¹ Norman Fiering, Moral philosophy at seventeenth-century Harvard: a discipline in transition (Chapel Hill, NC, 1981), p. 199.

² T. D. Campbell, ‘Francis Hutcheson: father of the Scottish Enlightenment’, in R. H. Campbell and A. S. Skinner, eds., The origins and nature of the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1982), pp. 176–7; James Moore, ‘The two systems of Francis Hutcheson: on the origins of the Scottish Enlightenment’, in M. A. Stewart, ed., Studies in the philosophy of the Scottish Enlightenment (New York, NY, 1990), p. 43; G. Ryken, ‘Scottish reformed scholasticism’, in C. R. Trueman and R. S. Clark, eds., Protestant scholasticism: essays in reassessment (Carlisle, 1999), pp. 200–3.

³ Kivy, Peter, ‘The perception of beauty in Hutcheson's First inquiry: a response to James Shelley’, British Journal of Aesthetics, 47, (2007), pp. 416–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Moore, ‘The two systems’, p. 51.

⁴ Francis Hutcheson, An inquiry into the original of our ideas of beauty and virtue (London, 1725; repr. 2002), pp. 137, 150–4, 172, 207, 272–5, 283; idem, An essay on the nature and conduct of the passions and affections, with illustrations on the moral sense, ed. Aaron Garrett (Indianapolis, IN, 2002), section vi. See also James Harris, ‘Answering Bayle's question: religious belief in the moral philosophy of the Scottish Enlightenment’, in Daniel Garber and Steven Nadler, eds., Oxford studies in early modern philosophy, i (Oxford, 2003), pp. 229–53; Daniel Carey, Locke, Shaftesbury, and Hutcheson: contesting diversity in the Enlightenment and beyond (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 156–8; James Moore, ‘Hutcheson's theodicy: the argument and the contexts of A system of moral philosophy’, in Paul Wood, ed., The Scottish Enlightenment: essays in reinterpretation (Rochester, NY, 2000), pp. 237–60; Graham Walker, Moral foundations of constitutional thought: current problems, Augustinian prospects (Princeton, NJ, 1990), p. 150.

⁵ Harris, James, ‘Religion in Hutcheson's moral philosophy’, Journal of the History of Philosophy, 14, (2008), p. 206Google Scholar.

⁶ Robbins, Caroline, ‘“When it is that colonies may turn independent”: an analysis of the environment and politics of Francis Hutcheson (1694–1746)’, William and Mary Quarterly, 11, (1954), pp. 214–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Fiering, Philosophy, pp. 3, 53, 56; Samuel Eliot Morrison, Three centuries of Harvard, 1636–1936 (Cambridge, MA, 1936), p. 89; Douglas Sloan, The Scottish Enlightenment and the American college ideal (New York, NY, 1971); Howard Miller, The revolutionary college: American Presbyterian higher education, 1707–1837 (New York, NY, 1976); Frederick Rudolph, The American college and university: a history (New York, NY, 1962), p. 32.

⁸ Sloan, Scottish Enlightenment, pp. 98–102.

⁹ Ned Landsman, From colonials to provincials: American thought and culture, 1680–1760 (Ithaca, NY, 1997), pp. 21–4.

¹⁰ Moore, ‘Theodicy’, p. 246. See especially Francis Hutcheson, A short introduction to moral philosophy (1742).

¹¹ Grote, Simon, ‘Hutcheson's divergence from Shaftesbury’, Journal of Scottish Philosophy, 4, (2006), p. 159CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Hutcheson, Inquiry, pp. 147–50.

¹³ Ahnert, Thomas, ‘Francis Hutcheson and the heathen moralists’, Journal of Scottish Philosophy, 8, (2010), pp. 51–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Harris, ‘Religion’, p. 206.

¹⁵ See especially Hutcheson's Essay on the nature and conduct of the passions and affections, with illustrations on the moral sense (1728; Indianapolis, IN, 2002), p. 17.

¹⁶ Harris, ‘Religion’, pp. 217, 212–13, 220.

¹⁷ Knud Haakonssen, Natural law and moral philosophy: from Grotius to the Scottish Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 71, 77.

¹⁸ Moore, ‘Two systems’, p. 39.

