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‘Fully Capable of Any Iniquity’: The Atlantic Human Trafficking Network of the Zangroniz Family

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 October 2016

Manuel Barcia
Manuel Barcia*
Affiliation:
University of Leeds, Leeds, West Yorkshire, England
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Extract

In the early eighteenth century, two Basque brothers of the Spanish Zangroniz family established a trading house in the Cuban capital. Through the expansion and diversification of their business activities over time, they created a powerful transatlantic commercial network, and in the process became important actors during a period characterized by vastly increased economic integration in the Atlantic world. Behind this growth were technological innovations. The brothers' shrewd use of them “made it possible to transport more and different kinds of items across great distances.

Type
Articles
Information
The Americas , Volume 73 , Issue 3 , July 2016 , pp. 303 - 324
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2016 

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References

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21. Luis de los Rios to the Duke of Montemar, Count of Garcier. Santander, August 9, 1816, AGI, Ultramar, 331/52. They would have at least five more children, all of them born in France between 1818 and 1825.

22. Miguel Pérez Casasolar, a nombre de Juan Jose de Zangroniz, pide copia de una R. O. de 18 de noviembre de 1806 en que se manda se le paguen a este por las cajas de La Habana, veinte mil duros que dice le tocaron allí en la lotería, AGI, Ultramar, 163/66; D. Juan Jose de Zangroniz cobra al Sor. Colector de la lotería Rl. de Nstra. Sra. de Guadalupe de México en esta ciudad, el billete premiado No. 1027, Archivo Nacional de Cuba, Havana [hereafter ANC], Intendencia General de Hacienda, 60/8.

23. Benito San Juan to Josef Antonio Caballero, Bilbao, October 18, 1806, AGI, Ultramar, 327/22.

24. Juan Ruiz de Apodaca granting a passport to Juan Bautista Zangroniz, single and 22 years of age, Havana, June 1, 1815, AGI, Ultramar, 331/52; Josefa Ignacia de Aristoy, natural de Marquina, en Vizcaya y vecina de Cádiz, viuda, solicita licencia para pasar a La Habana para recaudar personalmente intereses que tiene allí y en donde están establecidos sus dos hijos, Juan José y Juan Bautista de Zangroniz, comerciantes (1813), AGI, Ultramar, 328/26.

25. Expediente formado a instancia de Dn. Juan José de Zangroniz, para comprar un buque en los Estados Unidos y agregarlos a nuestra Marina Mercante, ANC, Intendencia General de Hacienda, 137/4; Dn. Juan José de Zangroniz con la Compa de los S.S. Reynols and García sobre cierta consignación, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 517/11; and Dn. Juan José Zangroniz como consignatario de la fragata “María Antonia” sobre averías, apresamiento y rescate de este buque en 1814, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 517/12.

26. Pieza de los autos seguidos por Dn. Juan José Zangroniz contra Dn. José Magin Tarafa sobre pesos, 1811, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 517/10. For Magin Tarafa's participation in the Cuban slave trade alongside well-known slave traders like Santiago Cuesta y Manzanal and Francisco Hernández, see Thomas, Hugh, The Slave Trade: The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440–1870 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997), 578 Google Scholar.

27. D. Juan Bautista de Zangroniz, sobre justificar la pérdida de la fragata española mercantil titulada María (a) Amalia (1815), ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 517/9.

28. Law, Robin, Ouidah: The Social History of a West African Enslaving ‘Port,’ 1727–1892 (Oxford, OH, and Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2004), 173.Google Scholar

29. Juan José de Zangroniz to the Duque of Montemar, Count of Garcier, President of the Supreme Council of Indies, Santander, August 8, 1816, AGI, Ultramar, 331/52.

30. Saugera, Eric, Bordeaux port négrier: chronologie, économie, idéologie, XVIIe-XIXe siécles (Biarritz and Paris: Khartala, 1995), 162.Google Scholar

31. Con motivos y a instancias de D. Juan Josef Zangroniz, he expedido un pasaporte para la corbeta española Flora, que por sí y a nombre de la casa de Lemonauria y Perez, vecino de Bilbao, están armando en dicha Ría, y con destino al sur de la línea Equinoccial, para la compra y conducción de negros a la Havana, Real orden de diciembre 16 de 1816, Apéndice a los tomos I, II, III y IV de la obra Decretos del Rey D. Fernando VII (Madrid: Colección de Reales Resoluciones, 1819), 248–259.

32. ANC, Escribanía de Marina, 1814, vol. 1, fol. 511.

33. See voyages 14758 (Mulato, 1817), 34125 (Télémaque, 1820), 34183 (Mentor, 1820), 2757 (Pénélope), 2756 (Ulysee, 1822), and 2831 (Aimable Claudine, 1826), in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, www.slavevoyages.org, accessed April 28, 2016.

