chief of the community intervened, mediating a private settlement between the parents and the school staff to avoid involving law enforcement authorities. As part of this arrangement, the boy was buried without the incident being reported to the police. However, the case eventually came to the attention of the police, who exhumed the body for a postmortem examination. The disposition of the case remains unclear, as the police report did not provide information on the outcome of the investigation (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2009a).
Case 4: Mother Beats Son to Death for Stealing Her Money
In July 2024, a tragic incident occurred in which a woman fatally beat her 15-year-old son after accusing him of stealing 80 Ghana Cedis (approximately US$7). The mother, who owned a confectionery and bakery store, discovered the missing money and suspected her son of stealing it. In response, she physically assaulted the boy and threatened to involve the police. The boy’s condition deteriorated following the beating, and he was rushed to a hospital in a taxi. Unfortunately, he succumbed to his injuries en route and was pronounced dead upon arrival (Citi Newsroom Reference Newsroom2024).
Case 5: Beaten to Death for Defecating on Herself and Perceived Disobedience
In September 2015, a 35-year-old woman fatally assaulted her six-year-old daughter, accusing her of defecating on herself and refusing to clean up when instructed. The mother also labelled the child as recalcitrant and obstinate, alleging a consistent pattern of disobedience. Reports indicate that during the assault, the terrified child fled to her grandmother’s house in an adjoining property to seek safety. However, the mother pursued her, forcibly retrieved her and resumed the beating, which ultimately resulted in the child’s death (GhanaWeb 2015).
Case 6: Beaten to Death for Refusing to Clean up Her Vomit
In 2018, a 38-year-old petty trader fatally beat her eight-year-old daughter, accusing her of vomiting on herself and refusing to clean it up. The child, who was reportedly suffering from a chronic cough, succumbed to the brutal assault. Following the incident, the mother, with the assistance of her live-in boyfriend and a co-tenant, covertly buried the child’s remains. When information about the crime eventually reached the police, the mother led investigators to the burial site, where the child’s body was exhumed. Reports described the beating as merciless and directly resulting in the child’s death (Abbey Reference Abbey2018).
Case 7: “Keep It Up, One Day You Will Beat Him to Death”
In 2024, a 40-year-old man beat his 10-year-old son to death and secretly buried the child without informing the police or obtaining the necessary burial permit. At the time of the murder, the victim’s father was living with his wife and three children, working as a “hardware seller”. Neighbours reported that the man had a notorious reputation for being aggressive and violent, particularly toward his wife and children, frequently subjecting them to physical abuse. Out of fear of his wrath, neighbours refrained from intervening to address his behaviour. On the day of the murder, the assailant brutally assaulted the child. When the boy died from the beating, he took the lifeless body to a local hospital, claiming that the child had been suffering from malaria. However, the attending nurses confirmed that the child was already dead. Further investigation revealed that the father had kept the child confined at home, preventing him from attending school. Whenever the child defied orders to stay indoors, the father would beat him. It was speculated that such an act of defiance may have led to the fatal assault. A witness informed the police that he was aware of the father’s persistent abuse of his son and had previously warned him that if he did not cease the relentless mistreatment, he would eventually kill the boy (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2024).
Case 8. She is 18 Months Old and Cannot Walk
A 35-year-old man lethally assaulted his 18-month-old daughter out of frustration over her inability to walk. Case reports indicate that the toddler’s developmental delay had deeply angered the man. The child’s mother revealed to investigative journalists that she had been married to the man for two years and had endured numerous instances of severe physical abuse during that time. When questioned by police, the man claimed he had purchased medicine to help the child walk but alleged that the medication caused her to die (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2014b).