¹⁹ See Jack Hexter, On historians: reappraisals of some of the makers of modern history (Cambridge, MA, 1979), pp. 241–5.

²⁰ Harris, ‘Bayle's question’, p. 235; Ian D. L. Clark, ‘From protest to reaction: the Moderate regime in the Church of Scotland, 1752–1805’, in N. T. Phillipson and Rosalind Mitchison, eds., Scotland in the age of improvement (Edinburgh, 1970), pp. 200–2; Alexander Murdoch and Richard Sher, ‘Literary and learned culture’, in T. M. Devine and R. Mitchison, eds., People and society in Scotland, i: 1760–1830 (Edinburgh, 1988), pp. 27–30, 133–8; John Dwyer, Virtuous discourse: sensibility and community in late eighteenth-century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1987), pp. 74–7; Ronald Sunter, Patronage and politics in Scotland, 1707–1832 (Edinburgh, 1986), pp. 199–210; Richard Sher, Church and university in the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1985), pp. 213–61.

²¹ David Allan, ‘Protestantism, Presbyterianism and national identity in eighteenth-century Scottish history’, in Tony Claydon and Ian McBride, eds., Protestantism and national identity: Britain and Ireland, c. 1650 – c. 1850 (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 188–9; Sher, Church. On evangelical opposition to Moderate ethics in the context of the Kirk, see John R. McIntosh, Church and theology in Enlightenment Scotland: the popular party, 1740–1800 (East Lothian, 1998).

²² May uses the word ‘moderate’ to mean a measured stance that emphasized a compromise between religious and moral sense theories. See Henry F. May, The Enlightenment in America (New York, NY, 1976), pp. 209, 346. On Oswald, see Richard B. Sher and M. A. Stewart, ‘Oswald, James (1703–1793)’, Oxford dictionary of national biography (ODNB). On Beattie, see Roger J. Robinson, ‘Beattie, James (1735–1803)’, ODNB.

²³ Sher, Church, pp. 176–9. See also Richard B. Sher, ‘Professors of virtue: the social history of the Edinburgh moral philosophy in the eighteenth century’, in Stewart, ed., Studies, pp. 87–126; Maurer, Christian, ‘Hutcheson's relation to Stoicism in the light of his moral psychology’, Journal of Scottish Philosophy, 8, (2010), pp. 33–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ Harris, ‘Bayle's question’, pp. 236–7. See, for example, Henry Home, Essays on the principles of morality and natural religion (Edinburgh, 1751), pp. 54–64.

²⁵ Haakonssen, Natural law, p. 188; Knud Haakonssen, ed., Thomas Reid on practical ethics: lectures and papers on natural religion, self-government, natural jurisprudence and the law of nations (Edinburgh, 2007), p. l; Alexander Brodie, ‘Reid in context’, in Terence Cuneo and Rene Van Woudenberg, eds., The Cambridge companion to Thomas Reid (Cambridge, 2004), p. 31; Ronald Beanblossom, Thomas Reid's Inquiry and essays (New York, NY, 1983), p. xxxvi; Peter Kivy, The seventh sense: Francis Hutcheson and eighteenth-century British aesthetics (New York, NY, 2003), p. 158.

²⁶ Harris, ‘Bayle's question’, p. 237.

²⁷ See Nicholas Phillipson, ‘Politics, politeness and the Anglicisation of early eighteenth-century Scottish culture’, in R. A. Mason, ed., Scotland and England, 1286–1815 (Edinburgh, 1987), pp. 17–34.

²⁸ Clive, John and Bailyn, Bernard, ‘England's cultural provinces: Scotland and America’, William and Mary Quarterly, 11, (1954), pp. 200–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ See also Alexander Murdoch, Scotland and America, c. 1600 – c. 1800 (Houndmills, 2010), pp. 144–55; Archie Turnbull, ‘Scotland and America’, in David Daiches, ed., A hotbed of genius: the Scottish Enlightenment, 1730–1790 (Edinburgh, 1986), pp. 137–42; Daniel Howe, Walker, ‘Why the Scottish Enlightenment was useful to the framers of the American Constitution’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 31, (1981), pp. 572–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; William Brock, Scotus Americanus: a survey of sources for links between Scotland and America in the eighteenth century (Edinburgh, 1982); Eric Richards, ‘Scotland and the uses of the Atlantic empire’, in Bernard Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Strangers within the realm: cultural margins of the first British empire (Chapel Hill, NC, 1991), pp. 67–114; Armitage, David, ‘Making the empire British: Scotland in the Atlantic world, 1542–1707’, Past and Present, 155, (1997), pp. 34–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sloan, Scottish Enlightenment, pp. 103–45; Richard Sher, ‘Scottish-American cultural studies, past and present’, in Richard Sher and Jeffrey Smitten, eds., Scotland and America in the Age of Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1990), pp. 1–8.