34. There are no doubts that the Zangroniz, like other Havana-based slave traders of the period, got their contacts in Africa through French, Luso-Brazilian, or US traffickers. In the specific case of the Zangroniz, there is evidence that they had significant links with some foreign firms and individuals who were heavily involved in the slave trade at the time, including the American firm of G. G. & S. Howland Co. It may have been to foster those links that Juan José Zangroniz moved to France in the mid 1810s. For Zangroniz's debts to G. G. & S. Howland Co. in 1819, see Howland y Cía contra Juan José Zangroniz en cobro de pesos. ANC, Real Consulado y Junta de Fomento, 109/17.

35. Saugera, Bordeaux, 173. See also “Spanish ship Minerva, don José Sanchez Sangredo captain, with 500 Negroes, consigned to Don Juan Bautista Zagroniz,” in Sixteenth Report of the Directors of the African Institution (London: Ellerton and Henderson, 1822), 105.

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38. Cuadro estadístico de la siempre fiel Isla de Cuba correspondiente al año 1846 (Havana: Imprenta de la Capitanía General, 1847), 31.

39. Quite a few other Havana-based slave trade firms used the same system. Among them were the houses of Pedro Martinez & Cía., Pedro Forçade & Cía., and Abarzuza & Azopardo.

40. Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution, 78.

41. Macleay to the Earl of Aberdeen, Havana, July 19, 1830, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/107, fols. 204–205. In this letter Macleay referred to the Zangroniz firm as “a house most generally said to be concerned in the traffic [of slaves].”

42. Macleay to John Backhouse, Havana, October 4, 1831, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/119, fols. 171–174.

43. W. G. Ouseley, “Notes on the Subject of the Slave Trade in the Province and City of Bahia, September 1835,” TNA, Foreign Office, 84/179, fol. 325.

44. Ibid.

45. List of ships arrived from the coast of Africa between January and June 1835: “Escuna Hespanhola Amistade de Havana em 61 dias, Mestre Coarrote, Consignatario, Vicente de Paula e Silva, Equipagem 20 toneladas 90, Carga em Lustro. Passageiro João José Zangrome levou certificado, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/180, fols. 43–43v. To return to Whydah he needed to request a new passport in Bahia. Joao Joze Zangrony, hespanhol, solicitando passaporte, March 28, 1835, Arquivo Provincial da Bahia: Policia, 5883, Passaportes, 1834-37.

46. Verger, Pierre, Fluxo e refluxo do tráfico de escravos entre o Golfo do Benin e a Bahia de Todos os Santos, dos séculos XVII a XIX (São Paulo: Corrupio, 1987), 448–451;Google Scholar Report of the Spanish schooner Mosca of which Juan Esifa was originally master, but of which Juan Rosenat, the boatswain, was found in charge, Sierra Leone, September 17, 1836, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/192, fols. 102–126v.

47. J. G. Zangroniz, Jun. to Miguel Palau, Ajuda, October 11, 1836, in Considerations on Negro Slavery (Edinburgh: Longman, 1824), 7–10.

48. For a discussion on this issue, see Barcia, West African Warfare in Bahia and Cuba, 73–79.

49. For details of the ships captured, see voyage 1266 (Negrito, 1833), 1297 (Mosca, 1833), 2492 (General Manso, 1835), 2548 (Josefina, 1837), 2549 (Latona, 1837), and 2674 (Jack Wilding, 1839), www.slavevoyages.org, accessed April 28, 2016.

50. Law, Ouidah, 173.

51. The origin of the term ‘Cha Cha’ is unknown. The closest description to De Souza's status to date is given by Ana Lucia Araujo, who considers him to have been a “commercial intermediary” for King Ghezo. Araujo also discussed some linguistic possibilities for the origin of De Souza's title. See Araujo, Ana Lucia, Public Memory of Slavery: Victims and Perpetrators in the South Atlantic (Amherst, NY: Cambria Press, 2010), 158 Google Scholar.

52. Campbell and Lewis to Viscount Parlmerston, Sierra Leone, March 30, 1837, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/214, fols. 133–135.

53. Report of the case of the Portuguese schooner Latona, Jozé Gervasio de Carvalho, master, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/214, fol. 141v.

54. Appendix No. 2. Commissioner's Report, HCPP 1842 [551][551–II] Report from the Select Committee on the West Coast of Africa, together with the minutes of evidence, appendix, and index, Part I, 27.

55. Report of the case of the schooner Jack Wilding, William Young, master, HCPP 1841, Session 1 (330) Class A. Correspondence with the British commissioners, at Sierra Leone, Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and Surinam, relating to the slave trade, 65. See also Judgement given in the case of the schooner Jack Wilding, William Young, master, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/270, fols. 80–86v.