Case 9. I Visited My Anger Against My “Baby Mama” on My Son
Case 9 was a case of revenge filicide. Filicide refers to the murder of a child by its parent. Revenge filicide occurs when a parent kills their child as an act of retaliation or revenge, typically aimed at punishing another individual, most often the child’s other parent. This form of filicide is driven by the killer parent’s desire to inflict emotional pain or suffering on the targeted individual, using the child as a means to achieve that end. According to case details, the 25-year-old assailant, employed as a shop attendant at the time, lethally assaulted his three-year-old son. Reports indicate that the assailant was experiencing problems with the child’s mother, with whom he had been in an intimate relationship. Following the termination of the relationship, the man redirected his frustration toward their young son, physically beating him. In a particularly cruel act, he pressed a hot electric iron against the child’s back. Upon discovering the assault, the child was rushed to the hospital for medical treatment but died shortly upon arrival. An examination of the deceased child’s body by police investigators revealed severe burns on his back as a result of the hot iron which was pressed there. The police also said that the body had a badly swollen face, with blood stains and multiple injuries spread on the head and chest. The autopsy report showed that the child died from a cerebral contusion (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2010).
Case 10. 32-Year-Old Woman Beats Son to Death for Losing Her Money
In this case, a 32-year-old woman beat her 11-year-old son to death. The woman sent her son on an errand to purchase telephone cards worth 120 Cedis (US$10). The child returned and told the mother that he had lost the money on the way. The mother beat the child mercilessly and locked him up in a room. While inside the locked room, the child called out to tell his mother that he was not feeling well. The mother, however, ignored him. The child was later discovered dead (Abbey Reference Abbey2017).
Case 11: Corrective Action Gone Awry?
A 45-year-old father fatally assaulted his 20-year-old daughter, accusing her of promiscuous sexual behaviour with multiple men. According to the father, he had repeatedly warned his eldest daughter to desist from what he deemed immoral conduct. However, when she failed to comply, he subjected her to a severe beating. He claimed that his intention was not to kill her but that she succumbed to the injuries inflicted during the assault. The incident reportedly occurred during the Ramadan festival, a period the father regarded as spiritually sacred. He stated that his anger boiled over when his daughter stayed out overnight with a man and returned home the next morning. Unable to control his temper, he resorted to what he described as a “merciless beating”, ultimately resulting in her death (GhanaWeb 2007).
Case 12: Citizens’ Complaint
A mother nursing an eight-month-old infant beat her three-year-old stepdaughter to death. The police arrested the child’s biological father and charged him with abetment of the child’s murder. According to the case, the father reported to police the death of his daughter. He was instructed to take the baby to the local hospital. A few hours later, four people living in the neighbourhood went to the police to complain that they suspected that the child’s death had resulted from the beating meted out by the child’s stepmother (Ghana Broadcasting Corporation 2021; Yen 2021).
Case 13: Fatal Stepmother Abuse
A 19-year-old woman beat her four-year-old stepson to death. The report showed a history of torture over the three months during which her 24-year-old boyfriend brought his son to come and live with them. She tortured the child until he collapsed. The boy was rushed to the hospital but died shortly after. According to case reports, the biological father, a driver, went and got the child from the biological mother to come and live with him. However, his girlfriend tortured the boy to death. Co-tenants testified about the brutal mistreatment the child suffered at the hands of the stepmother prior to his death – locked up inside the room, being fed with faeces, etc. (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2022b).
Case 14: They Were Always Beating Him
A 12-year-old boy endured repeated and severe beatings from his father and stepmother. The intensity of the abuse and the child’s piercing screams drew the attention of neighbours in their apartment complex. One witness, alarmed by the brutality, shouted at the parents, “Why? Do you want to kill the child?” However, her intervention did not stop the assault. Desperate to escape further abuse, the boy leaped from their second-floor apartment window. The fall resulted in critical injuries, and he was immediately rushed to the hospital. Tragically, he succumbed to his injuries. Following the incident, the father and stepmother were arrested and charged with the boy’s murder. Were it not for the timely intervention of law enforcement officers who arrived at the scene, the assembled citizens, incensed by the incident, might have lynched the couple (GhanaWeb 2020).