³⁰ See McIntosh, Church, pp. 155–60.

³¹ See Robbins, ‘“When it is”’, pp. 214–51; Norton, David Fate, ‘Francis Hutcheson in America’, Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, 154, (1976), pp. 1547–68Google Scholar; Mark Valeri, Law and providence in Joseph Bellamy's New England: the origins of the new divinity in revolutionary America (New York, NY, 1994), pp. 44–50; Sloan, Scottish Enlightenment, p. 138.

³² John Locke, An essay concerning human understanding, ed. Maurice Cranston (London, 1965), pp. 52, 59, 486; Bruce Kuklick, A history of philosophy in America (New York, NY, 2003), pp. 9–15; Michael Winship, Seers of God: puritan providentialism in the Restoration and early Enlightenment (Baltimore, MD, 1996), pp. 30–3.

³³ James Fieser, ed., Early responses to Hume's moral, literary, and political writings, ii (Bristol, 2005), pp. 198–9; John Dunn, ‘From applied theology to social analysis: the break between John Locke and the Scottish Enlightenment’, in Istvan Hont and Michael Ignatieff, eds., Wealth and virtue: the shaping of political economy in the Scottish Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 119–35.

³⁴ Michael P. Zuckert, ‘Natural rights and Protestant politics’, in Thomas S. Engeman and Michael P. Zuckert, eds., Protestantism and the American founding (Notre Dame, IN, 2004), pp. 23, 46, 58–65; Michael P. Zuckert, Natural rights and the new republicanism (Princeton, NJ, 1998), p. 83.

³⁵ See Frank Balog, ‘The Scottish Enlightenment and the liberal political tradition’, in Allan Bloom, ed., Confronting the constitution (Washington, DC, 1990), pp. 191–208; Thomas Pangle, The spirit of modern republicanism: the moral vision of the American founders and the philosophy of Locke (Chicago, IL, 1988), pp. 37–8. Richard Sher claims it is ‘high time to replace the fruitless dichotomy between Lockean liberalism and Scottish moralism with a more nuanced approach’. See Sher and Smitten, eds., Scotland and America, p. 26.

³⁶ Breen, Timothy H., ‘An empire of goods: the Anglicization of colonial America’, Journal of British Studies, 4, (1986), pp. 67–99Google Scholar.

³⁷ Christopher Berry, Social theory of the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1997), pp. 93–9, 12–150; John Pocock, ‘Cambridge paradigms and Scotch philosophers: a study of the relations between the civic humanist and the civil jurisprudential interpretation of eighteenth-century social thought’, in Hont and Ignatieff, eds., Wealth and virtue, pp. 235–52; Knud Haakonssen, ‘Natural jurisprudence in the Scottish Enlightenment: summary of an interpretation’, in Neil MacCormick and Zenon Bankowski, eds., Enlightenment, rights and revolution: essays in legal and social philosophy (Aberdeen, 1989), p. 36.

³⁸ See Soltow, J. H., ‘Scottish traders in Virginia, 1750–1775’, Economic History Review, 12, (1959–60), pp. 83–98Google Scholar; Devine, Tom M., ‘An eighteenth-century business elite: Glasgow's West India merchants, 1750–1783’, Scottish Historical Review, 57, (1978), pp. 40–63Google Scholar.

