Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-77f85d65b8-8v9h9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2026-04-15T18:00:04.439Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

8 - Messianism, Imperialism and Anti-Colonialism

from Part IV - International Dimension

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2025

Taras Kuzio
Affiliation:
National University of Kyiv, Mohyla Academy
Michał Wawrzonek
Affiliation:
Jesuit University Ignatianum, Krakow
Get access

Summary

Messianism and imperialism permeate the schizophrenic Russian state. A lack of borders is praised as an attribute of Russia’s schizophrenic ‘state-civilisation’ identity. Russia’s schizophrenic identity is especially visible in its relationship with Ukraine and the West, where it is exhibited in an angry, xenophobic and militarily aggressive manner. Russia’s ‘state-civilisation’ is touted as superior to the West, irrespective of the fact social data disproves this claim. Russians claim they are more spiritual than the public in the Western countries, and yet Church attendance in Russia is similar to that found in the EU and half that found in Ukraine and the US. Russia’s schizophrenic messianism and imperialism should be understood in five ways. Firstly, Soviet nostalgia is combined with a schizophrenic blaming of Vladimir Lenin for cultivating an ‘artificial’ Ukrainian identity. Secondly, Russia’s fascist dictatorship accuses Ukraine of being ‘nationalist/fascist/Nazi’ while supporting the far right in Europe. Thirdly, Russian claims of Ukraine dominated by ‘nationalism/fascism/Nazism’ are not evident in their electoral unpopularity. Fourthly, Russia’s colonial history of genocide and the imperial nature of the Soviet Union are obfuscated by using Soviet anti-colonialist propaganda to fight alleged Western colonialism in the Global South and against the ‘Global Majority’. Fifthly, Russia’s superior civilisation as the guardian of true European values, which have been lost in the EU and ‘collective West’, compensates for Russian feelings of dependence, poverty and humiliation.