Case 15: She Fatally Beat a Six-Year-Old “Kleptomaniac” and “Bedwetter”
A six-year-old boy stayed with his middle-aged aunt and her four children. Any time money went missing, the woman blamed her nephew and beat him. Any time there was malfeasance, the boy was blamed and was beaten. The woman also frequently abused her six-year-old nephew for wetting his bed. On the day of the incident, neighbours said they heard the child screaming as the aunt continuously beat him. After some time, there was a deafening silence, suggesting a fatal outcome. The woman locked the boy in the room and left the house. The next morning, the other children in the house spoke about the victim’s death to adult neighbours who lodged a report with the police (Adom Online Reference Online2021).
Case 16: She is a Malevolent Witch, and I Was Afraid of Her
A 28-year-old Christian pastor beat his nine-year-old daughter to death in response to an allegation that the girl was a malevolent witch. The pastor told police that the girl had allegedly confessed to him that she was a diabolical witch. He said he was afraid of her malevolent witchcraft and, therefore, beat her to death. He then secretly buried her remains at a public cemetery (GhanaWeb 2021).
Case 17: Beaten to Death Over Nocturnal Enuresis
A 34-year-old man and his 27-year-old wife beat their four-year-old daughter to death over bedwetting (nocturnal enuresis). The couple first had the child sit on a chamber pot filled with hot water as their method of curing her bedwetting. This caused severe burns on her buttocks. When that did not stop her bedwetting, they switched to physically caning her. On the day of the murder, they beat the child until she became unconscious. The child also suffered a broken arm. She was rushed to the hospital but died on admission (MyJoyOnline 2022).
Case 18: Stepmother’s Involvement
A 27-year-old unemployed man and his 29-year-old petty-trader wife were arrested for killing and burying their eight-year-old son. They secretly buried the body of the boy, which was later exhumed by the police. According to the media reports, the assailants said the boy was beaten because he tried to have sex with his mother in the middle of the night (Abbey Reference Abbey2014).
Case 19: Woman Beats Stepdaughter to Death
This tragic case underscores the dire consequences of corporal punishment, especially when administered recklessly and without accountability. According to case records, the father of the victim, a three-year-old girl, had travelled for a business trip, leaving his daughter in the care of his unmarried girlfriend, a 20-year-old unemployed woman. During his absence, the woman fatally assaulted the toddler, allegedly using the heel of her shoe to beat her. She claimed the child had been playing with electrical gadgets in the house, and she intended to discipline the child to prevent further incidents. The assault left the child with severe injuries, which the woman neglected to treat. Instead, she left the injured toddler in her father’s room without seeking medical attention, ultimately resulting in the child’s death. During questioning, the woman initially told police she had used a stick to discipline the child. However, further investigation revealed bloodstains on the heels of her shoe, contradicting her claim and confirming the use of the shoe as a murder weapon (MyJoyOnline 2016).
Case 20: Disappointed Over Son’s Academic Performance
In January 2025, a 45-year-old farmer fatally beat his 18-year-old son over the latter’s poor performance in a competitive national university entrance examination. Neighbours and witnesses reported hearing loud, heated arguments between the father and son, stemming from the father’s disappointment in the boy’s test results. During police interrogation, the father admitted to harbouring high expectations for his son’s academic future. He expressed deep frustration over the outcome, citing the substantial financial investments he had made in the boy’s education and his extreme disappointment with the results (Mensah Reference Mensah.2025).
Case 21: Church Elder Fatally Canes Daughter
In December 2021, the elder of a Christian church fatally caned his 15-year-old daughter for coming home late. He told police he had not intended to kill her but was fulfilling his parental duty to discipline her and correct her “deviant” behaviour. The incident occurred when the girl returned home at 9.30 pm. During the caning, she attempted to escape and accidentally struck her head against a cement pillar, sustaining severe skull damage. The girl became motionless, and an hour later, when the father checked on her, she had died. As he was being arrested, the distraught father tearfully insisted that he had never intended to cause her death (Ghana News Reference News2021).