³⁹ See Lord Kames, Historical law-tracts (2 vols., Edinburgh, 1758), i, p. 92; Haakonssen, Natural law, pp. 155–6; Berry, Social theory, pp. 93–9, 109, 151, 184; Bernard Aspinwall, ‘William Robertson and America’, in Tom Devine and John R. Young, eds., Eighteenth-century Scotland: new perspectives (East Linton, 1999), pp. 152–75; Jeffrey Smitten, ‘Moderatism and history: William Robertson's unfinished history of British America’, in Sher and Smitten, eds., Scotland and America, pp. 163–80.

⁴⁰ Drew McCoy, The elusive republic: political economy in Jeffersonian America (Chapel Hill, NC, 1980), pp. 18–21; Forrest McDonald, Novus ordo seclorum: intellectual origins of the constitution (Lawrence, KS, 1985), pp. 132–5.

⁴¹ Lunberg, David and May, Henry F., ‘The enlightened reader in America’, American Quarterly, 2, (1976), p. 269Google Scholar. See also Richard B. Sher, The Enlightenment and the book: Scottish authors and their publishers in eighteenth-century Britain, Ireland, and America (Chicago, IL, 2006), pp. 503–56.

⁴² May, Enlightenment, pp. 327–32.

⁴³ Theodore D. Bozeman, Protestants in an age of science: the Baconian ideal and Antebellum American religious thought (Chapel Hill, NC, 1977), pp. 6–12; May, Enlightenment, p. xvi.

⁴⁴ See ibid., p. 12; Donald Meyer, The democratic Enlightenment (New York, NY, 1976), p. 32; Winship, Seers of God, pp. 30–3.

⁴⁵ David Shields, Civil tongues and polite letters in British America (Chapel Hill, NC, 1996), p. xviii.

⁴⁶ James Beattie to Sylvester Douglas, 5 Jan. 1778, in The works of James Beattie, ed. Roger Robinson (10 vols., London, 1996), ii, p. 17.

⁴⁷ See Warren Alan Guthrie, The development of rhetorical theory in America, 1635–1850 (Evanston, IL, 1940), pp. 383–8; David Daiches, ‘Style périodique and style coupé: Hugh Blair and the Scottish rhetoric of American independence’, in Sher and Smitten, eds., Scotland and America, pp. 209–26; Susan Manning, Fragments of union, pp. 51, 63, 191; Shields, Civil tongues, pp. xvii, 181; Terence Martin, The instructed vision: Scottish common sense philosophy and the origins of American fiction (Bloomington, IN, 1961).

⁴⁸ Andrew Hook, Scotland and America: a study of cultural relations, 1750–1835 (Glasgow, 1975), p. 82; David Daiches, ‘John Witherspoon, James Wilson and the influence of Scottish rhetoric on America’, in J. Dwyer and R. B. Sher, eds., Sociability and society in eighteenth-century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1993), pp. 170–1.

⁴⁹ Conrad, Stephen, ‘The rhetorical constitution of “civic society” at the founding: one lawyer's anxious vision’, Indiana Law Journal, 72, (1997), pp. 335–81Google Scholar; idem, ‘Polite foundation: citizenship and commonsense in James Wilson's republican theory’, in Philip Kurland, ed., Supreme Court review, 1984 (Chicago, IL, 1985), pp. 359–88.

⁵⁰ Shields, Civil tongues, p. xvii; Meyer, Democratic Enlightenment, pp. 182–5; May, Enlightenment, pp. 327–32.

⁵¹ Michael Warner, The letters of the republic (London, 1990).

⁵² Garry Wills, Inventing America: Jefferson's Declaration of Independence (Garden City, NY, 1978), pp. 205, 211.

⁵³ Ibid., pp. 205, 211.

⁵⁴ Hamowy, Ronald, ‘Jefferson and the Scottish Enlightenment: a critique of Garry Wills’, Inventing America', William and Mary Quarterly, 36, (1979), pp. 503–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar; John Diggins, The lost soul of American politics: virtue, self interest, and the foundation of liberalism (Chicago, IL, 1984), pp. 33–4; Schmitt, Gary, ‘Sentimental journey: Garry Wills and the American founding’, Political Science Review, 12, (1982), pp. 99–128Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Jeffry Morrison, John Witherspoon and the founding of the American republic (Notre Dame, IN, 2006), pp. xv, 51, 127–8. For the influence of Lord Kames on Jefferson see Jean Yarbrough, American virtues: Thomas Jefferson and the character of a free people (Lawrence, KS, 1998), pp. xvii, 3, 22–3, 29–34, 36, 46; Allen Jayne, Jefferson's declaration of independence: origins, philosophy, and theology (Lexington, KY, 1998), pp. 44, 62–7; Morton White, The philosophy of the American revolution (New York, NY, 1978), pp. 61–127.