Information

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Book purchase

Temporarily unavailable

References

1000 and 4000 Days of Hate Speech in Support of Russia’s War against Ukraine. (2024). EUvsDisinfo, 27 November. https://euvsdisinfo.eu/1000-and-4000-days-of-hate-speech-in-support-of-russias-war-against-ukraine/Google Scholar
Applebaum, A. (2017). Red Famine: Stalin’s War on Ukraine. London: Allen Lane.Google Scholar
Apt, C. (2024). Russia’s Eliminationist Rhetoric against Ukraine: A Collection, Just Security, 18 April. www.justsecurity.org/81789/russias-eliminationist-rhetoric-against-ukraine-a-collection/Google Scholar
Brandenberger, D. L. and Dubrovsky, A. M. (1998). ‘“The People Needs a Tsar”: The Emergence of National Bolshevism in Stalinist Ideology, 1931–1941’, Europe-Asia Studies, 50 (5): 873892.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brudny, Y. M. (2000). Reinventing Russia. Russian Nationalism and the Soviet State, 1953–1991. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Davis, J. (2024). In Their Own Words. How Russian Propagandists Reveal Putin’s Intentions. Stuttgart: Ibidem; New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Domańska, M. (2021). ‘Putin’s article: ‘On the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians’, Centre for Eastern Studies, OSW Analyses, 13 July. www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/analyses/2021-07-13/putins-article-historical-unity-russians-and-ukrainiansGoogle Scholar
Durand, I. O. (2022). ‘New Russia’ and the Legacies of Settler Colonialism in Southern Ukraine’, Journal of Applied History, 4 (1–2): 5875.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Engstrom, M. (2014). ‘Contemporary Russian Messianism and New Russian Foreign Policy’, Contemporary Security Policy, 35 (3): 356379.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eristavi, M. (2023). ‘Five Myths That Helped Russian Colonialism Remain Hidden in Plain Sight’, EUvsDisinfo, 10 November. https://euvsdisinfo.eu/five-myths-that-helped-russian-colonialism-remain-hidden-in-plain-sight/Google Scholar
European Parliament. (2025). ‘Russia’s Disinformation and Historical Falsification to Justify Its War of Aggression against Ukraine’, Resolution 2024/2988(RSP), 23 January. www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-10-2025-0006_EN.pdfGoogle Scholar
Farmer, K. C. (1980). Ukrainian Nationalism in the Post-Stalin Era. Myth, Symbols and Ideology in Soviet Nationality Policy. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.Google Scholar
Filipowicz, M. (2007). Emigranci i Jankesi. O amerykańskich historykach Rosji. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL.Google Scholar
French, H. W. (2021). ‘A Prison Called Tibet. How China Controls Its Restive Regions’, Foreign Affairs, 100 (3): 179184.Google Scholar
From Accepting NATO Aspirations to ‘Denazifying’: 20+ Years of Putin’s Changing Views on Ukraine. (2022). Russia Matters 16 June. www.russiamatters.org/analysis/accepting-nato-aspirations-denazifying-20-years-putins-changing-views-ukraineGoogle Scholar
Garner, I. and Kuzio, T. (2025). Edited. Russia and Modern Fascism: New Perspectives on the Kremlin’s War against Ukraine. Stuttgart: Ibidem; New York: Columbia University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Goble, P. (2022). ‘Moscow Alarmed by Growing Non-Russian Nationalism and Ukraine’s Role in It’, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 19 (160), 27 October. https://jamestown.org/program/moscow-alarmed-by-growing-non-russian-nationalism-and-ukraines-role-in-it/Google Scholar
Goble, P. (2023a). ‘Moscow Alarmed by Kyiv’s Interest in Russian Far East – and with Good Reason’, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 20 (93), 8 June. https://jamestown.org/program/moscow-alarmed-by-kyivs-interest-in-russian-far-east-and-with-good-reason/Google Scholar
Goble, P. (2023b). ‘Kyiv Expands Efforts to Attract Non-Russians in Russia’, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 20 (158), 13 October. https://jamestown.org/program/kyiv-expands-efforts-to-attract-non-russians-in-russia/Google Scholar
Goble, P. (2024a). ‘Kyiv Raises Stakes by Expanding Appeals to Ukrainian ‘Wedges’ Inside Russia’, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 21 (12), 25 January. https://jamestown.org/program/kyiv-raises-stakes-by-expanding-appeals-to-ukrainian-wedges-inside-russia/Google Scholar