Case 22: Stepmother Kills Toddler Over Defecation Incident
A man lived with his 31-year-old unmarried partner and his three-year-old biological daughter. While travelling overseas on a business trip, he left the toddler in the care of his partner, who had been living with the child for six months. One day, the young girl defecated on herself, and some of the faeces ended up on the living room floor. Enraged, the woman reacted by beating the toddler mercilessly. During the assault, the child fell and hit her head on the hard floor, rendering her unconscious. The woman rushed her to a local clinic, but the toddler was pronounced dead on arrival. The woman insisted on taking the child’s body for burial, but the clinic staff required an autopsy before releasing it. The autopsy revealed signs of severe physical abuse, leading the woman to confess her role in the child’s death (The Ghana Report 2021).
Case 23: Father Clubs Son to Death
In this case, a father, employed as a teacher, was living alone with his four-year-old son. Reports indicate that the father fatally clubbed the boy over undisclosed misbehaviour. Despite inflicting severe injuries, the man locked the child in a room and left to take a promotional examination. Upon his return, he found the boy dead. Instead of seeking immediate help or reporting the incident truthfully, the father called the boy’s biological mother, claiming the child was gravely ill with malaria and unlikely to recover. Later, he informed her that the boy had succumbed to the supposed illness. When the child’s maternal relatives arrived to investigate the circumstances surrounding his death, the father fled the scene. The story was widely reported by an online media platform, garnering significant public attention. Among the 47 comments left by readers, the overwhelming sentiment was one of anger and condemnation. Many expressed outrage over the brutal mistreatment of the toddler, with several calling for justice to be served against the father for his heinous actions (GhanaWeb 2014a).
Case 24: Fatal Fall From A Coconut Tree
In a rural town in Ghana, a 17-year-old high-school student faced punishment at school for an unspecified infraction. As part of the disciplinary action, the class teacher instructed the student to climb a coconut tree and retrieve coconuts for him. Tragically, the student fell from the tree, sustaining severe injuries that left him paralysed for many weeks. Medical professionals determined that the student required a surgical procedure costing approximately US$600. Unfortunately, the student’s parents were unable to raise the necessary funds, and he ultimately succumbed to his injuries. Despite the clear chain of events, local law enforcement declined to file charges against the teacher. Instead, they advised the student’s parents to resolve the matter informally with the teacher. Consequently, no criminal charges were brought against the teacher, raising concerns about accountability and justice in cases of corporal punishment-related incidents in schools (Modern Ghana Reference Ghana2015).
Case 25: Corporal Punishment for a Sick Student
There are conflicting accounts regarding the circumstances surrounding the death of a second-year high-school student at a boarding school. According to one version of events, the student had been assigned to weed a portion of the overgrown school compound as punishment for a reported infraction. According to reports, the student was unwell at the time and collapsed while performing the task. His parents subsequently removed him from the school to care for him at home, but his condition deteriorated, and he succumbed to his illness three days later. An alternative account, however, disputes the claim that the student was tasked with weeding. Instead, it suggests he was merely instructed to pick up trash from the compound. The differing narratives surrounding the incident have raised questions about the exact circumstances of his death and the appropriateness of the punishment assigned in the context of the student’s health condition (Rainbow Radio Online 2021).
Discussion and Conclusion
The present review and analysis of 25 media-reported cases of lethal corporal punishment in Ghana reveal the tragic and far-reaching consequences of such practices on the physical well-being of children. If left unchecked, adult-perpetrated corporal punishment has the potential to result in significant child and youth morbidity and mortality. In addition to the cases of fatalities that formed the focus of this study, the media analysis uncovered numerous sublethal instances of corporal punishment, many of which could have easily escalated to fatal outcomes.