⁵⁶ Ned Landsman, ‘The provinces and the empire: Scotland, the American colonies and the development of British provincial identity’, in Lawrence Stone, ed., An imperial state at war: Britain from 1689 to 1815 (London, 1994), p. 259.

⁵⁷ Kidd, Colin, ‘Subscription, the Scottish Enlightenment and the Moderate interpretation of history’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 55, (2004), pp. 503CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 517.

⁵⁸ See Nebelsick, Harold P., ‘Ecclesia reformata semper reformanda’, Reformed Liturgy and Music, 18, (1984), pp. 59–63Google Scholar. On disdain for Scotland's ‘gothic’ past, see Colin Kidd, Subverting Scotland's past: Scottish Whig historians and the creation of an Anglo-British identity, 1689–1830 (Cambridge, 1993).

⁵⁹ Christopher Grasso, A speaking aristocracy: transforming public discourse in eighteenth-century Connecticut (Chapel Hill, NC, 1999), pp. 134–5.

⁶⁰ Allan, ‘Protestantism’, pp. 190–1.

⁶¹ See Jack P. Greene, Negotiated authorities: essays in colonial political and constitutional history (Charlottesville, VA), pp. 189–213.

⁶² Shields, Civil tongues, p. 196.

⁶³ Landsman, ‘John Witherspoon and the problem of provincial identity in Scottish evangelical culture’, in Sher and Smitten, eds., Scotland and America, pp. 29–45.

⁶⁴ Kidd, Colin, ‘Conditional Britons: the Scots Covenanting tradition and the eighteenth-century British State’, English Historical Review, 117, (2002), p. 1148CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Richard Finlay, ‘Keeping the Covenant: Scottish national identity’, in Devine and Young, eds., Eighteenth-century Scotland, pp. 122–34; Patrick, Derek, ‘The Kirk, parliament, and the union, 1706–1707’, Scottish Historical Review, 87, (2008), pp. 94–115CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Allan Macinnes, Union and empire: the making of the United Kingdom in 1707 (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 286, 302, 322; Stephen, J., ‘The Kirk and the union, 1706–1707: a reappraisal’, Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 31, (2001), pp. 68–96Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ John Robertson, ‘Empire and union: two concepts of the early modern European political order’, in Union for empire: political thought and the British union of 1707 (Cambridge, 1995), p. 36; Macinnes, Union, pp. 137–71. On seventeenth-century precedents see Colin Kidd, British identities before nationalism: ethnicity and nationhood in the Atlantic world, 1600–1800 (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 128–32; John Young, ‘The Scottish parliament and European diplomacy, 1641–1647: the Palatine, the Dutch Republic and Sweden’, in S. Murdoch, ed., Scotland and the Thirty Years' War, 1618–1648 (Leiden, 2001), pp. 81–7; R. A. Mason, ‘The Scottish Reformation and the origins of Anglo-British imperialism’, in R. Mason, ed., Scots and Britons: Scottish political thought and the union of 1603 (Cambridge, 1994).

⁶⁶ Jonathan Clark briefly mentions the covenanting legacy in The language of liberty, 1660–1832: political discourse and social dynamics in the Anglo-American World (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 329–31.

⁶⁷ On New British History's influence on American studies, see Armitage, David, ‘Greater Britain: a useful category of historical analysis?’, American Historical Review, 104, (1999), pp. 427–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Canny, Nicholas, ‘Writing Atlantic history; or, reconfiguring the history of colonial British America’, Journal of American History, 86, (1999), pp. 1093–114CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Eliga H. Gould, The persistence of empire: British political culture in the age of the American revolution (Chapel Hill, NC, 1999).