Goble, P. (2024b). ‘Moscow Alarmed by Kyiv’s Increased Interest in Ethnic Ukrainians Across Russia’, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 21 (16), 1 February. https://jamestown.org/program/moscow-alarmed-by-kyivs-increased-interest-in-ethnic-ukrainians-across-russia/Google Scholar
Goble, P. (2024c). ‘Moscow Worried about Ukrainian ‘Wedges’ in Russia and Their Growing Support from Abroad’, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 21 (115), 30 July. https://jamestown.org/program/moscow-worried-about-ukrainian-wedges-in-russia-and-their-growing-support-from-abroad/Google Scholar
Goble, P. (2024d), ‘Kyiv Set to Expand Support for Non-Russians in Russia’, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 21 (121), 8 August. https://jamestown.org/program/kyiv-set-to-expand-support-for-non-russians-in-russia/Google Scholar
Goble, P. (2025). ‘Circassian National Movement Energized by Kyiv’s Recognition of Russian Genocide’, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 22 (2), 14 January. https://jamestown.org/program/circassian-national-movement-energized-by-kyivs-recognition-of-russian-genocide/Google Scholar
Grek, I. (2023). ‘The Grassroots of Putin’s Ideology: Civil Origins of an Uncivil Regime’, East European Politics, 39 (2): 220239.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Heinemann-Gruder, A. (2024). ‘Russia’s Corporate Warriors’ In: Heinemann-Gruder, A. (ed.), Who Are the Fighters? Irregular Armed Groups in the Russian-Ukrainian War Since 2014. Stuttgart: Ibidem; New York: Columbia University Press: 333354.Google Scholar
Horvath, R. (2011). ‘Apologist of Putinism? Solzhenitsyn, the Oligarchs, and the Specter of Orange Revolution’, The Russian Review, 70 (2): 300318.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Joo, H-min. (2008). ‘The Soviet Origin of Russian Chauvinism: Voices from below’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 41 (2): 217242.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kapelany. Na sluzhbi Bohu i Ukrayni. (2019). Kyiv: Ukrainian Institute of National Memory. https://uinp.gov.ua/elektronni-vydannya/kapelany-na-sluzhbi-bogu-i-ukrayiniGoogle Scholar
Karaganov, S. (2025). ‘Breaking the Back of Europe: What Should Russia’s Policy Be towards the West’, Russia in Global Affairs, 22 January. https://globalaffairs.ru/articles/slomat-hrebet-evrope-karaganov/Google Scholar
Kassymbekova, B. (2022). ‘Time to Question Russia’s Imperial Innocence’, Ponars Eurasia, Policy Memo 771, April. www.ponarseurasia.org/time-to-question-russias-imperial-innocence/Google Scholar
Kennedy, P.M. (1973). ‘The Decline in Nationalistic History in the West: 1900–1970’, Journal of Contemporary History, 8 (11): 77100.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Koena, J-F. Zivanovic, M. and Eckel, M. (2025). ‘Wagner’s Successors Wage Campaign of Terror in Central African Republic’, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 9 February. www.rferl.org/a/russia-wagner-mercenaries-central-african-republic-crimes/33306858.htmlGoogle Scholar
Kolesnikov, A. (2023). ‘The Plot against Russia. How Putin Revived Stalinist Anti-Americanism to Justify a Botched War’, Foreign Affairs 25 March. www.foreignaffairs.com/russian-federation/plot-against-russiaGoogle Scholar
Kolsto, P. and Kolov, B. (2024). ‘The Religious Component in Contemporary Russian Imperialism’, Religions, 15 (9): https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15091138CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuchma, L. (2023). Ukrayina – Ne Rosiya. Dvatsyat Rokiv Potomu. Kyiv: Adef-Ukrayina.Google Scholar
Kuraev, A. (2024). Myfologiia Russkyh Vojn. Moscow: BABooks Publishing House.Google Scholar
Kuzio, T. (1998). ‘Ukraine: Coming to Terms with the Soviet Legacy’, The Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 14 (4): 127.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuzio, T. (2002). ‘History, Memory and Nation Building in the Post-Soviet Colonial Space’, Nationalities Papers, 30 (2): 241264.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuzio, T. (2005). ‘Nation-State Building and the Re-Writing of History in Ukraine: The Legacy of Kyiv Rus’, Nationalities Papers, 33 (1): 3058.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuzio, T. (2006). ‘National Identity and History Writing in Ukraine’, Nationalities Papers, 34 (3): 407427.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuzio, T. (2009). ‘Commentary – Territorial Claims Can Work Two Ways: Russia and Ukraine’, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 6 (18), 28 January. https://jamestown.org/program/commentary-territorial-claims-can-work-two-ways-russia-and-ukraine/Google Scholar