The findings suggest that the 25 cases identified in this study represent a significant underestimation of the actual number of corporal punishment-related deaths during the study period. Several factors contribute to this underrepresentation. First, deaths caused by corporal punishment are often misclassified as resulting from illness or accidents. For example, multiple cases reviewed in this study were initially reported as deaths due to illnesses such as malaria. Only after further investigation – often prompted by citizen complaints or reports – did law enforcement re-examine these cases, ultimately uncovering evidence of homicide.
Compounding this issue is the lack of routine autopsies for deceased individuals in Ghana, driven by financial and logistical constraints. The country faces a severe shortage of pathologists and forensic pathologists, which limits the capacity to investigate deaths comprehensively (Anim Reference Anim2015). Consequently, only deaths deemed suspicious and for which no apparent cause is immediately identifiable are subjected to postmortem examination. This gap in forensic investigation increases the likelihood that some corporal punishment-related fatalities are misclassified as deaths from illness or accidents, further obscuring the true prevalence of such incidents.
The findings from this study highlight the urgent need for strategies to reduce child deaths associated with corporal punishment. A crucial step is educating parents about the physical and psychological harm caused by violence and battery as disciplinary methods. Public awareness campaigns and community workshops can serve as effective platforms to inform caregivers about the detrimental effects of such practices on children’s well-being. Many of my informants proposed that public education campaigns should include graphic visual representations of injuries sustained by child victims of abuse and, in some cases, even images of children who lost their lives due to corporal punishment. They argued that such stark depictions could serve as a deterrent, compelling parents and guardians to reconsider using physical discipline as a corrective mechanism.
In addition to awareness, parents must be equipped with alternative, non-violent methods of disciplining children. These approaches can be equally effective in addressing errant or potentially errant behaviour without resorting to physical punishment. Parenting programmes and educational resources can play a significant role in fostering positive and constructive disciplinary practices.
Furthermore, governments must strictly enforce bans on corporal punishment in schools. Teachers and administrators who disregard these policies should face severe consequences, including prosecution and permanent removal from the teaching profession. Such measures are necessary to ensure the safety of children within educational settings and to send a strong message about the unacceptability of corporal punishment.
For parents and guardians who engage in battering children, stringent custodial sentences should be imposed to reflect the gravity of their actions. Moreover, adults who cause a child’s death through corporal punishment should face severe legal repercussions, such as life imprisonment without the possibility of parole. These harsh penalties not only serve as punishment but also act as a powerful deterrent to potential offenders. By addressing these areas, society can make meaningful progress toward reducing and eventually eliminating corporal punishment-related child deaths. The combined efforts of education, enforcement and stringent legal consequences are crucial in protecting children from such preventable tragedies.
The present study contributes to the limited body of research on deaths resulting from corporal punishment. By providing a contextual background and detailed case descriptions of each homicide incident, this study enhances our understanding of how corporal punishment, both at home and in school, can escalate to lethal violence against children. Further research from other societies, particularly non-Western contexts that remain underrepresented in the professional homicide literature, will be crucial in broadening our comprehension of this phenomenon and informing the development of effective intervention programmes to mitigate its occurrence.
Acknowledgements
The author extends sincere gratitude to Dr Carmen M. White, Professor of Anthropology at Central Michigan University, for her invaluable feedback on an earlier draft of this article.
Competing interests
The author declares no conflict or competing interest that could influence the article.
Mensah Adinkrah, PhD, is Professor of Sociology and Criminal Justice at Central Michigan University. He earned degrees from the University of Ghana, Queen’s University (Canada) and Washington University in St Louis. A former lecturer at the University of the South Pacific, he was also a Fulbright Senior Research Scholar in Ghana. Dr Adinkrah is the author of Witchcraft, Witches and Violence in Ghana and has published widely on homicide, suicide, witchcraft and thanatology. His current research focuses on spousal and child homicides, suicide and witchcraft-related violence in Ghana and Fiji.
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