⁶⁸ Sacvan Bercovitch, The puritan origins of the American self (New Haven, CT, 1975), pp. 170, 173; Bercovitch, Sacvan, ‘Nehemias Americanus: Cotton Mather and the concept of the representative American’, Early American Literature, 8, (1973), pp. 220–38Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Ibid. See also Bercovitch, The American Jeremiad (Madison, WI, 1978), pp. 3–31.

⁷⁰ For the sermon of this title see The sermons of Jonathan Edwards: a reader, ed. Wilson H. Kimnach (New Haven, CT, 1999), p. 55.

⁷¹ Mark Noll, America's God: from Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln (New York, NY, 2006), pp. 38–43; Philip Gura, Jonathan Edwards: America's evangelical (New York, NY, 2005), p. 91.

⁷² On Covenant theology and proto-revolutionary inter-colonial identity see James H. Hutson, Religion and the founding of the American republic (Washington, DC, 1998), pp. 3–49, 53–4; John West, Politics of revelation and reason: religion and civic life in the new nation (Lawrence, KS, 1996), pp. 1–11; Patricia Bonomi, Under the cope of heaven: religion, society, and politics in colonial America (New York, NY, 1986), pp. 187–209; Perry Miller, ‘The moral and psychological roots of American resistance’, in Jack P. Greene, ed., The reinterpretation of the American Revolution, 1763–1789 (New York, NY, 1968), p. 259; Gordon Wood, The creation of the American republic, 1776–1787 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1969), pp. 114–18.

⁷³ Stephen Foster, The long argument: English puritanism and the shaping of New England culture, 1570–1700 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1991); Winship, Michael, ‘Were there any puritans in New England?’, New England Quarterly, 74, (2001), pp. 118–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁴ Winship, Seers of God, pp. 30–3; May, Enlightenment, p. 12; Meyer, Democratic Enlightenment, p. 32.

⁷⁵ Noll, Mark, ‘The American Revolution and Protestant evangelicalism’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 23, (1993), pp. 615–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁶ See Noll, America's God, pp. 447–51; idem, ‘The contingencies of Christian republicanism: an alternative account of Protestantism and the American founding’, in Engeman and Zuckert, eds., Protestantism and the American founding, p. 243; Noll, ‘The Reformed politics of the American Revolution’, in One nation under God? Christian faith and political action in America (San Francisco, CA, 1988); Jack Greene, ‘The concept of virtue in late colonial British America’, in Richard Matthews, ed., Virtue, corruption, and self-interest: political values in the eighteenth century (Bethlehem, PA, 1994), pp. 35–42.

⁷⁷ Alan Heimert, Religion and the American mind, from the Great Awakening to the Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 1966), pp. ix, viii; Goff, Philip, ‘Revivals and revolution: historiographic turns since Alan Heimert's Religion and the American mind’, Church History, 67, (1998), pp. 695–721CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁸ Noll has notably analysed Scottish-Presbyterian piety in Princeton and the republic, 1768–1822: the search for a Christian Enlightenment in the era of Samuel Stanhope Smith (Princeton, NJ, 1989) and America's God, pp. 124–30. More recently he has focused on the political inheritance of English republicanism to various forms of Reformed Christianity in America (including Presbyterian revivalism).

⁷⁹ Keith Griffin, Revolution and religion: American revolutionary war and the Reformed clergy (New York, NY, 1994), pp. 4–18, 73, 84.

⁸⁰ John Coffey, ‘The problem of Scottish puritanism’, in Elizabethanne Boran and Crawford Gribben, eds., Enforcing Reformation in Ireland and Scotland (Basingstoke, 2006), pp. 66–72.

⁸¹ Francis Bremer, ‘The puritan experiment in New England, 1630–1660’, in John Coffey and Paul C. H. Lim, eds., The Cambridge companion to puritanism (Cambridge, 2008), p. 137.

⁸² Ibid.

⁸³ See Clare Jackson, Restoration Scotland, 1660–1689: royalist politics, religion and ideas (Woodbridge, 2003), pp. 154–5.

⁸⁴ Ned Landsman, Scotland and its first American colony, 1683–1785 (Princeton, NJ, 1985), ch. 2.