Kuzio, T. (2015). Ukraine: Democratization, Corruption, and the New Russian Imperialism. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuzio, T. (2017). ‘Stalinism and Russian and Ukrainian National Identities’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 50 (4): 289302.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuzio, T. (2020). Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism, and War. Bristol: E-International Relations. www.e-ir.info/publication/crisis-in-russian-studies-nationalism-imperialism-racism-and-war/Google Scholar
Kuzio, T. (2022). Russian Nationalism and the Russian-Ukrainian War: Autocracy-Orthodoxy-Nationality. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Kuzio, T. (2025). ‘Putin’s Demands Mean Trump Can Never Truly End the War. Here’s Why?’ Moscow Times, 17 April. www.themoscowtimes.com/2025/04/17/putins-demands-mean-trump-can-never-truly-end-the-war-heres-why-a88753Google Scholar
Langdon, K. C. and Tismaneanu, V. (2020). Putin’s Totalitarian Democracy. Ideology, Myth and Violence in the Twentieth Century. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan and Springer Nature.Google Scholar
Laruelle, M. (2024). ‘Russia’s Ideological Construction in the Context of the War in Ukraine’, Russia. Eurasie Reports 46, March. Paris: French Institute of International Relations. www.ifri.org/en/studies/russias-ideological-construction-context-war-ukraineGoogle Scholar
Lavrov, S. (2024a). ‘Interview with Tucker Carlson’, 6 December. https://mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/news/1985783/Google Scholar
Lavrov, S. (2024b). ‘Remarks and Answers to Media Questions Following the Meeting of the OSCE Council of Foreign Ministers, Valletta’, 5 December. https://mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/news/1985743/Google Scholar
Levitin, D. (2024). ‘The Ongoing Reality of Russian Imperialism’, The Critic, 18 March. https://thecritic.co.uk/the-ongoing-reality-of-russian-imperialism/Google Scholar
Lewis, D. (2023). ‘The Role of Ideology in Russian Foreign Policy’ In: Leader, J. M. and Haas, M. L. (eds.), The Routledge Handbook of Ideology and International Relations. London: Routledge: 374390.Google Scholar
MacKinnon, A. (2022). ‘Russia Is Sending Its Ethnic Minorities to the Meat Grinder’, Foreign Policy, 23 September. https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/09/23/russia-partial-military-mobilization-ethnic-minorities/Google Scholar
Matthews, O. (2023). Overeach. The Inside Story of Putin’s War against Ukraine. London: Mudlark.Google Scholar
Mazour, A.G. (1975). Modern Russian Historiography. Westport, CO and London: Greenwood Press.Google Scholar
Michel, C. (2024). ‘How Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn Became Putin’s Spiritual Guru’, Foreign Policy, 7 April. https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/04/07/putin-russia-nationalism-solzhenitsyn-became-putins-spiritual-guru-ukraine/Google Scholar
Motyl, A. J. (1999). Revolutions, nations, empires: conceptual limits and theoretical possibilities. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Motyl, A. J. (2001). Imperial Ends: The Decay, Collapse, and Revival of Empires. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Oliinyk, A. and Kuzio, T. (2021). ‘The Euromaidan Revolution of Dignity, Reforms and De-Communisation in Ukraine’, Europe-Asia Studies, 73 (5): 807836.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pew Research Centre. (2017). ‘Religious Belief and National Belonging in Central and Eastern Europe,’ 10 May. www.pewresearch.org/religion/2017/05/10/religious-belief-and-national-belonging-in-central-and-eastern-europe/Google Scholar
Plokhy, S. (2023). The Frontline. Essays on Ukraine’s Past and Present. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Pompeo, M. R. (2021). ‘Determination of the Secretary of State on Atrocities in Xinjiang’, US Department of State, 19 January. https://2017-2021.state.gov/determination-of-the-secretary-of-state-on-atrocities-in-xinjiang/Google Scholar
Prina, F. (2016). National Minorities in Putin’s Russia. Diversity and assimilation. London and New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Putin, V. (2020). ‘On the Concept of the National Security of the Russian Federation’, 10 January. www.prlib.ru/item/352298Google Scholar