56. Testimony of Reverend John Beecham. May 31, 1842, HCPP 1842 [551][551–II] Report from the Select Committee on the West Coast of Africa, together with the minutes of evidence, appendix, and index, Part I, Report and Evidence, 200.

57. Report of the case of the brig Emprehendedor, Joaquim Telles de Menezes, master, captured under Portuguese colours, Sierra Leone, September 2, 1839, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/271, fols. 34v–35.

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61. Antonio Sanmartí to Fernando Carreira, brig “Dous Amigos,” Adjudah, November 8, 1838, HCPP, 1842 [551][551–II], report from the Select Committee on the West Coast of Africa, together with the minutes of evidence, appendix, and index, Part I.–Report and Evidence, 123.

62. Sanmartí to Juan Allende, Ajuda, July 6, 1844, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/506, fols. 337v–339; Juan Antonio da Silva Chaves to Estavão José Bruxado, Havana, March 14, 1844, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/506, fols. 335v–336v.

63. Sanmartí to Allende, Ajuda, July 6, 1844, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/506, fol. 339.

64. Crawford to the Earl of Clarendon, Havana, March 30, 1855, HCPP 1856 (0.2) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 377.

65. This stratagem was also tried in other parts of the Americas at the time. See for example Alex Borucki, “The ‘African Colonists’ of Montevideo: New Light on the Illegal Slave Trade to Rio de Janeiro and the Río de la Plata (1830–1842),” Slavery & Abolition 30:3 (2009): 427–444.

66. El gobernador capitán general de Cuba da curso a una instancia de Ignacio María Zangróniz solicitando permiso para introducir en la isla a cinco mil aprendices africanos, en calidad de libres, para destinarlos a la agricultura. Denegado por Real Orden de 4 de abril de 1854, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid [hereafter AHN], Ultramar, 4642/13.

67. For an in-depth examination of the transactions between Cuban business firms and the Mexican government for the importation of Mexican laborers, both free and prisoners, into Cuba, see Piña, Javier Rodríguez, Guerra de castas: la venta de indios mayas a Cuba, 1848–1861 (Mexico: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 1990)Google Scholar, especially 99–174; and Navarro, Moisés González, Raza y tierra: la guerra de castas y el henequén (Mexico: El Colegio de Mexico, 1974)Google Scholar.

68. Percy W. Doyle to Clarendon, Mexico, February 7, 1855, HCPP 1854–55 (0.4) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 285–286.

69. Doyle to Clarendon, Mexico, March 4, 1855, HCPP 1856 (0.2) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 267.

70. Crawford to Clarendon, Havana, August 16, 1855, HCPP 1856 (0.2) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 400.

71. Diez de Bonilla to Doyle, National Palace, Mexico, March 8, 1855, HCPP 1856 (0.2) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 270.

72. Doyle to Diez de Bonilla, Mexico, March 10, 1855, ibid., 272.

73. Crawford to Clarendon, Havana, March 30, 1855, ibid., 377.

74. Crawford to Clarendon, Havana, August 16, 1855, ibid., 400.

75. Crawford to Clarendon, Havana, January 29, 1856, ibid., 426.

76. Fernando de Norzagaray to the president of the Council of Ministers, Puerto Rico, July 6, 1854, AHN, Ultramar, 294/15. This company was set up in conjunction with Ignacio María's relatives from France.

77. Expediente general sobre la colonización blanca de Cuba (1863–1899), AHN, Ultramar, 91/2.

78. For the most up-to-date discussion on Chinese immigration to Cuba from 1847, see Yun, Lisa, The Coolie Speaks: Chinese Indentured Laborers and African Slaves in Cuba (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009)Google Scholar. See also Hu-Dehart, Evelyn, “Chinese Coolie Labor in Cuba in the Nineteenth Century: Free Labor of Neoslavery,” Contributions in Black Studies A Journal of African and Afro-American Studies 12 (1994): 38–54 Google Scholar.

79. Dn Ignacio María Zangronis y Cía consignatarios del cargamento de colonos embarcados en la barca francesa Louis, su Capitan D. Augusto Aubril, 1865, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio. 485/24; Ignacio María Zangroniz y Compañía, consignatarios del cargamento de colonos, barca francesa “Louis,” su Capn. Augusto Aubril, contra el buque y sus fletes y los armadores, 1866, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 77/10. See also “Line of transatlantic steamers (1854),” The Morning Post, London, March 31, 1855, fol. 5.

80. Testamentaría de Ignacio María Zangroniz, 1882, ANC, Escribanía de Daumy, 801/4.

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82. Birmingham Daily Post, Birmingham, UK, September 25, 1893, 20.

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