⁸⁵ On Scottish migration see Murdoch, Scotland and America, pp. 39–61; Landsman, Ned, ‘Nation, migration, and the province in the first British Empire: Scotland and the Americas, 1600–1800’, American Historical Review, 104, (1999), pp. 463–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; David Dobson, Scottish emigration to Colonial America, 1607–1785 (Athens, GA, 1994), pp. 41–2. On the link between political autonomy and Presbyterian evangelicalism in the Middle Colonies, see Landsman, First American colony, pp. 177–91.

⁸⁶ Kidd, ‘Conditional Britons’, p. 1148; Finlay, ‘Keeping the Covenant’, pp. 122–34; Tony Claydon and Ian McBride, ‘The trials of the chosen peoples: recent interpretations of Protestantism and national identity in Britain and Ireland’, in Claydon and McBride, eds., Protestantism, p. 18; Colin Kidd, ‘Protestantism, constitutionalism and British identity under the later Stuarts’, in B. Bradshaw and P. Roberts, eds., British consciousness and identity: the making of Britain, 1533–1707 (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 321–42; Allan, ‘Protestantism’.

⁸⁷ See Landsman, First American colony, pp. 177–91; James H. Smylie, A brief history of the Presbyterians (Louiseville, KY, 1996), p. 39.

⁸⁸ On the ‘Glorious Revolution’ and developing American conceptions of ‘natural rights’, see Richard S. Dunn, ‘The Glorious Revolution and America’, in Nicholas Canny, ed., The Oxford history of the British Empire, i: The origins of empire (Oxford, 1998), pp. 445–66.

⁸⁹ Leigh Eric Schmidt, Holy fairs: Scotland and the making of American revivalism (2nd edn, Grand Rapids, MI, 2001); Mark Noll et al., Evangelicalism: comparative studies of popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and beyond, 1700–1990 (New York, NY, 1994), pp. 3–6; Michael Crawford, Seasons of grace: colonial New England's revival tradition in its British context (New York, NY, 1991); Marilyn J. Westerkamp, Triumph of the laity: Scots-Irish piety and the Great Awakening, 1625–1760 (New York, NY, 1988); O'Brien, Susan, ‘A trans-Atlantic community of saints: the Great Awakening and the first evangelical network, 1735–1755’, American Historical Review, 91, (1986), pp. 811–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Susan O'Brien, ‘Eighteenth-century publishing networks in the first years of transatlantic evangelicalism’, in Noll et al., Evangelicalism, pp. 38–57.

⁹⁰ David Weir refers to the Scottish example in the period 1638–45 on only two pages in his study of the political theology of puritan New England Covenants. See David Weir, Early New England: a covenanted society (Grand Rapids, MI, 2005), pp. 146–7, 194.

⁹¹ John Fiske, The beginnings of New England or the puritan theocracy in its relations to civil and religious liberty (London, 1889), p. 152.

⁹² Susan Manning, The puritan provincial vision (Cambridge, 1990), p. 20.

⁹³ Ibid., p. 21.

⁹⁴ Landsman, From colonials, pp. 110–16; Joseph Conforti, Jonathan Edwards, religious tradition, and American culture (Chapel Hill, NC, 1995), pp. 67–8; Crawford, Seasons of grace, pp. 228–31.

⁹⁵ Richard Brown, Revolutionary politics in Massachusetts: the Boston committee of correspondence and the towns, 1772–1774 (Cambridge, MA, 1970), pp. 185, 191, 198.

⁹⁶ See Gary Nash, The urban crucible: the northern seaports and the origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 1986), pp. 229–30; Robert Gross, The minutemen and their world (New York, NY, 1976); William Prescott, ed., Patriots and taxpayers of colonial Westford, Massachusetts in 1774, self published.

⁹⁷ Grasso, Christopher, ‘Review’, Journal of Religion, 76, (1996), p. 643CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Speaking aristocracy, ch. 1.

⁹⁸ There are brief discussions of Scottish Presbyterianism and revolutionary political ideology in Miller, Revolutionary college, pp. 67, 79, 87, 101; Donald D'Elia, Benjamin Rush: philosopher of the American Revolution (Philadelphia, PA, 1974), pp. 20–51.

⁹⁹ Landsman, First American colony, ch. 1; idem, ‘Roots, routes, and rootedness: diversity, migration, and toleration in mid-Atlantic pluralism’, Early American Studies, 2 (2004), p. 299.