Putin, V. (2021). ‘On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians’, 12 July. http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/66181Google Scholar
Putin, V. (2022a). ‘Vladimir Putin Announced the Start of a Special Military Operation in Connection with the Situation in Donbas’, 24 February. www.1tv.ru/news/2022-02-24/421583-vladimir_putin_ob_yavil_o_nachale_spetsialnoy_voennoy_operatsii_v_svyazi_s_situatsiey_v_donbasseGoogle Scholar
Putin, V. (2022b). ‘Signing of Treaties on Accession of Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics and Zaporozhye and Kherson Regions to Russia’, 30 September. http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/69465Google Scholar
Putin, V. (2022c). ‘Meeting with Historians and Representatives of Russia’s Traditional Religions’, 4 November. http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/69781Google Scholar
Putin, V. (2023a). ‘Russia Has Never Acted as Coloniser, Unlike West’, Tass, 12 September https://tass.com/economy/1673569Google Scholar
Putin, V. (2023b). ‘Speech to Valdai Discussion Club’, 5 October. http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/72444Google Scholar
Putin, V. (2023c). ‘Meeting with Members of the Security Council, and Government, and Heads of Security Agencies’, 30 October. http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/72618Google Scholar
Putin, V. (2024). ‘Results of the Year with Vladimir Putin’, 19 December. www.en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/75909Google Scholar
Rating Sociological Organisation. (2022). ‘The Tenth National Survey: Ideological Markers of the War,’ 27 April. https://ratinggroup.ua/en/research/ukraine/desyatyy_obschenacionalnyy_opros_ideologicheskie_markery_voyny_27_aprelya_2022.htmlGoogle Scholar
Rating Sociological Group. (2023). ‘The Dynamics of Attitudes Towards the 1932–1933 Holodomor,’ 23 November. https://ratinggroup.ua/en/research/ukraine/92_ukraincsv_vvazhayut_golodomor_genocidom_ukrainskogo_narodu.htmlGoogle Scholar
Rindlisbacher, S. (2018). ‘From Space to Territory: Negotiating the Russo-Ukrainian Border, 1919–1928’, Revolutionary Russia, 31 (1): 86106.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rowley, D. G. (2000). ‘Imperial versus national discourse: the case of Russia’, Nations and Nationalism, 6 (1): 2342.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sherr, J. and Gretskiy, I. (2023). ‘Why Russia Went to War. A Three-Dimensional Perspective’, International Centre for Defence and Security, 30 January. https://icds.ee/en/why-russia-went-to-war-a-three-dimensional-perspective/Google Scholar
Shkandrij, M. (2001). Russia and Ukraine. Literature and the Discourse of Empire from Napoleonic to Post-Colonial Times. Montreal and Kingston.: McGill-Queens University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shtohrin, I. (2021). ‘Rosiya “planomirno zachyshhaye” Ukrayinski Orhanizaciyi: Shhoza Cym Stoyit?’ Radio Svoboda, 4 November. www.radiosvoboda.org/a/rosiya-planomirno-zachyshchaye-ukrayinski-orhanizatsiyi/31544435.htmlGoogle Scholar
Snegovaya, M., Kimmage, M. and McGlynn, J. (2023). ‘Putin the Ideologue. The Kremlin’s Potent Mix of Nationalism, Grievance, and Mythmaking’, Foreign Affairs 16 November. www.foreignaffairs.com/russian-federation/putin-ideologueGoogle Scholar
Socher, J. (2021). Russia and the Right to Self-Determination in the Post-Soviet Space. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Solzhenitsyn, A. (1980). ‘Misconceptions about Russia Are a Threat to America’, Foreign Affairs, 58 (4): 797834.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stoeckl, K. (2022). ‘Russia’s Spiritual Security Doctrine as a Challenge to European Comprehensive Security Approaches’, The Review of Faith and International Affairs, 20 (4): 3744.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stoyanov, Y. (2024). ‘The War in Ukraine: Challenges to Just War Doctrines in Eastern Orthodoxy’, Studies in Christian Ethics, 37 (3): 669692.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tillett, L.R. (1964). ‘Soviet Second Thoughts on Tsarist Colonialism’, Foreign Affairs, 42 (2): 309319.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tillett, L.R. (1967). ‘Nationalism and History’, Problems of Communism, XVI (5): 3645.Google Scholar
Tillett, L.R. (1969). The Great Friendship. Soviet Historians on the Non-Russian Nationalities. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.Google Scholar
Ukrainian Parliament. (2020). ‘Pro Zvernennya Verxovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny do Orhanizaciyi Obyednanykh Nacii, Yevropejskoho Parlamentu, Parlamentskoyi Asambleyi Rady Yevropy, Parlamentskoyi Asambleyi OBSYe, Parlamentskoyi Asambleyi NATO, Parlamentskoyi Asambleyi OChES, uryadiv i parlamentiv derzhav svitu shhodo vshanuvannya zhertv henocydu krymskotatarskoho narodu ta zasudzhennya porushen Rosijskoyu Federaciyeyu yak derzhavoyu-ahresorom prav i svobod krymskotatarskoho narodu’, Appeal, 2 June. https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/639-IXGoogle Scholar
Ukrainian Parliament. (2022a). ‘Declaration on the Genocide Committed by the Russian Federation in Ukraine’, 14 April. https://itd.rada.gov.ua/billinfo/%D0%94%D0%BE%D0%B4%D0%B0%D1%82%D0%BE%D0%BA(eng).pdfGoogle Scholar
Ukrainian Parliament. (2022b). ‘Pro natsionalni menshyny (spilnoty) Ukrayiny’, Law, 13 December with amendments 21 September and 8 December 2023. https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/2827-20#TextGoogle Scholar
Ukrainian Parliament. (2022c). ‘Zayavu Verxovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny pro zasudzhennya zbrojnoyi ahresiyi rosijskoyi federaciyi proty Chechenskoyi Respubliky Ichkeriya, okupaciyi yiyi terytoriyi ta zlochynu henocydu Chechenskoho narodu’, Appeal, 18 October. https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/2672-20#TextGoogle Scholar
Ukrainian Parliament. (2023). ‘Postanovy pro Zayavu Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny “Pro vyznachennya isnuyuchoho v Rosiyskiy Federaciyi politychnoho rezhymu yak rashyzmu ta zasudzhennya yoho ideolohichnykh zasad i suspilnykh praktyk yak totalitarnykh ta lyudonenavysnyckykh”’, Resolution, 2 May. https://itd.rada.gov.ua/billInfo/Bills/Card/41531Google Scholar
Ukrainian Parliament. (2025). ‘Postanovy Pro Vyznannya Henocydu Cherkeskoho Narodu, Vchynenoho Rosijskoyu Imperiyeyu’, Resolution, 9 January. https://itd.rada.gov.ua/billInfo/Bills/Card/44400Google Scholar
Velychenko, S. (1993). Shaping Identity in Eastern Europe and Russia. New York: St Martin’s Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Velychenko, S. (1994a). ‘Restructuring and the Non-Russian Past’, Nationalities Papers, 22 (2): 325335.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Velychenko, S. (1994b). ‘National History and the “History of the USSR”: The Persistence and Impact of Categories’ In: Schwartz, D.V. and Panosian, R. (eds.), Nationalism and History. The Politics of Nation-Building in Post-Soviet Armenia, Azerbaidzhan and Georgia. Toronto: University of Toronto: 2347.Google Scholar
Velychenko, S. (1995). ‘Identities, Loyalties and Service in Imperial Russia: Who Administered the Borderlands?Russian Review, 54 (2): 188208.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Velychenko, S. (2002). ‘The Issue of Russian Colonialism in Ukrainian Thought’, Ab Imperio, 2002 (1): 323367.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Velychenko, S. (2004). ‘Post-Colonialism and Ukrainian History’, Ab Imperio, (1): 391404.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wynar, L. R. (1979). ‘The Present State of Ukrainian History in Soviet Ukraine: A Brief Overview’, Nationalities Papers, VII (1): 124.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zelenskyy, V. (2022). ‘Address by the President of Ukraine to the Indigenous Peoples of Russia: Fight to Avoid Death, Defend Your Freedom in the Streets and Squares’, 29 September. www.president.gov.ua/en/news/zvernennya-prezidenta-ukrayini-do-korinnih-narodiv-rosiyi-bo-78137Google Scholar
Zelenskyy, V. (2024a). ‘Volodymyr Zelenskyy Instructed to Draw up an Action Plan to Preserve the National Identity of Ukrainians in Russia’, 22 January. www.president.gov.ua/en/news/volodimir-zelenskij-doruchiv-rozrobiti-plan-dij-shodo-zberez-88469Google Scholar
Zelenskyy, V. (2024b). ‘Pro Istorychno Naseleni Ukrayintsyamy Terytorii Rosiyskoyi Federatsii’, Decree 17/2024, 22 January. www.president.gov.ua/documents/172024-49513Google Scholar
Zygar, M. (2023a). War and Punishment. The Story of Russian Oppression and Ukrainian Resistance. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson.Google Scholar
Zygar, M. (2023b). ‘The Man Behind Putin’s Warped View of History’, New York Times, 19 September. www.nytimes.com/2023/09/19/opinion/putin-russia-medinsky.htmlGoogle Scholar

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Available formats
×