¹⁰⁰ The loyalism of other Scottish communities in America has overshadowed pious traders who supported the Patriotic cause. See Landsman, ‘Provinces and the empire’, p. 265; Ned Landsman, ‘Presbyterians and provincial society: the evangelical Enlightenment in the West of Scotland, 1740–1775’, in Dwyer and Sher, eds., Sociability, pp. 194–209; Landsman, ‘The legacy of British union for the North American colonies’, in Union for Empire, pp. 297–318. On Presbyterian loyalism in the middle colonies see Tiedemann, Joseph, ‘Presbyterianism and the American Revolution in the middle colonies’, Church History, 74 (June 2005), pp. 339–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Landsman, ‘Presbyterians’, pp. 194–5.

¹⁰² Landsman, ‘Legacy of British union’, pp. 297–318.

¹⁰³ Landsman, ‘Provinces and the empire’, p. 265.

¹⁰⁴ Kidd, Colin, ‘North Britishness and the nature of eighteenth-century patriotisms’, Historical Journal, 39, (1996), p. 377CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ See Sunter, Patronage, pp. 199–210; Sher, Church, pp. 213–61.

¹⁰⁶ ‘Scottish colonial ventures were indebted to English models, but in pursuit of their Scottish investors’ and settlers' interests.' See Armitage, ‘Making the empire British’, p. 51.

¹⁰⁷ Landsman, ‘Presbyterians’, pp. 194–209; Ned Landsman, ‘Liberty, piety and patronage: the social context of clerical calls in eighteenth-century Glasgow’, in Andrew Hook and Richard B. Sher, eds., The Glasgow Enlightenment (East Linton, 1995), pp. 214–27.

¹⁰⁸ See also McIntosh, Church, pp. 19–40, 142–66.

¹⁰⁹ On reactions in Scotland, see McIntosh, Church, pp. 117–8, 128–31, 158–60; Robert Donovan, ‘Evangelical civic humanism in Glasgow: the American war sermons of William Thom’, in Hook and Sher, eds., Glasgow Enlightenment, pp. 227–45; Robert Donovan, ‘The Church of Scotland and the American Revolution’, in Sher and Smitten, eds., Scotland and America, p. 87.

¹¹⁰ See Fagerstrom, Dalphy, ‘Scottish opinion and the American Revolution’, William and Mary Quarterly, 11, (1954), p. 268CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sher, Church, pp. 269–70.

¹¹¹ See Mailer, Gideon, ‘Anglo-Scottish union and John Witherspoon's American Revolution’, William and Mary Quarterly, 67 (Oct. 2010), pp. 709–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the fears of New England clergymen see James Bell, A war of religion: dissenters, Anglicans, and the American Revolution (Basingstoke, 2008).

¹¹² Thom, ‘Achan's trespass’, in The works of William Thom (Glasgow, 1799), pp. 30, 42; Thom (1764) ‘Motives which have determined the University of Glasgow to desert the Blackfriar church’, in ibid., pp. 231–2; Thom, ‘From whence come wars’, in ibid., pp. 2–3, 15, 32; Thom, ‘The revolt of the ten tribes’, in ibid., p. 44.

¹¹³ Thom, ‘The revolt of the ten tribes’, p. 22.

¹¹⁴ Donovan, ‘Evangelical civic humanism’, pp. 227–45; idem, ‘The Church of Scotland and the American Revolution’, p. 7.

¹¹⁵ See Phillip Lawson, The imperial challenge: Quebec and Britain in the age of the American Revolution (Montreal, 1989), pp. 126–47; Robert Donovan, No popery and radicalism: opposition to Roman Catholic relief in Scotland, 1778–1782 (New York, NY, 1987), pp. 72–3, 158–62, 239.

¹¹⁶ See John Erskine A narrative of the debate in the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, May 25 1779 (Edinburgh, 1780), pp. iii–iv; James Murray, An impartial history of the present war in America (2 vols., London, 1778); Donovan, No popery, pp. 72–3, 158–62, 239; idem, ‘The military origins of the Roman Catholic relief programme of 1778’, Historical Journal, 28, (1986), pp. 79–102Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Landsman, ‘Witherspoon’, pp. 30, 37.